00.5 - End Notes

End Notes

Chapter One 1 Monolith Inscription, KB i, 172.

2 Winckler’s History of Babylonia and Assyria, pp. 220, 221.

3 III R 5, No. 6; KB i, 140, 150.

4 KB ii, 36.

5(1) Solomon married the daughter of Pharaoh, king of Egypt [A], for whom he built a special house outside of the city of David [ B], and for whom he received as dower the city of Gezer [C ]. Solomon had commercial dealings with Egypt, especially in horses [D]. The king of Egypt received Hadad, the Edomite of the king’s seed in Edom, gave him houses and lands, and for a wife the sister of Tahpanes, his queen; and a son of Hadad, Genubath by name, the issue of this marriage, was among the king of Egypt’s sons in the house of Pharaoh [E]. Jeroboam, the son of Nebat, having fled from the wrath of Solomon, was received by Shishak, the then king of Egypt, and remained in Egypt until the death of Solomon [F]. A - 1 Kings 3:1; B - 1 Kings 7:8; 2 Chron. 8:11; C - 1 Kings 9:16; D - 1 Kings 10:28-29; 2 Chron. 1:16-17; 2Chron 9:28; E - 1Kings 11:14-22; F - 1Kings 11:26, 1Kings 11:40.

(2) In the reign of Rehoboam, we are told that Jeroboam returned out of Egypt to Shechem at the summons of the people [A]; and that Shishak in Rehoboam’s fifth year, came up against Jerusalem and took away all the king’s treasures [B], and captured all his fenced cities [C], and made his people servants of the king of Egypt [D]. A - 1Kings 12:2-20; B - 1Kings 14:25-26; 2 Chron. 12:9; C - 2 Chron. 12:4; D - 2Chron 12:8.

(3) In the reign of Asa, Zerah the Cushite, came against Judah and was defeated at Mareshah [A]. A - 2 Chron. 14:9-15.

(4) Hoshea, king of Israel, conspired against Shalmaneser, king of Assyria, and sent messengers to So, king of Egypt [A]. A - 2 Kings 17:1-4.

(5) The Rabshakeh of Sennacherib, king of Assyria, accused Hezekiah of trusting for help to the king of Egypt. Sennacherib heard that Tirhakeh, king of Ethiopia, had come out against him [A]. A - 2 Kings 18:19-21; 2Kings 19:9-10.

(6) Thebes (No) was captured and her inhabitants carried away into captivity [A]. A - Nahum 3:8-10.

(7) In Josiah’s days, Pharaoh-Necho, king of Egypt, came up against the king of Assyria to the river Euphrates; and king Josiah went against him and met him at Megiddo [A]. A - 2 Kings 23:27-34.

(8) Nebuchadnezzar defeated Necho’s army at Carchemish in the fourth year of Jehoiakim [A]. A - Jer. 46:2.

(9) Pharaoh-Hophra was to be delivered into the hands of his enemies [A]. A - Jer. 44:30.

(10) Pharaoh-Hophra’s army caused the raising for a short time of Nebuchadnezzar’s siege of Jerusalem [A]; but the Egyptians were soon compelled to return to Egypt [B]. A - Jer. 37:5; B - Jeremiah 37:7.

(11) After the fall of Jerusalem, Johanan, the son of Kareah and all the captains of the forces of the Jews and all the people, men and women and children, and the king’s daughters, and Jeremiah the prophet, and his scribe Baruch, went down to Egypt to the city of Tahpanhes [A]. A - Jer. 43:5-7.

(12) Jeremiah prophesied at Tahpanhes, that Nebuchadnezzar would set his throne upon the stones that he had hidden at that place [A]; and that the men of Judah who had come down to Egypt should be consumed there [B].

A - Jeremiah 43:10; B - Jeremiah 44:27 6 Rawlinson’s Bampton Lectures for 1859.

7 Sachau Aramäische Papyrus, p. 5.

8 Petrie, History of Egypt, iii, 114.

9 Pinches, The Old Testament in the Light of Historical Records of Babylonia and Assyria, pp. 329-332.

10 Stone Inscription of Calah, 12.

11 Nimrud, 61.

12 Id., 3, 4.

13 Annals, 50.

14 KB ii, 31, 32.

15 This is on a lion’s weight, and gives nothing but the words, “Palace of Shalmaneser, king of Assyria; two minas of the king” (KB ii, 32).

16 Nimrud Inscription.

17 Annals.

18 Display Inscription, 24.

19 Hall XIV.

20 Pavement Inscription, IV.

21 Annals, 94-97.

22 KAT, 285-332.

23 KAT, 354-357, and KB ii, 49,131, and 239.

24 KAT, 336, and KB ii, 151.

25 KB ii, 149.

26 KAT, 338, and KB ii, 159–169.

27 Id., 161-163.

28 Id., 169-171.

29 Id., 177.

30 Id., 211–213.

31 Id., 215–229.

32 KB iii, ii, 140.

33 Nabunaid–Cyrus Chronicle, Col. ii, 3.

34 i.e., Phenicia–Palestine. Cyrus Cylinder, 29, 30.

35 Petrie, History of Egypt, iii, 137. Of these things, Mr. Petrie says as follows: “Of Rameses V, the stele of Silsileh is the only serious monument of the reign and that contains nothing but beautiful phrases” (id., 171); of Rameses VI, “There is not a single dated monument of this reign, and no building, but only steles, statues, and small objects, to preserve the name” (id., 173); of Rameses VII, “No dates exist, the works and objects are all unimportant” (id., 177); of Rameses VIII, “The stele of Hora, an official of Busiris, is the only monument of this reign to reward the search” (id., 177); of Ramees IX, “This king is only known by a vase and a scarab” (id., 177); of Rameses X, “with the exception of an inquiry into the thefts from the tomb of Amenhotep I, we know nothing of the history of this reign” (id., 183); of Rameses XI, there is nothing but a “list of documents about the necropolis robberies” (id., 185); of Rameses XII, “there is no more to be said about this reign than about the other obscure reigns before it” (id., 187).

36 Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, vol. iv, p. 461; Petrie, History of Egypt, iii, 305.

37 CT xxvi. London, 1909 38 In his introduction to the work entitled: Western Asia in the Days of Sargon of Assyria; (New York, 1908).

39 In his introduction to Die achämeniden Inschriften sweiter Art. and in Die altpersischen Keilinschriften, p. xxxi.

40 Bk. III, 89–97.

41 Lotz, Die Inschriften Tiglath–Pileser’s I. (Col. iv, 43-v, 32.) 42 The word satrap does not occur in Herodotus, although he twice uses the term “satrapy.”

43 Neubabylonisches Namenbuch.

44 Tablet 86 of the Morgan collection, part I, is from the fifth month of the 41st year of Artaxerxes. Since Artaxerxes I reigned less than 41 years and Artaxerxes II about 46 years, this tablet must be from the reign of the latter. Some of the astronomical tablets mention Artaxerxes II and one at least Artaxerxes III. See Kuglar: Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel, i, 70–82.

Chapter Two

1 Dan. 1:7.

2 See The Expositor’s Bible, The Book of Daniel, p. 5.

3 Neubabylonisches Namenbuch zu den Geschäftsurkunden aus der Zeit des Samassmukin bis Xerxes.

4 The freeman is X, the son of Y, the son of Z; the slave is merely X, -his parentage is never given. The reason for this being that the slave had no legal standing. He was the son of nobody and his children, in like manner, were the children of a nobody, since he could not be the founder of a family (mar banu).

5 E.g., Aqabi-ili (Nk. 393:4), Bariki-ili (Nk. 346:5, 408:2), Samaki-ili (Nk. 138:12), Adi-ili (Nk. 70:1, 7), Yadi-ili (Nk. 70:13), Idda son of Iddia a slave (Nk. 31:11), Aqabuya (Nd., 542:2), Hashda son of Ibna (Nd. 997:3), Samaku Cyr. 379:5, may just as well have been Arameans as Hebrews. Addu-natannu (Nd. 201: 9) is a good Aramaic word. Shalti-ili is called an Arab slave (Nbp. 19:20). Padi might be Hebrew, but may, also, be Phenician. It was the name of a king of Ekron in Sennacherib’s time and is found a number of times in the Assyrian records of the seventh century B.C. (Johns, Assyrian Deeds, etc., iii, 238). Basia (Nk. 31:13), and Busasa (Cyr. 135:9), have a good Syriac root and good Syriac forms, whereas the root is wanting in Hebrew. Dadia may be Phenician and is found in Assyrian as early as the seventh century B.C. (Johns, Ass. Deeds, iii, 526.) Barikiya the son of Akka (Cyr. 59:8) looks like a good Hebrew name.

6 See de Vogüé, Syrie Centrale, p. 62; Lidzbarski, Nordsemitische Inschriften, p. 256.

7 Strass. Inschriften von Darius, 236, 10.

8 We meet, however, such descriptions as "major-domo (rab biti) of Belshazzar" (Nd. 270:3), "overseer of the sons of the king" (Nd. 245:3), and qipu, "mayor" or "officer" (Nd. 33:5 et passim).

9 Higher Criticism and the Monuments, p. 532.

10 I take this to be Bel-lit?-shar-us?ur "Bel protect the hostage of the king." For the omission of the r and the writing of the last two parts of the name "shazzar," compare the name Belshazzar (see Schrader KAT 433). It will be seen, that the last two syllables in the names Belshazzar and Belteshazzar are written in the same way in Babylonian and in Aramaic and Hebrew. As to the writing "Belit?" for "Bellit?" numerous parallels may be found on the Babylonian inscriptions with Aramaic dockets, or endorsements. Thus Ashurraham is written in Aramaic with only one r (CIS ii, 43); Bana-neshaya, with only one n (Clay, Aramaic Endorsements, 40); Sulummadu, with only one m (Cun. Texts of the U. of P., viii, Part I, p. 15): Pani-Nabu-t?emu, with only one n (CIS ii, 62); Sar-rapid, with only one r (CIS ii, 81); Mar-shaggil-lumar, with only one g and one l (id., 6i), Bit-el-edil-ilani, with only one il (id., 54); Ishtar-dur-kali, with dr written once but to be read apparently tar-dur (id., 23); Nabu-takkil-ilani, with only one il (id., 58). So in Syriac kaukab-Bel is written with one b. Spiciligium Syriacum, 15.

11 For example, the Babylonian Beltu is always rendered in Syrian by Blty (Spiciligium Syriacum,13, 14, 15.9, et al.), the t of Ahe-utir (Clay, Aram. Indorsements, 2), and Pihat-ah-iddina (id., 80), has been correctly transliterated in the Aramaic indorsements by the letter Tau; whereas, in Bel-et?ir (Clay, Aram. Ind., 30, 34, 41, 36 [?]), Shit?a (id., 4), Sharmash-uballit? (BE, viii, ii, 68), and Pani-Nabu-t?emu (CIS ii, 62) the t? is in all cases accurately transliterated in Aramaic with a Teth.

12 Thus Sargon took the son of Daiakku the deputy (Shaknu) of Man as a hostage (li?tu). Later, he took one out of every three (?) of the chiefs (nasikati) of Gambuli as a hostage; and later still, he took hostages from the chiefs of Zami, Aburi, Nahani, and Ibuli et al [A]. These hostages, if youths, were brought up in the king’s palace and were sometimes made kings of the subject nations. Thus Sennacherib set up as king of Shumer and Accad "Belibni a Chaldean of Babylonian origin who like a little dog had grown up in his palace." [B]. Jahimilki, son of Baal, king of Tyre, was brought as a servant to Ashurbanipal [C] and afterwards was graciously given back to his father [D]. The sons of Jakinlu, king of Arwad, were brought to the same king of Assyria; one of them, Azibaal by name, was sent back to be king in his father’s place, while the rest, nine in number, were clothed in rich garments, gifted with golden rings for their fingers, and caused to sit before the king [E]. The kings of Egypt were brought alive to Ashurbanipal; he showed grace to Necho, clothed him in royal apparel and a golden band, as became a king, put on his fingers golden rings, and girded him with an iron sword, adorned with gold, and with the name of Ashurbanipal upon it; gave him chariots and horses and made him king in Sais, at the same time that he set up Necho’s son Nabu-shezi-banni as ruler over Athribis [F]. A - Annals of Sargon, 76, 262-270; B - Bellini Cylinder A, 13; KB ii, 115; C - KB ii, 169; D - Id., 171; E - Id., 173; F - Id., 167.

It is probable that the kings of Babylon followed the example of the Assyrian kings. Thus, the members of the royal family of Judah were carried by Nebuchadnezzar to Babylon and brought up in the royal palace. The names of some of these, at least, were changed, as had been that of the son of Necho, king of Egypt, by Ashurbanipal. Daniel we are told, received the name of Belteshazzar.

13 In Abydenus the successor of Sennacherib is called . Putting the two names together we would have Nergalsharezer, the first part of the name being preserved by Abydenus and the second part by the writer of Kings [A]. A - KAT 330, and Eusebius, Chron., ed. Schoene, i, 35.

14 Neubabylonisches Namenbuch, p. 151.

15 Strass. Cyr. 178, line 3.

16 Id., 312, line 5.

17 Amel pihati, Strassmaier, Darius 42, 3.

18 Pearson’s Magazine, Sept.-Nov., 1909.

19 The author of this chapter is especially skeptical upon this argument based upon the impossibility of Daniel’s having come to Babylon in the year of the beginning of the reign of Nebuchadnezzar and yet having been alive and flourishing in the reign of Darius Hystaspis. For the sake of the bearing upon the case in discussion, he may be pardoned for saying that his great-grandmother Graham, née McCreery, died at the age of 99; a great grand-uncle, Thomas Dick, at the age of 101, two great-uncles, John Dick, and Robert at 92 and 94 respectively; and his great-grandfather, Joseph Wilson, at 105. This last mentioned the writer himself has seen, when he was more than 100 years old. He was active in brain and body till the last, was never ill in his life, and simply went to sleep at last one night and never waked. A simple life, lived in the fear of God, is conducive to longevity; and so may it have been with Daniel.

20 This Baltasar is a correct transliteration of Belshazzar into Greek through the ordinary Aramaic of northern pre-Christian Syria. Compare, for example, Iltehiri for Ilshahri, and Iltammesh for Ilshamesh. (BE X, pp. xiii, xiv.) 21 Assyr. Handwörterbuch.

22 Der erste, der vornehmste, der an Rang hochstehende. See HWB in loc.

23 Dictionary of the Assyrian Language.

24 The following are the names and dates of the asharidus mentioned by Tallquist, the tablets being numbered after Strassmaier. From the reign of Nebuchadnezzar.

Nabu-ushezib Nk. 22:9;     Ubar Nk. 175:13;

Mar-Bel-atkal Nk. 40:2;     Nazia Nk. 365:12, 369:6;

Shamash-kin-ahu-Nk. 131:23; Nabu-shar-us?ur Nk. 394:3. From the reign of Nergal-shar-us?ur (Neriglissar).

Nabu-s?abit-k?ati Ng. 7:8, 58:6. From the reign of Nabunaid:

Bel-ahe-iddin Nd. 260: 3, 282:2 (?), 517:3 (?) (-Ngl. 44:2;) Itti-sharri-balatu Nd. 573:10; Innia Nd. 261:3 (?) Liburu Nd. 578:10, Ardi-ta-? aala Nd. 282:23; Addu Nd. 782:5. From the reign of Cyrus:

Bel-shar-usur Cyr. 188:3; Sikkabul Cyr. 243; Rihitum Cyr. 204:6; Sin-bel-usur Cyr. 270:4. From the reign of Cambyses:

Ardi-ahe-shu Cam. 79:4; Nabu-miti-uballit Cam., 368:10; Terik-sharrutsu Cam. 93:7; Nabu-bullitanni Cam. (407:14, Nabu-dini-bullit Cam. 368:3; 408-12). From the reign of Darius Hystaspis:

Iddiranu Dar. 366:17.

25 Building Inscriptions of the Neo-Babylonian Empire.

26 Inscriptions i, Col. ii, 70, and iii, 5.

27 Id., ii, 26.

28 Id., xvii, Col. iii, 10.

29 Langdon, op. cit., xvii, Col. ii, 25-29.

30 Id., I, Col. i, 14, and II, Col. i, 11.

31 To wit: In the great inscription from Ur, Nebuchadnezzar and his father Nabopolassar (Col. i, 50, ii, 40, 41, 53), Burnaburiash (Col. i, 55, 57), Sargon and Naram-Sin his son (Col. ii, 29), Kurigalzu (Col. ii, 32), Shagashaltiash (Col. iii, 44) and Belshazzar his first born son (Col. ii, 26, iii, 59). In the parallel passage, he names also Hammurabi (Col. ii, 20, Col. iii, 2, 28). In the small inscription from Ur, he mentions Ur-Uk (Col. i, 8, 12, 15, 22), Dungi his son (Col. i, 10, 13,17, 22), and "Belshazzar, his (own) first born son, the offspring of his heart" (Col. ii, 24-26). In the great Cylinder from Abu-Habba, he names his own father Nabu-balat?su-ik?bi the wise prince (rubu imgu), Cyrus, king of Anshan, his (Astyages’ ) little servant (Col. i, 29), Astyages king of the Ummanmanda (Col. i, 32), Ashurbanipal and his father Esarhaddon (Col. i, 47, 48), Shalmanassar and his father Ashur-nas?ir-abal (Col. ii, 3, 4), Nebuchadnezzar (Col. ii, 49), Naram-Sin, the son of Sargon (Col. ii, 57, 4 iii, 8), Shagashaltiburiash (Col. iii, 28, 31), and Kudur-Bel (Col. iii, 29, 31). In the Cylinder inscription, he mentions his own father, Nabu-balat?su-ik?bi (Col. i, i6), and Naram-Sin (Col. i, 31). Finally, on three sample bricks, there appear the names of Nabunaid and of his father Nabu-balat?su-ik?bi. It will be observed, that all the names mentioned are the names of kings, and mostly of kings who had lived long before Nabunaid.

32 Spiegel, Die altpersischen Keilinschriften, H, I, B, L, X.

33 The syllable Am is wanting in Amasis and only ku remains to indicate Pittacus. Whether Mitylene is the correct rendering of Butuyaman is questionable. See Zehnpfund-Langdon, Die Neubabylonischen Königsinschriften, p. 206.

34 Inscriptions sémitiques de la Syrie.

35 A person whose name cannot be further defined, since the Nabunaid-Cyrus Chronicle is broken both before and after the name.

Chapter Three 1 2 Kings, 24:12 ff. According to Jer. 52:28, in the seventh year of Nebuchadnezzar.

2 2 Chron. 36:6 f.

3 Einleitung, 8th ed., p. 486.

4 Commentary on Daniel, p. 18.

5 The Book of Daniel, p. 57.

6. First of all, let us gather all the evidence that contemporary documents afford concerning the life of Jehoiakim, beginning with the Book of Kings. All that this book has to say on this subject will be found in 2 Kings 23:36, 37, and.24:1-7, which the American Standard Version renders as follows:

    1 LOT p. 498.

7 For a discussion of these questions, see Chapter V.

8 Obelisk Inscription of Nimrud 27, 33, 37, 45, 57, 85, 87, 89, 91, 96, 97, 99, 100, 102, 104.

9 Id., 132, 135.

10 See, also, 1:3; 22:18, 19.

11 Breasted’s History of Egypt, p. 405, and PSBA xvi, 91.

12 Zehnpfund-Langdon, Die Neo-Babylonischen Köningsinschriften, p. 207. English original p. 182.

13 This inference is to be made from his mention of the cedar beams with which he rebuilt Borsippa (Langdon, I, Col. ii, 2) Such as Ezida (XI, Col. i, 21, and especially VII, Col. i, 25), and other of his works (id. V, Col. i, 22); his reference to the temple roofs (IX, Col. ii, 19), and his royal palace for which he brought “great cedars from Lebanon” (IX, Col. iii, 26); the great cedar beams of Emahtila (XIII, Col. i, 41,42) of Ekua and other temples and shrines (id. XV, Col. iii, 27, 41, 51. Col. vi, 2, 4, and Col. viii, 3, Col. ix, 3, 10 et al., XVI, Col. i, 20), and especially from XVII, Col. iii, where he speaks of summoning the princes of the land of the Hittites beyond the Euphrates westward over whom he exercised lordship. (XVII, Col. iii, 8-22.) 14 Josephus, Contra Apion, i, 19.

15 Cont. Ap., i, 19.

16 Id., i, 20.

17 Abydenus himself died in 268 B.C., having written, among other works, a history of Assyria. He is said to have been a pupil of Berosus.

18 Eusebius, Prep. Evan., lib. x.

19 Jos., Ant. X, vi, 3. Josephus says that Jehoiakim received Nebuchadnezzar into the city out of fear of a prediction of Jeremiah “supposing that he should suffer nothing that was terrible, because he neither shut the gate, nor fought against him.”

Chapter Four

1 Of course, from the point of view of those who believe that Daniel was written in the sixth century B.C., it is impossible that Daniel could have been acquainted with either Kings or Chronicles in their present form; though he may have known their sources. The phrase "in the books," occurring in chapter Daniel 9:2, would seem to imply that he had read the work of Jeremiah. If Daniel is authentic, his account of the events of the reign of Nebuchadnezzar must be accepted as genuine and original, and as of equal authority and trustworthiness with the records of Jeremiah, Kings, and Chronicles.

2 LOT p. 408. 2 Introduction to the Canonical Books of the Old Testament, p. 384. 3 The book of Daniel, p. 16.

3 2 Kings 25:2 f.

4 Jeremiah 52:17-23; cf. 2 Kings 25:13-17.

5 KB i, 20. See also pages 22, 32, 34, 36.

6 KB i, pp. 72, 88, 104, 106, 112, 144, 148.

7 Id., ii, 132.

8 KB ii, 167. See also pp. 170, 172, 178, 184, 190, 208, 222.

9 See for this usage in the Scriptures, 2 K. 25:27.

10 VSD vi, 55.

11 Id., vi, 56.

12 Breasted, History of Egypt, vol. iv, sec. 975.

13 History of Egypt, iii, 339.

14 Greichische Ostraka, i, 783.

15 Reginald Stuart Poole in Smith’s Dictionary of the Bible, i, 439.

16 We cite as far as the end of verse 33.

17 2 Kings 23:33.

18 Das Buch Daniel, p. 14.

19 Introduced as it is in Hebrew by Wau converso-consecutive.

20 Jeremiah 46:1, 2, reads as follows: "The word of the Lord which came to Jeremiah the prophet against the Gentiles; against Egypt, against the army of Pharaoh-Necho king of Egypt, which was by [Heb. ’al] the river Euphrates, in [Heb. b’] Carchemish, which Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon smote in the fourth year of Jehoiakim the son of Josiah king of Judah.

21 Ancient Records of Egypt, vol. iv, pages 498, 499.

22 See vol. iii, 33.

23 Bk. II, 159.

Chapter Five 1 Bertholdt’s Daniel, p. 169.

2 Daniel in the Critics Den, p. 20.

3 Johns, Assyrian Deeds and Documents, iii, 230.

4 There are several tablets from Babylon assigned to Nebuchadnezzar III who claimed to be the son of Nabunaid. See Peiser in KB iv, 298-303.

5 Lane, ii, 336.

6 Compare the use of "queen" in the Arabian Nights stories of Badoura and Marouf, Lane, ii, 542.

7 Weissbach, Die Keilinschriften der Achæmeniden, p. 135.

8 Od., iii, 394; viii, 290; Xen., OEc., iv, 16.

9 KB iii, 72.

10 KB, iii, ii, 76, Col. i, 1. 11-13. "Rubu emga idlum gitmalum nasir massartim E-sag-it u Babili."

11 So i, 2, 4; ii, 93 et al.

12 So ii, 94; iii. 2, 3, 4, 7 et al.

13 Book III, 70 l4 Herod., v, 67.

15 Xen., Anab., i, 2.

16 Id., i, I.

17 Livy, Bk. 1.

18 Tacitus, History, v, 9.

193 Id.

20 E.g., there was a king of the city of Balsora while Haroun Al Raslid was sultan of Bagdad. See the Arabian Nights in Lane’s translation, i, 254. Compare also the story of the Second Royal Memdicant, id., i, 73, and the story of Marouf, id., ii, 537.

21 For examples of the last two uses see Ibn Hisham’s Life of Muhammed, vol. ii, p. 971, where the Kaiser at Constantinople is called King, of the Romans, and the Mukaukas king of Alexandria (i.e., Egypt), the latter being a province of the Græco-Roman empire.

22 Aramaic Targum and Syriac versions of Joshua 12.

23 Sendshirli Inscriptions.

24 Addai the Apostle.

25 Joshua the Stylite, passim, and the Egyptian Papyri.

26 KB ii, 90.

27 Id. ii, 160-162.

Chapter Six

1 Whereas kavash is found in all branches of the Semitic family of languages and in all stages of Hebrew literature: and rada in the sense of "rule" is found in Hebrew of all ages and in Babylonian as early as Hammurabi, but not in Syriac nor in any other Aramaic dialect except Mandaic and in the translations of, and comments on, the original Hebrew rada as found in Genesis 1:26, 28; Psalms 110:2, and Leviticus 26:17. See M. Jastrow, A Dictionary of the Targumim, etc., p. 1451b; Lewy, Chaldäisches Wörterbuch I, 352a, II 408b; Delitzsch, Assyrisches Wörterbuch, p. 314, 613; Lane, Arabic-English Lexicon, 2588; Brederik, Konkordanz zum Targum Oukelos, 110, 183; Norberg, Lexidion Cod. Nas.; Harper, Code of Hammurabi and the Hebrew concordances and dictionaries.

2 Die Psalmm, p. xiii.

3 Bk. IV, 42

4 See articles by the author on Royal Titles in Antiquity in The Princeton Theological Review, 1904-5, a contribution on the Titles of the Persian Kings in the Festschrift Eduard Sachau, Berlin, 1915, and an article in the PTR for January, 1917, on The Title "King of Persia" in the Old Testament.

5 Cornill, Introduction to the Canonical Books of the Old Testament, p. 384.

6 Driver, LOT, pp. 498, 499.

7 Sayce, Higher Criticism and the Monuments, p. 125.

8 See on the word "son" below, p.117.

9 To wit: Maruk-nadin-ahe, Nk. 382.5, Musheshib-Marduk, Nk. 381.2 (?), and Marduk-shum-usur, Nk. 372.2, 393.2.

10 In Nabunaid’s prayer to Sin, the moon god, we learn that his first born son was Bel-shar-usur. (KB iii, ii, 96.)

11 On certain tablets from the city of Babylon, a "Bel-shar-usur the son of the king" is mentioned. These tablets are found in Strassmaier’s edition of the inscriptions of Nabunaid numbered as follows: 50, 1; 13, year 1, month 12, day 26: 184, 1; 4, year 5, month 1, day 25; 270, lines 4, 6, 9, 21, year 7, month 11, day 9; 581, lines e, 3, 8, year 11, month ?, day 20; 688, line 3, year 12, month 12b, day 27.

12 In other places Belshazzar is apparently called simply the "son of the king," e.g., Inscriptions of Nabonidus, 581.4, 331.4, 387, 401, 50.6. In numbers 50 and 581, it will be seen that the "son of the king" must be Belshazzar, since he is expressly so called in these tablets; see note 2 above.

13 VAB, IV, 246. 26, 252. 24.

14 Id., 72, 41.

15 In the Nabunaid-Cyrus Chronicle, Obv., ii, 5, it is said that in the 7th year of king Nabunaid "the son of the king with his princes and troops was in the land of Accad." A like statement is made for the 9th, 10th, and 11th years, id., 10, 19, 23.

16 In the tablet published by Pinches in the Expository Times for 1915, an oath was sworn in the name of Belshazzar along with his father. Oaths were never sworn by the names of any men except kings. This tablet is from the 12th year of Nabunaid. The tablet reads as follows: "lshi-Amurru, son of Nuranu, has sworn by Bel, Nebo, the lady of Erech, and Nana, the oath of Nabonidus, king of Babylon, and Belshazzar, the king’s son, that, on the 7th day of the month Adar of the twelfth year of Nabonadus, king of Babylon, I will go to Erech etc." As Dr. Pinches remarks: "The importance of this inscription is that it places Belshazzar practically on the same plane as Nabonidus, his father, five years before the latter’s deposition, and the bearing of this will not be overlooked. Officially, Belshazzar had not been recognized as king, as this would have necessitated his father’s abdication, but it seems clear that lie was in some way associated with him on the throne, otherwise his name would hardly have been introduced into the oath with which the inscription begins. We now see that not only for the Hebrews, but also for the Babylonians, Belshazzar held a practically royal position. The conjecture as to Daniel’s being made the third ruler in the kingdom because Nabonidus and Belshazzar were the first and second is thus confirmed, and the mention of Belshazzar’s third year in Daniel 8:1 is explained." (See, also, the original text and translation of this tablet in an article by Dr. Pinches in PSBA for Jan., 1916. pp. 27-29.)

17 In the Nabunaid-Cyrus Chronicle Rev. A. 15-22, it is said that Ugbaru (Gobryas) governor (pihu) of the land of Gutium and the troops of Cyrus entered Babylon without a battle. Afterwards Nabunaid, having been shut up, was taken in Babylon. Cyrus entered Babylon on the 3rd day of the 8th month and Gobryas was made governor of it on the 11th of the same month.

18 Chapter V.

19 KAT, 2nd edition, p. 433; 3rd edition, p. 396.

20 See examples in CIS ii-i, 38.6, 50 et at.

21 E.g., CIS ii, 16, 29, 30, 34, 35, 36, 40, 41,44, 46; Is. xi, xlvi. x; Jer. 1, 2, 5, 1, 1, 44; 2 Kings, 20:12.

22 E.g., CIS i, 10, 29, 38, 22, 82, 88, 81, 21, 39.

23 E.g., in Sargon for Sharrukin.

24 E.g., in the Aramaic Sharkin = Ass. Sharrukin, CIS ii, i, 32, and in the O. T. Hebrew in Sharezer, Is. 57:38, 2 Ki. 19:37, Zech. 7:2, and in Nergal-shar-ezer, Jer. 39:3, 13.

25 CIS ii, i, 82.

26 See Nöldeke, Mand. Gram., p. 55; and Neu-Syrische Gram., p. 53. The Babylonian-Aramaic `ama is probably derived from the Babylonian amu and not from `amar. See Dalman, Gram des. Jüd. pal. Aram., p.101. Compare also Phenician ??? for Heb. ????? Lidzbarski, Nordsemit. Epigraphie, p. 246, and Madassuma for Madarsuma. Schöder, Die phönizische Sprache, pp. 99 and 105.

27 As to the spelling of foreign proper names by contemporaries, we would like also to say a word in this connection. We have no right to demand in this respect from the biblical writers, what we do not demand from ourselves, or from others, in the way of accuracy. We say Emperor William; the Germans say Kaiser Wilhelm. The Persians said Khshayarsha; the Hebrews, Ahashwerosh; the Greeks, Xerxes; the Egyptians, Khshyarslia; the Susians, Ikshersha, or Iksherishsha; while the Babylonians spelled it in at least twenty-three different ways, the most common of which was Ak-shi-ia-ar-shi. The contemporaries of Darius the son of Hystaspis spelled his name as follows: the Greeks, Dareios; the Persians, Darayavaush; the Susians, Tariyamaush; the Hebrews, Dareyawesh; and the Egyptians, Babylonians and Arameans in at least three different ways. See Sachau’s Aram. Papyrus for their spellings in Egypto-Aramaic. The Peshitto gives a fourth spelling in use among the Syrian Arameans. For the many spellings in Babylonian, see Taliquist’s Namenbuch and Clay’s Marashu Tablets, from time of Darius II, and the author’s articles on the "Titles of the Kings in Antiquity" in the Presbyterian and Reformed Review for 1904-5, and on the "Titles of the Persian Kings" in the Festchrift Eduard Sachau, Berlin, 1915, pp. 179-207.

28 1 Kings 1:39, 43, 46, 51, 53.

29 Winckler’s History of Babylon and Assyria, p. 272.

30 Her. vii, 4.

31 Weissbach, Die Keilinschriften der Achämeniden, p. 145.

32 2 Kings 23:34.

33 2 Kings 24:17.

34 Winckler, op. cit., pp. 118, 119.

35 Winckler, id., 122.

36 Id., 124.

37 KB ii, 162.

38 See KB iii-ii, 134.

39 See the catalogue of Xerxes’ forces which marched against Greece, in Herodotus, vii, 61-99.

40 The common title of the Arsacids was "king of kings." See the author’s article in PTR for Jan., 1917.

41 According to Jacob of Sarug, "king of kings" was a title, also, of the ancient kings of India. See Schröter, in ZDMG vol. xxv, 353.

42 9:1. 2 Behistun Inscription, Col. i. line 8.

43 Blakesly, Herodotus, ii, 430.

44 H. Pognon, Inscriptions Sémitiques de la Syrie, etc., Paris, 1907.

45 It is probable, or at least possible, that this is the king referred to in the Nabunaid-Cyrus Chronicle as having been conquered and killed in the 9th year of Nabunaid I (KB iii, ii, 130.)

46 Compare Tiele, Geschichte, p. 463. The interpretation of the Eshki-Harran inscription given by Zehnpfund would of course modify these relations. If the high-priest of Harran be the same as Nabu-balatsu-ikbi the father of Nabunaid, it was the father who reigned at Harran while the son was king of Babylon.

47 [A]1. In KU 248, the oath is "by (Samas), Marduk, Sumulael, and Sabium." Sumulael and Sabium were father and son. A - PSBA xxxiii, 99.

2. In KU 380, the oath is "by Samas and Immerum, by Marduk and Sumulael." Immerum and Sumulael were contemporaries.

3. On a tablet published by Langdon in PSBA xxxiii, 192, we read: "By Nannar and Manana, by Zamama and Yapium they swore." According to Prof. Johns, this oath shows that Manana had probabIy associated Yapium with him on the throne, just as Sabium associated his son Apil-Sin with himself for at least his last year [A]. A - PSBA xxxiii, 99.

4. In KU 420, an oath "by Marduk and Sin-Muballit, by Anum-bel-tabi (?) and his wife (?)" occurs. In this case, Ranke thinks that Anum-bel-Tabi is the name of a king of Assyria. (Early Babylonian Personal Names, S. E. D. iii.) If "his wife" is a correct reading, this is the only case where a woman is mentioned in an oath. If she were queen of Assyria, the rule that none but royal persons are named in oaths would still hold good.

48 For authorities on the oath among the Babylonians and Assyrians the reader is referred to Hammurabi’s Gesetz by Kohler, Peiser, and Ungnad (KU); also, to Assyrische Rechtsurkunden by Kohler and Ungnad; to Babylonisches Rechtsleben by Kohler and Peiser; to Hundert ausgewählte Rechtsurkunden by Kohler and Ungnad; to Babylonische Verträge by Peiser; to articles by Langdon and Johns in PSBA for 1911; to Notes by Thureau-Dangin in the Revue d’Assyriologie for 1911, and especially to an article by Prof. S. A. B. Mercer in AJSLL vol. xxix.

49 KB ii, ii, 99.

50 KB ii, 150; I R., 48, No. 5.

51 Tiele, Geschichte, pp- 483, 484.

52 Metek, shallit or shilt?on, rab and sar.

53 In 2:10 and 5:29, it is probably a verbal adjective.

54 In Biblical Hebrew, it is used about 400 times, usually of the captain of an army, or of a part of an army, or in the sense of our word prince; a few times in the sense of the head man of a city, as in Jude. 9:30; I Kings 22:26-2; Chron. 28:25; 2 Kings 23:8; 2 Chron. 34:5; twice certainly in the sense of governor, as in Esther 8:9; 9:3; and a few times in the sense of king, as in Daniel 8:25; 10:13; 10:20 bis; Hos. 8:10 (?).

55 The Egyptian papyri show that he might, also, have used mâr, a title which was given to the governors of Egypt under the Persians. See Sachau, Aram. Papyrus, p. 286.

56 Winckler: History of Babylonia and Assyria, p. 324 57 Petrie, History of Egypt, iii, 227.

58 Id., 282.

593 Id., 296.

60 KB ii, 277, and i, 215.

61 Winkler, Hist. of Bab. and Ass., 237-242.

62 Inscriptions Sémitiques de la Syrie, p. 9 foll.

63 Pp. 44-46, 110-114.

64 Murabbî.

65 See in Story of Badoura, Lane’s Arabian Nights, p. 308; and also, in Babylonian, as in the inscription of Eshki-Harran, published by M. Pognon in his Inscriptions Sémitiques de la Syrie, Paris, 1907-8.

66 KAT, 2nd edition, 189, 22.

67 I Kings xx, 35 et al.

68 Sargon: Annals, 378, 382, 466; Pr. 31, 109, 152 et al.

69 Lane, ii, 196.

70 Lk. 28:38; 19:9.

71 Illiad, i, 116.

72 Num. 21:24.

73 Annals, 296 et al.

74 Johns, Assyrian Deeds and Documents, iii, 413, 475.

75 So in the Arabian Nights, Lane, pp. 304 and 308, in the Story of the Princess Badoura.

76 Arabic, rabib.

77 W. R. Smith, op cit.

78 Cook’s Laws of Moses and The Code of Hammurabi, p. 69, ii 131, seq.

79 Abam labiru, Langdon, p. 69, ii, 27.

80 Herodotus, iii, 68, 88.

81 Cont. Apion, i, 20.

82 See Strassmaier: Inscriptions of Nabunaid, No. 380, and KB iv, 238, and the able discussion in Cook’s Laws of Moses and the Code of Hammurabi, p. 138 seq. Thus, in Peiser’s Babylonian Contracts (Babylonische Verträge), xxxi, 14-17, Iddina-Nabu, the son of (apilshu) Nabubanzir gives corn, etc., to his father (abishu) Gimillu. In number xxxviii, 7, of the same work it is said, that Gimillu had taken Iddina-Nabu to sonship (ana marratu) and Iddina-Nabu as adopted son gets the inheritance of Gimillu (id., cxxx, 5, 6). In No. 43 Of Schorr’s treatise (Altbabylonische Rechtsurkunden) Belishunu, the priestess of Shamash, and daughter of Nakarum, is adopted by Eli-eriza, the priestess of Shamash, and daughter of Shamash-ilum, and calls Eli-eriza her mother. So, in No. 30, 12, of the same, Shataya is called the mother of Amat-Mamu, daughter of Sha-ilushu; but in 1, 27, Shamuhtum, also, is called her mother (i.e., own mother). So that it is clear that a child, according to Babylonian law, could have two fathers or two mothers.

83 "Die Grosse Inschrift von Ur," KB iii, ii, 83, 89 (mar rish-tu-u).

84 "Die Kleine Inschrift von Ur," KB id., 97.

85 See, also, Johns’ Babylonian and Assyrian Laws, p. 156.

86 See the great cylinder of Abu-Habba, i, 6.

87 See Bezold’s Achämenideninschriften, i, 77-90, and i, 77-89.

88 See Johns’ Babylonian and Assyrian Laws, p. 156. In addition to the above places, which are given in Schrader’s Keilschriftliche Bibliothek, Belshazzar is called "the son of the king" in Clay’s Miscellaneous Inscriptions of the Yale Babylonian Collection, No. 39 bis, and in the Inschriften von Nabonidus by Strassmaier, No. 581, line 4, and 1043, line 4; and "Belshazzar the son of the king" in the same book, No. 184, and No. 581, lines 2, 3, and No. 688, line 3, and No. 270, lines 4, 6, 9, and 21; also, "Belshazzar" alone, on No. 581, line 9. Tablets 184, 581, and 688 are referred to and translated in Records of the Past, New Series, vol. iii, 124-127.

89 Sir Robert Anderson quotes from the Transactions of the Victoria Institute (vol. xviii, p. 99) as follows: "In a table of Babylonian kings, mention is made of a daughter of Nebuchadnezzar, who married the father of Nabunaid."

90 Rabrevin in Daniel, rabute on the cylinder.

91 Weissbach, Die Keilinschriften der Achämeniden, p. 133.

92 Miscellaneous Inscriptions from the Yale Babylonian Collection, pp. 55-57.

93 See pp. 110, 111.

94 Mittheilungen der vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft, xii, 15.

95 Zehnpfund-Langdon, Babylonische Königsinschriften, p. 253.

Chapter Seven 1 Prince, Commentary on Daniel, p. 127.

2 Id., p. 54.

3 See his Catalogue of the Cuneiform Tablets, etc., p. 2005. Thus we have a tablet dated "the 8th of Airu in the limmu of Manzarni the governor (am. pihat) of the land of Kulbania in the year 22 of Sennacherib king of Assyria" (KB iv, 120). Another from "the 1st of Airu, the 23d year of Sennacherib, king of Assyria, the limmu of Mannuki-Ramman deputy (shakin) of the city of Supiti" (id., 122). Another from "the 27th of the month Ab in the limmu of the turtan of the city of Kumuh in the reign (tarsi) of Ashurbanipal king of Assyria" (id., 134). Another "in the 3rd year of Shalmanasharid, king of Assyria, when Illuiada’ was deputy (shakin) of Durilu" (id., 158).

4 Thus, to give two examples out of many, "in the year 130 [of the era] of king Arsaces, which is the same as the year 194 [of the era of the Greeks]." See ZA xv, 193. So, also, "in the year 145 of Arsaces, king of kings, which is the same as the year 209" (id.). See, also, numerous examples in Clay’s Morgan Collection, Part II.

5 Cooke, North Semitic Inscriptions, p. 82; see, also, the same, p. 78, and Luke 3:1 f., for other examples.

6 Cooke, id., 249.

7 Euting, 457.

8 Id., 261.

9 Id., 320.

10 Assemani, B. O., i, 390.

11 Assemani, B. O., iii, 2, 495.

12 See the last clause on reverse.

13 KB iii, ii, 135.

14 See Muss-Arnolt’s Dict., p. 861.

15 Especially may we so conclude in agreement with Winkler’s statement on page xxxvi of his Inscriptions of Sargon that a king submitted to this ceremony in order to be rightly proclaimed as king of Babylon.

16 Nabunaid-Cyrus Chron., KB iii, ii., 135.

17 See Pinches, The Old Testament in the Light of the Historical Records of Assyria and Babylonia, p. 419.

18 Strassmaier, Ins. von Nab., No. 1055.

19 Bk. III, 160.

20 The astronomical tables published by Kugler in his Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel, pp. 76 and 80, must be added to these. The table on page 80 mentions Artaxerxes III also.

21 A tablet bearing the name of Gobryas was published by Dr. Pinches in the Expository Times for April, 1915. It reads in part as follows: "At the end of the month of Chisleu, 4th year of Cambyses, king of Babylon and the lands, Ardia, son of Nabu-bani-ahi, descendant of Remut-Ea, the man who is over the date-offerings of Ishtar of Erech, will take five talents of early fruit, and deliver them in the palace of the king, which is situated above E-anna, to Nabu-aha-iddina, the king’s captain (lord of E-anna’s contribution). If he does not bring (the amount), he will commit a sin against Gobryas, governor of Babylon (hitu sa Gubaru, awel pihati Babili, inamdin)."

Dr. Pinches well remarks that a failure to keep the contract will be a sin against Gobryas, the governor, and not against Cambyses; and that Gobryas was governor of Babylon as late as the 4th year of Cambyses, that is, thirteen years after his conquest of the city for Cyrus, though he may not have been governor during all of the intervening time. Dr. Pinches meets Tiele’s objection to the appointment by Cyrus of a Mede as governor of Babylon by saying that the Babylonian Chronicle distinctly says that Gobryas before his conquest of Babylon was governor of Gutium, a part of ancient Media. It might be added to this, that other Medes are known to have been appointed to high commands; for Harpagus, the greatest of the generals of Cyrus, was a Mede; and Takmaspada and Datis, two of the most distinguished generals of Darius Hystaspis, were also Medes. The close commercial relationship existing between Babylon and Media in the time of Cyrus, while Gubaru was governor of Babylon, is shown by the fact that in the 6th year of Cyrus a contract drawn up at Durgaras, a city on the banks of the Euphrates a short distance above Sippar, calls for the payment of interest at Ecbatana, the capital of Media (see Strass., Cyrus, 227). That Gubaru, governor of Ecbatana and Babylon, may have been governor of Syria also, is shown by a tablet from the 3rd year of Darius I, according to which Ushtanni was governor (pihat) of Babylon and of Syria (ebir nari) at the same time (see Strass., Darius, 82).

22 Cyropædia, iv, vi, 10.

23 Id., iv, vi, 2-7.

24 On the Egyptian documents, Sesostris is found perhaps but twice, and then with different spellings, (Setesn and Sesetsn) among the almost innumerable titles and monuments of this king. (Brugsch and Bouriant, Le Livre des Rois, and the author’s articles on Royal Titles in Antiquity in PTR for 1904-5.) Prof. Sethe regards this title as belonging to Usertesen.

25 I, 113.

26 Antiq., xi, vi, I.

27 Ctesias, sec. 49.

28 Diodorus Siculus, xxii, 5, 7.

29 Winckler, History of Babylonia and Assyria, p. 115, and Johns in PSBA for 1916.

30 Die Altpersischen Keilinschriften, p. 81.

31 Altiranisches Wörterbuch, 738.

32 Ancient Persian Lexicon, pp. 83 and 107.

33 Behistun Inscription, lines 2 and 3.

34 Cyropædia, viii, iv, 25.

35 Cyrus Cylinder, lines 20, 21.

36 Inscription of Artaxerxes Mnemon in Bezold, Achämenideninschriften, No. xvii, and Weissbach, Die Keilinschriften der Achämeniden.

37 The Doctrine of Addai, by Phillips, note on p. 1.

38 Annals of Nabunaid, Column iii, line 15.

39 Dan. 6:1.

40 Naaray saray ham’deenoth.

41 For a full discussion of the term satrap, see Chap IX, iii, 2, (2).

42 Dan. 3:2, 3, 27.

43 Bk. VIII, 6.

44 Bezold’s, Achämenideninschriften, p. 33, lines 4-7.

45 The document is dated the 16th Airu, 6th year of Cyrus, king of Babylon, king of lands.

46 Furthermore, if this extensive rule belonged to Gobryas, who can say that one of the pihatis was not a man named Darius, and that this Darius was not the malka of the city or province of Babylon?

Finally, in this connection, it may be remarked that the verb which is employed in the Annals of Nabunaid, in the phrase "Gobryas his [i.e., Cyrus’] pihatu appointed pihatis," is of the same root as that employed of Ahab in 2 Kings 20:15 where he is said to have mustered (paqad) the young men of the princes of the provinces. The same verb and form were employed by Darius Hystaspis in the Babylonian recension of the Naqs-i-Rustam inscription, line 22, where he says "Ahuramazda appointed me to be king over them" [A]. A - Anaku ina muh?h?ishina ana sharruti iptek? idanni.

Chapter Eight 1 Cont. Ap., i, 14.

2 Cont. Ap., i, 17.

3 Cont. Ap., i, 19.

4 Cornill, pp. 384, 385.

5 Chapter 5:31.

6 9:1.

7 There is abundant evidence from the monuments to show that Gutium was in part at least coextensive with Media. For example, the Nabunaid-Cyrus Chronicle states expressly that Gubaru, the governor of Gutium, captured the citadel of Babylon. According to Winckler, in his History of Babylonia and Assyria (p. 48), Gutium was north of Anzan and Susa, and corresponded substantially to Armenia south of Lake Van, though in his Untersuchungen [A], he says it was the country between the Euphrates and Tigris [B]. Again he renders it by "North Countries." In fact, throughout all the changes of population, the part of the world north of Assyria was known to the inhabitants of Babylon and Assyria as Gutium. In the time of Naram-Sin, the king of Gutium made a dedicatory offering in Babylonia which contains an inscription written, like those of Naram-Sin, in Babylonian. Ashurbanipal, in his Annals (Col. iii, 103) speaks of the kings of the land of Guti. Gubaru, governor of Gutium, may justly have been called governor of the Medes, or king of Guti in the sense employed by Ashurbanipal. A - page 131; B - History of Babylonia and Assyria, page 124. A strong argument in favor of Gutium’s having been regarded by the Babylonians as embracing Media is that Media is never mentioned on the Babylonian monuments before the time of Xerxes, that Gutium designates the region of Media in the only original Babylonian document mentioning that part of the world; and that on the other hand, Gutium is not mentioned on the Behistun Inscription, but Mada denotes the region denoted earlier by the Babylonian word Gutium. A modern illustration of different names for the same country is Germany, Allemagne, Deutschland; an ancient, Hellas, Græcia, land of the Javanites. A more ancient still is Elam, which appears in other languages under the names of Uwaga, Hatamtup, and Susiana. Again, it seems clear from the references to the destruction of Astyages by Cyrus, which we find in the Babylonian documents, that Gutium and Media were the same country in the estimation of the writers of those documents. Thus, in the Cyrus’ Clay Cylinder, 13, it is said that "Marduk caused the land of Kuti (Guti) the totality of the host of the Manda, to bow at the feet of Cyrus." In the Abu Habba Cylinder, we are informed that Astyages the king of the host of Manda, together with his land and the kings his helpers, were no more, because the host had been scattered by the small army of Cyrus king of Anzan, the little vassal of Astyages; and that the latter had been captured and taken prisoner to the former’s land [A]. In the Nabunaid-Cyrus Chronicle it is said that the troops revolted against Astyages and that he was captured and delivered into the hands of Cyrus, who advanced to Ecbatana the capital city, where he took silver, gold, and other spoils and carried them to the land of Anshan. Later in the same, it is said that Gobryas was the governor of Gutium or K?uti. A - Col. i, 11-38.

8 Bk. I, 107-130.

9 So also in Evetts, No. 4, and VSD 118 and VI, 181.

10 See the author’s article on the "Titles of the Kings of Persia" in the Festschrift Eduard Sachau, Berlin, 1915.

11 See, for example, Herodotus and Thucydides, in numerous places, and the writer’s articles on the "Titles of Kings in Antiquity," in the Pres. and Ref. Review for 1904-5.

12 Elam is mentioned frequently in the inscriptions from the time of Isaiah (e.g., by Sargon, KB ii, 40; by Sennacherib, KB 102, 104, 106; by Esarhaddon, KB 128,144; by Ashurbanipal, KB ii, 180-214 passim). Jeremiah speaks of the kings of Elam (25:25), and of the impending destruction of its king and princes (49:35-39). Nebuchadnezzar does not mention it. Nabunaid refers once to the fruit of the land of Elam; and once to Ishtar the mistress of Elam who dwells in Susa (Zehnpfund-Langdon, Neubabylonische Königsinschriften, p. 276, iii, 41, and 292, iii, 15). Darius Hystaspis put down a rebellion in it, which occurred shortly after his accession (Beh. Insc. § 16), and it is frequently mentioned by the Persian kings as a province of their empire.

Media is frequently named on the Assyrian inscriptions from Shalmanezer III onward (KB i, 142, 180, ii, 7, 18, 128, 132, 146). It occurs many times in the Behistun Inscription in the Babylonian recension as well as in Persian and Susian. It is also found on some Babylonian tablets from the first years of Xerxes. Commonly elsewhere on the Babylonian documents, Gutium is used to denote what the Assyrians call Media (e.g., on stele Nab.-Con. iv, 21, and Cyr.-Cyl., 13 and 31). A third designation for the country is "the land of Ecbatana" (Nab.-Cyr. Chronicle, B. 3, 4, and Strass. Cyr., 60, 16).

Ararat as the name of Armenia is common in Assyrian and Babylonian from Shalmanezer’s time to that of Darius Hystaspis (KB i, 144, 164, ii, 6, 18, 146; Behistun, §§ 26, 52). Minni occurs in Assyrian from the time of Shalmanezer to Ashurbanipal (KB i, 146, 178, ii, 128, 178).

If Ashkenaz be the same as Asquzai, it is mentioned twice in the inscriptions of Esarhaddon (KB ii, 146. See Jeremias, The Old Testament in the Light of the Ancient East, i, 283, and Knudtzon, Assyrische Gebete an den Sonnengott, Nos. 23-35).

Chapter Nine 1 Cornill, Introduction to the Canonical Books of the Old Testament, pp. 385, 386.

2 Behrmanns, Daniel, p. xix.

3 Driver, Lit. of the O. T., p. 500.

4 See p. 165.

5 See p. 172.

6 See p. 199.

7 See p. 200.

8 See p. 221.

9 See p. 264.

10 See p. 272.

11 See p. 274.

12 Bk. VI.

13 Id., Bk. VII, 5.

14 Life and Exploits of Alexander the Great, Bk. IV, § 2.

15 Bk. II, § 14.

16 See p. 160.

17 Exc. Pers., § 20.

18 Introduction to the Canonical Books of the Old Testament, page 388.

19 Nebuchadnezzar may be the Aramaic translation of the Babylonian Nebuchadrezzar. Kudur in the sense of worshiper is the same in meaning as the Aramaic kedin or kedan.

20The Egypto-Aramaic papyri already known contain part of the Behistun inscription of Darius Hystaspis, and mention by name, Cambyses, Darius I, Xerxes, Artaxerxes I, and Darius II..

21 See p. 162.

22 See IV, p. 199 and VII, p. 264.

23In support of this statement, see the Excursus at the end of this chapter, pages 186-192.

24See p. 161.

25 In proof of this statement, we have carefully gone through all the old Persian inscriptions, with the result that we find there the following words for government officials: Khshayathiya, “king, ” khshatrapavan, “satrap,” aura Lord (used only once and then of Auramazda, the supreme God), framatar “commander” (used only once of the king of kings and only in the phrase, “the unique, or only, commander of many”), and mathasta, literally “the greatest,” the general-in-chief of an army. The word fratama, which in Daniel means “prince,” is always used in the Persian inscriptions as an adjective and only in the phrase fratama martiya an’ushiya (literally, “the chief man followers”). There is no reference, however, to his official position or duties. We have seen above that the Old Persian word for country, dahya, was used, also, to denote a part of the country; that is, we have dahya, “country,” and dahyava dahyaush, “the countries (or provinces) of a country”; and that Gobryas, the pihatu (or governor) of Babylon under Cyrus king of Persia, had under him other pihatus (or governors). The only Persian word of the inscriptions which corresponds to pihatu is the word satrap, as in §45 of the Behistun Inscription. So that writing in Persian we would say that Gobryas the satrap of the dahyaush of Babylon under Cyrus appointed under himself other satraps of the dahyava, or sub-divisions of his satrapy. In other words there were small countries within a larger country and small satraps under a great satrap, just as there was a Shah-in-Shah, or king of kings; just as there used to be a king of Oudh and other sovereigns under the headship of the queen of England. What has thus been shown to be true of the Old Persian inscriptions is true, also, of the Persian of the Avesta. It contains four words for king; to wit, kavan, khsaeta, khshaetar, and khshathia: according to Justi, the first of these, kavan, is a title which has been found used only for the one dynasty beginning with Kavata. The others are all connected with the khshayathiya, of the inscriptions. For satrap, the modernized shoithrapan is found. Other words for governor are shoithrapaiti, “lord of a district” (Herr eines Landstriches); danhupaiti, “lord of a country” (Herr eines Gaues); Zantupaiti, “chief” (Herr einer Genossenshaft); fraçaçtar, “ruler” (Herrscher); ratu, “leader” (Führer); hara, “protector” (Beschützer); fratema, “chief.” There would seem to be an order of rank in shoithrapaiti, danhupaiti, and zantupaiti, corresponding closely to our governor, mayor, and alderman or magistrate. We see no reason why any one of these three might not have been called a shoitrapan, “satrap,” just as our governors, mayors, and aldermen may be called “protectors of the law.” The king was above all satraps of every kind, just as the president is above all governors, mayors, and aldermen.

26It must be remembered, also, that these Aramean tribes extended from the Persian Gulf to the Mediterranean, and included the Syrians of the Old Testament, as well as the Arameans of the Assyrian monuments; that the Jews for whom Daniel wrote had been brought into contact with them from their earliest history down; and that many of the Jews as early as the middle of the sixth century certainly had learned the Aramaic tongue, the lingua franca of the period. We must remember, further, that many of the Jews had been settled about the middle of the eighth century B.C. in the cities of the Medes; that the language and government of the Medes are known to have been similar to, and in many respects the same as, those of the Persians; that some Aramean tribes, at least, had probably been subject to the Median rulers since the destruction of Nineveh about 606 B.C.: that these Arameans and Jews would naturally adopt the native terms of their Median rulers; and hence that the word satrap may have been familiar to the captive Jews since the middle of the eighth century B.C.; and to the conquered Aramean tribes of that portion of the Assyrian empire which fell to them from 606 B.C. Further, we must remember, that while Cyrus did not take the city of Babylon until 538 B.C., he had conquered Media and Assyria as early as 553 B.C., the third year of Nabunaid (see Abu–Habba insc., Col. i, 28–33), and that the Jews and Arameans in those countries would thus have been ruled by satraps, long enough before the writing of the book, about 535 B.C., to be familiar with the meaning of the term satrap.

27Cooke, North Semitic Inscriptions, p. 53.

28Sachau, Aramäische Papyrus, p. 53.

29Nebuchadnezzar may have used in Babylonian such a phrase as ana naphar kepani (or malki), shaknuti, u pihate, etc., i.e., to the totality of officers (or kings), deputies, and governors.

30The only titles for rulers besides king and the titles of the gods and kings of Babylon to be found in all the published building inscriptions of Nebuchadnezzar, are pihati in Langdon, number xvii, Col. ii, B 10; and shagganakku mati Hattim “chiefs of the land of the Hittites” (i.d., Col. iii, 8).

31However, it is worthy of remark, that, in the Babylonian after the Persian conquest the word satrap has not been found at all. Even in the Babylonian version of the inscriptions of the Persian kings the only words for governmental officials are sharru “king,” rabu, “general” (Behistun, 42, 82), and bel “lord” (Behistun: Small, Insc., 9).

32The pure Aramaic has the word for king, malka, the word for ruler, shallit or shilton, the word for judge, dayyan, the word rab, magnate, the words resh and rashan, “head, or chief,” and the word mar, “lord” or “sir.”

33Thus the word translated governor in Dan. 3:2, is the Assyrian pihu and is found in Aramaic first in the inscription of Panammu which was written about 725 B.C. and in the Aramaic recension of the Behistun Inscription; and is last used in Daniel and Ezra. Again, sagan, the “deputy” of Dan. 3:2, is found, perhaps in a political sense, in the Tel–el–Amarna letters and again in the Egypto–Aramaic of the fifth century B.C. It occurs, also, in the earliest Phenician inscription, to be dated certainly no later that the eighth century B.C. Its most recent use in this sense in Aramaic is in Daniel, though it is found in the Hebrew of Nehemiah and Ezra. The Greek strategos, “general,” is found on a Nabatean monument of 37 A.D., on Palmyrene monuments from the third century A.D., and in ancient Syriac frequently before the Mohammedan conquest. In the Targum (2 Chron. 28:7) and in a Palmyrene inscription from 264 A.D., when Palmyra was at times under the influence or domination of the Persian Sassanids, argabat, a late Persian word not found in the Avesta nor in the old Persian inscriptions (de Vog., La Syrie Centrale, 26), is used in the sense of satrap, or deputy. In the same inscription we find the Latin ducenarius and the Greek epitropos and hippikos. In Roman times, also, dux “duke” and comes “count” are found in Syriac. After the Arab conquest, we find the Arabic words kalifah, “caliph,” wazir, “vizier,” and kadi, “cady.” In later times are found the Turkish, Kurdish, and Persian words shah, “king”; agha, “lord of a village”; mudir, “deputy–governor”; wazir, “minister , or governor”; sultan, “sultan”; mutasarip, “sub–governor”; wali, “governor–general”; wali’ad, “crown–prince.” Many of these last were originally Arabic.

34 For the different ways of writing Xerxes in Babylonian, see my article in the Princeton Theolog. Rev., vol. iii, p. 161; to which add the readings of the tablets given in the Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmäler, vols. iii, iv, v, and vi.

35See p. 162.

36 For a discussion of this matter see p. 264.

Chapter 9 Excursus 37 Langdon, 84, 122, 114.

38 Langdon, 88.

39 Id., pp. 134, 176.

40 E.g., Langdon, pp. 54, 60, 99 et al.

41 E.g., Langdon, pp. 88, 120, 148.

42 See annals of Sargon, lines 173, 227, 375.

43 Id., 291.

44 Id., l. 264.

45 Id., ll. 313, 314. Compare the kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland.

46 Id., ll. 235, 241.

47 Id., l. 158.

48 The plural "lands" is used but eight times in Sargon’s Annals, usually in the phrase "people of the lands," e.g., nisi matabe (ll. 16, 71, 177, 227). The other uses are "kings of the lands" (l. 437); "Bel, lord of the lands" (l. 436): "I passed through those lands" i.e., those mentioned in the preceding context (ll. 58-60); the "lordship of the lands" (l. 181). In this last example, the text is much broken; but it seems to indicate that the lands meant are all parts of the land of Kammanu spoken of in l. 179.

49 Matati, Behistun Inscription, 7, 8, 14, 40, NR. 4, 8, 20, 25, D 18.

50 Id., D 7, E5.

51 Matati sha naphar lishanu (lishanali) gabbi (id., NR. 4, B. 2, O. 15, Ca. 6, Cb. 9).

52 K?ak?k?ar ruktum rabitu (id., NR. 5).

53 Kullu napharisun (id., NR. 26).

54 Naphar matati gabbi (id., Ca. 4, Cb. 7, K. 8).

55 K?ak?k?aru (O. 2).

56 K?ak?k?ar agaa rapshatum sha matati madietum (id., H. 5).

57 H. 6-12, 15-20. Bezold, p. 39.

58 K?ak?k?ari agata rabiti rapshatum (id., Ca. 6, Cb. 11, F. 16).

59 Naphar matati (id., F. 15).

60 Naphar-lishanu gabbi (id., K. 12).

61 K?ak?k?ari rabitum rapshatum (id., K. 12). 14 Matati sha ina muh?h?i K?ak?k?ar gabbi (id., S. 2).

62 Heb. K?ak?k?a, ground. To denote land the Babylonian uses, also, dadmu, kibratu, nagu, and pihatu.

63 For the latter use, see the Koran: vii, 107; xiv, 16; xx, 59, 66; xxvi, 34; xxviii, 57; xxxi, 34; xxxiii, 27.

64 So, also, "Land of Shinar," Gen. 10:10, 11, 11:2; "land of Canaan," 11:31, 12:5; "Land of Egypt," xiii, 10; and often of other lands, as Philistina, 21:32, Edom, 36:16, Goshen, 45:10, Midian, Ex. 2:15, Gilead, Num. 32:1, Moab, Deut. 1:5, Ephraim and Manasseh, 34:2, Judah, 34:2, Hittites, Jos., 1:4, Mizpeh, 11:3, Zebulon, Jude. 12:12, Ephraim, 12:15, Benjamin, 21:21, Shalisha, I Sam. 9:4, Shalim, id., Zuph, 9:5, Gad, 13:7, Shual, 13:17, Israel, 13:19, Beni Ammon, 2 Sam. 10:2, Hepher, I Kings 4:10, Galilee, 9:11, Naptali 15:20, Hamath, 2 Kings 23:33 Bashan, I Chron. 5:11, Chittim, Isa. 23:1 Chaldeans, 23:13, Assyria, 27:13, Uz, Jer. 25:20, Pathros, 44:1, Babylon, 50:28, Magog, Ezek. 38:2, Nimrod, Mic. 5:6, and others.

65 Compare, also, the phrases "people of the lands," Ezra 3:3, 9:1, 2, 11 Neh. 9:30, 10:29; "kingdoms of the lands," I Chron. 29:30, 2 Chron. 12:8, 17:10, 20:29; "families of the lands, " Ezek. 20:32; and especially, 2 Chron. 34:33, where we read, "And Josiah took away all the abominations out of the countries that pertained to the children of Israel."

66 Isa. 37:16, 20 id.

67 Deut. 28:25, Jer. 25:4, 14:9, 29:18, 34:17.

68 CIS i, 7.5. 2 Cooke, North Semitic Insc., p. 95. 3 Id., 151.

69 Id., 134.

70 Lane, vol. i, p. 2149.

71 Lane, p. 1536.

72 In the Nabatean royal inscriptions, `am is used ordinarily in the phrase "lover of his people." See Cooke, pp. 217, 220, 225, 226, 227, et al.

73 The Aramaic version of the Pentateuch in common use among Jews of the early Christian centuries and until about 200 A.D.

74 Shevet is the transliteration of the Hebrew shevet? and the translation of the mat?t?eh meaning a tribe of Israel, both in the Aramaic Targums in the Syriac and Samaritan dialects, and with the change of the sibilant in Arabic also. In both Aramaic and Arabic the word shevet is commonly used only for a tribe of Israel.

75 As in Num. 27:7 et al.

76 Lane, p. 1556, compared with p. 2053. Steingass in his English-Arabic dictionary gives 5 words for nation, 10 for people, 4 for family; and Lane in his Arabic dictionary gives 9 subdivisions of "tribe."

77 E.g., Gen. 12:17.

78 See Brockelmann’s Lexicon Syriacum in loco.

79 E.g., nishim Babilam-ki ( Muss-Arnolt, p. 737b).

80 E.g., nish Sumerim u Akkadian, "people of Shumer and Accad" (id., 737a); nishim mati Babili, "peoples of the land of Babylon" (Langdon, p.59); and in the phrase land and people (id., 59:12; 61:12; 91:9; 103:23; 123:26); for many nations e.g., in the phrase nishim rabeatim (id., 89:28), or nishim rapashtim (71:12; 83:10; 89:11; 117:19; 149:12); for all nations e.g., in the phrase kullat nishim, (id. 59:17; 89:24; 171:35(?)); or kishshat nishi, "host of nations" (id. 119:42; 121:64; 141:50); or nishi matati (Muss-Arnolt, 737a); or simply nishi in the phrase Ea patik nishi, Ea creator of mankind. (KB, iii, 11).

81 So on p. 53, vol. iii, 4. See, also, Delitzsch, HWB., p. 87a. We find, also, the phrases ummanat Bel, people or servants of Bel, and ummnaium shadleatim (id. 59:25), "the numerous or obedient peoples" (Langdon, p. 51, vol. ii, 2; Delitzsch, HWB., under shadlu, vol ii, p. 644).

82 Muss-Arnolt, 64a.

83 Compare teniseti "people" (Sargon Annals, 373), teniseti nakiri "hostile peoples" (id. 414, xiv. 27), teniseti matatan "people of the lands" (id. 428); kala teniseti "all men" (Del., HWB. 106) to denote tribe or family; kullat teniseti (id). Teniset ameli Kaldi "people of the men" or "of the land of the Chaldeans" (id. 106).

84 Del. HWB., 211, e.g., dadmi matitan "the people of the lands" (Sargon, Pr., 165).

85 E.g., Annals, 427, 454, xiv, 76, pp. ii, 40, iv, 121.

86 Del. HWB., 391.

87 E.g., of cities as in Sargon’s annals 40, 50, and of countries as in the Annals, 242, Pr., 37. The abstract word amelutu is used to denote "the human race" (Muss-Arnolt, 57B).

88 Phrases used to denote the idea of mankind in a more or less limited sense are as follows: amelutum nishi s?almat k?ak?k?adu "men of the people of the dark race"; kibrati sha kala tenisheti "the regions of all mankind" (Langdon, p. 141); nishi kibrati arbatim "men of the people of scattered habitations." or "of many peoples" (151:19) gimir s?almat k?ak?k?adu (Sargon xiv, 69, 70), "the totality of the black headed (people)," and most detailed of all "kullat matatan gimir kala dadmi ultu tiamtim eletim adi tiatim shaplitim matati ragatim nisi dadmi rapsatim sharrani shadi neshutim u nagi bierutim. etc., ummanat Shamash u Marduk" (Langdon 149:17-35) "all lands; the totality of the people from the upper sea to the lower sea, the far away lands, the people of many habitations, kings of distant mountains and remote regions, etc., the subjects (peoples) of Shamash and Marduk I summoned etc."

89 Beh., i, 50, 66, 75, 78. Compare, also, kara har’uva "the whole people" (id., i, 40, ii, 75, 90).

90 Id., i, 69, 71 et al.

91 Beh., i, 16 et al.

92 Elwend 75, Suez, b 5 et al.

93 See F. H. Weisbach, Die Achamenideninschriften Zeiter Art.

94 Darius in his Behistun Inscription, § 70, says that he sent it into all lands. See Weissbach, Keilinschriften der Achaemeniden, p.71.

95 The inscription of Behistun is in three languages and an Aramaic version of it has been found at Elephantine in Egypt. The Suez inscriptions of Darius are in four languages.

Chapter 10

1 See p. 162.

2 Driver, p. 500.

3 See the Cyrus Cylinder, 13. Winckler makes Gutium a term to denote the country north of Babylonia probably of undefined and shifting limits, but embracing in the time of Cyrus the whole country between the Euphrates and Tigris (Untersuchungen, p. 131). It has been shown above that there may well have been 120 satraps in this kingdom, whether it were of the larger or smaller extent.

4 Ancient Monarchies, vol. iii, 416 seq.

5 Rawlinson, id., iii, 417.

6 Amelu shuparshakishu shaknuti ileshunu ishtakkanu. So also in the inscription from Hall xiv, p. 29, he says he had appointed his officers to be deputies (shaknuti) over Media, Illipi, Andia, Zikirtu, Man, the Hittite lands of Gargamish and Kummuh and Kammanu, and his governors (bel pihati) over Gamgumi, (perhaps) Egypt, and Miluhhi (certainly), Ashdod, Bit–Humri, Kasku, Tabal, Hilak?k?u, Muski, Gaza, the sub–kingdoms of Jatnana, Kaldu, —the totality of which proud land he divided between the deputies (shanuti) of Babylon and Gambulu, —Dilmun, Sharru, Hatti, Gutium, Rashi, Elam, the Arameans on the Tigris, the Suti Jutlurim Sam’una, Ganduniash, and Bit–Jakin.

7 For similar statements, see, also the Pavement inscription ii, 4–16, iii, 5–22, v, 14–27. On the Pavement inscription iv, 16–27, he says that he placed governors (shaknuti) over Shurda, Harhar, Media, Illipi, Andia, Zikirtu, Man, Amatti, Kummanu; and on IV he says further, that he put his governor (bel pihati) over Bit–Humria, Jamnaai, Kasku, all Tabal, Hilk?k?u, Muski, Rapihi, Ja’ Jatnanau, Kaldi, Babylon, Gambuli, Dilmun, Amurru, Hatti, Gutium, Media, Illipi, Rashi, the people of Itu; Rubu’, Harilum, Kaldudu, Hamranu, Ubulum, Ru’ua, Litaai, Hindari, Puk?udu, the desert–dwelling Suti of the land of Jatburi, Sam’una, Gandunuash upper and lower, Bit–Amukkani, Bit–Dakuri, Bit–Shilani, Bit–Sa’ alla, all the land of Kaldi, Bit–Jakin, and Dilmun.

8 Amelu shuparshakia amelu shaknuha mati K?ui.

9 Itti amelu bel pihati Matiya.

10 Shaknu; but Display inscription i, 22 bel pihati.

11 Eli pihat Parsuash.

12 Annals, 215–226.

13 Id., 42–44.

14 Id., 46–50.

15 Id., 68–70.

16 Cyl. D, Col. vi, 22.

17 Annals of Sargon, 404.

18 Cyl. B, Col. vi, 10–23.

19 Annals, 264–270.

20 Id., 255–264.

21 Id., 280–284.

22 Rassam Cylinder, Col. vi, 30–40.

23 Id., Col. iv, 97–107.

24 See inscription of Abu Habba, i., 28–33, and the Cyrus Chronicle, 3, 1–3.

25 Behistun Insc. ii, 29.

26 Id., iii, 13,14.

27 Id., ii, 82 and iii, 83.

28 Id., 20–22, iv, 65–67.

29 Book III, 89.

30 Spiegel, Altpersische Keilinschriften. p. 49.

31 H by Spiegel.

32 See Bk. III, 80.

Chapter 11 1 See p. 162 above.

2 See p. 238.

3 See p. 240.

4 See p. 243.

5 See p. 244.

6 See p. 247.

7 See p. 253.

8 See p. 259.

9 Book I, 209.

10 Id., III, 70.

11 III, 73. Sometimes, in a loose sense, the Greek historians speak of a king of Persia as “the Mede.” But this appellation never occurs in genealogical statements.

12 As in Ezra 5:5, 6:12, 14 (?), Hag. 2:10, Zech. 1:1,7.

13 As in Ezra 5:6, 7, 6:1, 13, 15, Hag. 1:1, 15.

14 As in Zech. 7:1.

15 As in Ezra 4:5, 24, 6:14 (?).

16 As in Neh. 12:22.

17 See especially Behistun, i, 1–6, A 1–8; Elwend, 62–70; Persepolis, i, 1–5, B 4–8; Suez, b, 4–8; Naksh–i–Rustam, A, 8–15.

18 VII, 11, I, 209, III, 70, IV, 83, VII, 224 et al.

19 VII, 2,11 et al.

20 See Naksh–i–Rustam inscription, a, 8–15.

21 Herodotus, VII, 62.

22 See the subscriptions to the tablets from his reign published in BE., vol. viii, Prof. A. T. Clay, editor.

23 See BE, vol. x, p. 2, and vol. ix, No. 1, 1.33.

24 Rawlinson: Anc. Mon., iii, 515.

25 Behistun Inscr., iv, 10–31.

26 Bk. I, 113.

27 Rawlinson: Ancient Monarchies, iii, p.368.

28 See the astronomical tables published by Kugler in Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel, page 82, where we read: ultu shatti 18 KAN Arshusha Artakshatsu sharru shumushu nabu adi qat shatti 13 KAN Umasusha Artakshatsu sharru nabu, i.e., from the 18th year of Arshu, whose name was called Artaxerxes the king, till the 13th year of Umashu, whose name is called Artaxerxes the king.

29 VII, 62.

30 Herodotus, Bk. I, 80 and after.

31 Id., Bk. VI, 28.

32 Herodotus, Bk. I, 114.

33 Book IX, 122.

34 Behistun Inscr. ii, 83–87.

35 Id., iv, 83.

36 Compare Tobit 14:15, where Cyaxares is called Assuerus, that is, Xerxes.

37 I.e., in VASD, v, 118, 119; iv, 193, 194; Strassmaier, in Acts of the 8th Congress of Orientalists, Nos. 19, 20.

Chapter 12

1 See p. 223.

2 Bk. I, 209.

3 Bk. III, 70.

4 Col. ii, 92–Col. iii, 10.

5 See p. 223.

6 See his History, Book III, 61–88.

7 Weissbach, Die Achämeniden Inschriften, § 68.

8See p. 223.

9Behistun i, 2, A 2.

10, 11Elwend, 14–16; Suez, b, 12. 5NR, a 10.

13 NR, a 11–12.

14 Persepolis, i, 3–4.

15 So on all those published by Strassmaier and in all the “Cuneiform Texts” and in the Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmäler.

16 See the author’s articles on the Titles of the Kings in the Princeton Theological Review for 1904–5, and his articles on the Titles of the Kings of Persia in the Festschrift Eduard Sachau, 1915.

17 Daniel 5:31.

18 Daniel 9:1.

19 Dan. 5:31, 6:1.

20 Dan. 7:1, where Theodotion, however, reads “king of the Chaldeans.”

21 See 1:1.

22 6:29.

23 10:1.

24 5:30.

25 7:1, where, as we have before mentioned, Theodotion reads “king of the Chaldeans.”

26 6:1.

27 9:1.

28 4:5, 24, 6:14 (?).

29 See p. 223.

30 Beh. Insc. § 16.

31 Id., § 16.

32 i.e., Nadintu–Bel.

33 Beh. Insc. § 49.

34 Book III, 150–159.

35 Id., Book I, 188–192.

36 Id., Book IV, 1.

37 5:30, 31, 9:1.

38 6:29.

39 See p. 223.

40 Pp. 138, 139.

41See p. 223 42 See Lane, vol. i, 37, 61.

43 KB. ii, iii, ii, 98.

44 Bab., gallu; Aram., ‘elam. See Behistun Insc., xxv.

45 Ezek. xiv, 14, 20; xxviii, 3.

46 See p. 223.

47 Behistun Inscr., i, 21.

48 Herodotus, Bk. III, 139–149.

49 Id., Bk. iii, 129–138.

50 Id., Bk. IV, 137–141, V, 11, 23, 24, 30, 38, 105, 107, VI, 1–5, 26–30.

51 Id., Bk. III, 160; iv, 143.

52 Behistun Inscr., iv, 80–86.

53 Behistun, i, ii, 12; 59, 60.

54 Id., i, 54, 55.

55 So also in the similar inscription of Persepolis and Naksh–i–Rustam.

56 See Shrader, KB., iii–ii, 136–139.

Chapter 13

1 See p. 162.

2 Cornill, Introduction, p. 385.

3 Isa. xliv, and xlv.

4 Ezra 1:1, 2, 7, 8; 3:7; 4:3, 5; 5:13, 14, 17; 6:3, 14; 2 Chron. 36:22, 23.

5 Heb. Maday.

6 Hebrew. tifsar.

7 Hebrew. pahôth.

8 Hebrew. sagan.

9 Untersuchungen zur altorient. Geschichte, p. 217.

10 Bk. III, 91.

11Bk. III, 70.

12 I.e., Anahan where Cyrus ruled.

13 I.e., Gutium, of which Gobryas was governor under Cyrus.

14 Herodotus, I, 74.

15 I.e., V, 118.

16 I.e., VII, 98.

17 I.d., VII, 98, VIII, 87.

18 I.d., XII, 100.

19 I.d., V, 104.

20 I.d., V, 113.

21 I.d., III, 15.

22 Herodotus, I, 130, 208; Abu Habba Cylinder, i, 32, 55; Nabunaid-Cyrus Chronicle, obverse Col. ii, 2, reverse Col. ii, 16.

23 I., 205.

24 Id., XII, 134-136.

25 Shar Par-sa, Mada.

26 1 Pet. 1:10, 11.

27 See p. 162.

28 See Bk. I, 1-5.

29See p. 162.

30 Cornill, p. 385.

31 Dan. 11:3.

32 Num. 24:17.

33 Gen. 49:10.

Chapter 14 1 Bertholdt: Daniel, p.34.

2 Introduction to the O. T., p. 185.

3 Winckler’s History of Babylon and Assyria, Craig’s Translation, p. 384.

4 See Pinches: The O. T. in the light of the Hist. Records, etc., p. 422, and KB. iii, ii, 126.

5 Dan. 2:48.

6 See Pognan: Inscriptions Sémitiques, Part 1.

7 See Bertholdt, Daniel, pp. 34, 35.

Chapter 15 1 See Jewish Encyclopedia, Art. Daniel.

2 See Introduction to the Old Testament, p. 385.

3 See Literature of the Old Testament, p. 500.

4 "Sharru a-na su-u-k?u la us?-s?a-a (4) adi a-dan-shu sha it-ti (5) it-ti-ku (6) it-ti sha kakkab a-di arah ume."

5 Comm. on Dan., pp. 301-302.

6 Chron. Arm., p. 61.

Chapter 16 1 See Introduction to the O. T., p. 385.

2 Galerius proposed that everyone refusing to offer sacrifice should be burnt alive. Diocletian denounced punishment of death against all holding secret assemblies for religious worship. See Gibbon’s Decline an Fall of the Roman Empire, ii, 63, 64.

3 Institutiones Juris Ecclesiastici Publici, Neo-Eborici, 1901.

4 See for a discussion of this work, Prof. C. H. H. Wright’s Daniel and the Critics, Appendix III.

5 According to the decree of Philip II, any Morisco found within ten miles of Granada, if above seventeen years of age, was to incur the penalty of death (Prescott: Philip the Second, iii, 265).

6 At the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, the pastors were hanged or burned (Guizot: History of France, iv, 338).

7 On pages 172 and 174 of Langdon’s work Nebuchadnezzar speaks of "an image of his royal person," which, possibly he had set up "before Marduk the king." On page 149 he says that he undertook to raise the top of the temple called E-temen-an-ki toward Heaven and to strengthen it, and for this purpose, says he, "the far dwelling peoples over whom Marduk my lord had appointed me and whose care was given unto me by Shamash the hero, all lands and the totality of all men from the upper to the lower seas, distant lands, the men of wide-spread habitations, the kings of distant mountains and remote regions who are between the upper and the lower sea with whose strength Marduk my lord had filled my hands that they might bear his yoke, I summoned together with the worshippers (ummanat) of Shamash and Marduk to make E-temen-an-ki." On pages 68, 69, he prays to "Ninkarraka, majestic mistress, to command before Marduk, lord of heaven and earth, the destruction of his foes and the ruin of the land of his enemies" (i, 38-49); and in 2 Col. iii, 30-47, that "Lugal-Marada, his god, may smite the evil-minded, break their weapons, devastate all the land of my enemies and slay all of them. Before Marduk, lord of heaven and earth, make my deeds appear acceptable, speak for my favor." On page 97 we read, "Nebuchadnezzar, who has learned to fear the gods, who causes to exist in the mouths of men the fear of the great gods, who keeps in order the temples of the gods." On page 98 he says, "I consulted all the hidden advice of Shamash, Ramman, and Marduk"; on page 151, "All men of wide-spread habitations I compelled to do service for the building of E-temen-an-ki." And further, on the same page: "Oh Marduk, at thy command the city of the gods has been builded, by thy mighty order that changes not may it prosper; may the work of my hands endure." On page 89, he speaks of "the numerous peoples which Marduk gave into his hands, of gathering all men under his shadow in peace, and of receiving in Babylon the tribute of the kings of all regions and nations." On page 93, he says that Marduk sent him to care for his work, that Nebo caused him to seize a sceptor of justice; on page 101, he says that "his ears are attentive to the wisdom of Ninib, the hero, and that he is regardful of the sacred places of Ninib and Ishtar"; and on page 103, he says that "he adorned with gold the shrine of Sarpanit, Nebo, and Marduk, and rebuilt the temples of Nin-mah, Nebo Ramman, Shamash, Sin, and Ninlilanna," and on page 107, "the temple of Shar-zarbi, Anu, Lugal-marada, and Ishtar." See also the prayers on pages 121, 69, 97, and 89, and for his superstition, pages 93, 99, 109, 121, 123.

8 As to the demand of the wise men, that they should discover the dream before they attempted to interpret it, Dr. Behrmann, in his commentary on Daniel, has called attention to a parallel case mentioned in Ibn Hisham’s Life of Muhammed. For the benefit of those of our readers who have not access to this work, either in its Arabic original or in Wüstenfeld’s German translation, we subjoin a translation of this passage: "Rabia son of Nassr, was one of the weakest of the Toba kings of Yemen. He saw a frightful vision and was exceedingly troubled by it. So he called the prophets, enchanters, soothsayers, and astrologers of all his kingdom and said to them: I have seen a frightful vision and am exceedingly troubled by it. Tell me it, therefore, and its meaning. and they said: Relate it unto us and we will tell its meaning. And he said to them: If I tell you about it, I cannot be certain about your telling its meaning. Behold, he cannot know its meaning who knows not it before I tell it to him." To this parallel, we would add another from the Arabian Nights taken from the story of Seifelmolouk, which illustrates the rage of an eastern potentate when his wise men have failed him. When King Asim heard that his son was ill, he summoned the ages and astrologers and they looked at him and prescribed for him; but he remained in the same state for a period of three months. So King Asim was enraged and said to his sages: "Woe to you, O dogs! Are ye all unable to cure my son? Now, if ye cure him not immediately, I will slay you all!" (Lane’s Arabian Nights, ii, 290.) 9 Col. ii, 95-104.

10 See Arrian’s Expedition of Alexander, passim.

11 Langdon, Nk., i; Col. iii, 5-8.

12 Id., xii; Col. iii, 20-22.

13 Id., xvii; Col. i, 45-50.

14 Id., xix; Col. vii, 62-66.

15 Herodotus, I, 107.

16 Petrie: History of Egypt, iii, 361.

17 Id., 361, 362. Translated by Petrie from the inscription on the statue of Uza. hor. res. neit.

18 Id., 362.

19 The decree of Darius the Mede, commanding his subjects to tremble before the God of Daniel, is paralleled in the Scriptures by the decree of Cyrus recorded in 2 Ch. 36:23, and Ezra 1:2-4, by the decree of Darius recorded in Ezra 6:8, acknowledging the God of heaven and by the decrees of Artaxerxes found in Ezra 7:12-26, and Neh. 11:23, and 2:7,8.

20 Harper: Code, Epilogue, 68-71.

21 Id., 85-90.

22 Langdon, op cit., p. 99.

23 Beh. Ins. i, 7, 8.

24 KB. ii, 190.

25 E.g., KB. i, 71, 75, 77, 81, 91.

26 KB. i, 39.

27 Id.

28 Id.

29 This word nimru may denote also leopard or tiger.

30 Id.

31 See Sachau: Aram. Pap., p. 181.

32 Bk. VII.

33 Jer. 29:22.

34 Id., 52:11.

35 2 Kings 25:27.

36 Langdon, 148-151.

37 Id., 159.

38 Id., 241.

39 KB. iii, 2, 135.

40 Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache, 37:72-74.

41 Spiegel: Altpers. Keilinschrift., p. 66.

Chapter 17 1 In illustration of the above statements the following examples may be given:

I. 1. (1) Astabid is found in the Syriac Aramaic of Joshua the Stylite (sec. lix) and there only. It is a Persian word said by Joshua to mean Magister, or "master of the soldiery."

(2) Chartummin (Dan. 2:10, 27; 4:6, 5:11), denoting one kind of soothsayer, is found nowhere else in Aramaic. It seems to have been taken over by the author of Daniel from the Hebrew of Genesis, the only place where it occurs in the Hebrew of the Old Testament. It is derived apparently from the Egyptian, though not identified with any known Egyptian word.

2. (1) Nopata, "ship-master," of Sachau Papyrus No. 8, from Persian Nav "ship," and pati, "lord." This compound word is found in no other Aramaic document, or dialect; nor does it occur in Hebrew, nor in Phenician, early or late; nor, in fact, has it been found in Old, Middle, or New Persian. The sense of the context in Papyrus 8, and of a word of like meaning in New Persian, and the meaning of the parts of the compound, seem, however, to justify the form and meaning of the word in this place as given by Dr. Sachau.

(2) Sewnekanin "Syenese" of the Sac. Pap. No. 4, formed by affixing the Persian ending kan to the word Syene, and then putting on the Aramaic plural ending in.

(3) Patbag "delicacies" has not been found in Persian either ancient or modern.

(4) Further examples of this kind are the Greek words kerkiesis and kerkesiris, from the Ptolemaic period, composed of the Aramaic word kerk "village" and the nouns Isis and Osiris. These Aramaic words which are thus made known by the Greek papyri have never been found in any other Aramaic documents.

3. (1) Dathbar (Dan. 2:2, 3) "judge," is certainly derived from the Persian dath, "law," and bar "to bear." It is found in Babylonian, also, but not in the Old Persian of the inscriptions, nor in the Avesta. (See Davis in Harper Mem. Volume.)

(2) Artabe a kind of measure, is said by Herodotus (Bk, I, 192) to be a Persian word taken over into Greek. Herodotus uses it before 424 B.C.; but it does not occur in any document in Old or Middle Persian. It is found under the form ardab in the Aramaic of the Sachau Papyrus, No. 25, 4, et al.

(3) Pitgam "command," "word," (Dan. 3:16, 4:14) is found in Armenian under the form padgam. It is not found in the Persian of the inscriptions nor in that of the Avesta.

4. As examples of foreign words found in use in an early document of a language and not found again for hundreds of years we may note:

(1) Zarnika "arsenic" occurs in Sac. Pap. No. 8, and not again in Aramaic till after 200 A.D. According to Lagarde (G. A., 47, 117) this is a Persian word. (See Brockelmann, Lex. Syr. in loc.) (2) Kebritha, "brimstone" is a second example of the same kind. Sac. Pap. 9, 17, 21.

(3) Stater is a Greek word used in Egyptian papyri of the fifth century B.C. a number of times, but not found again in Aramaic till 200 A.D. Sac. Pap. 15, 29, 3; 34, 4, 7, 9, 11, 12.

5. As examples of words supposed to have been derived from one language but which have been discovered later to have been derived from another, are:

(1) Mdy, "a measure," which was formerly supposed to have been borrowed from the Latin modius. Inasmuch as it occurs in sac. Pap. No. 8, of the year 412 B.C., it seems impossible to hold longer this view. It is better to take it from the Assyrian madadu or from the Hebrew mada, "to measure."

(2) So, iggereth, "letter," which Marti in his Kurz. Gram. der Aram. Sprache, Berlin, 1911, p. 57, compares only with Iranian, New Persian, and Greek, is surely Assyrio-Babylonian. It is found, for example, in Harper’s letter 911, obv. 13, written about 650 B.C. See, also, letter 414, obv. 18.

6. As examples of words used in a certain age alone may be mentioned ?????? (de Vogue 26, A.D. 264) = ?????? in Targum to 2 Chron. 28:7.

2In illustration of the statements under II, the following examples may be given:

I. As examples of Aramaic words found in the Egypto-Aramaic which are not found again for centuries, may be mentioned:

(1) Sefina, "ship" (Sac. Pap. 8); and (2) Peshka, "handbreadth" (id.).

2. As examples of words used in one dialect alone may be mentioned:

(1) Ducenarius, found in Palmyrene alone, see de Vogue 24, 2 (A.D. 263); id., 25, 2 (A.D. 263); id., 2 (A.D. 264).

(2) Degel, "regiment," found in this sense in the Egypto-Aramaic alone (Sac. Pap. 15, 29, 2 bis; 26, 27, 3 bis; 32, 2; 59, 4, 2; 60, 3, 2; 17, 12; 33, 33, 2; 58, 3, 2; 52, 1), though it occurs also in New Hebrew.

3. as examples of words used in documents of one age alone, see gazerin (Dan. 2:27, 4:4, 5:7, 11) for the augurs of Babylon, and ’hinâ, "opportunity" in Joshua the Stylite, xiii and lix.

3 For proof of this statement, it is only necessary to attempt to translate Sachau Papyrus 8 which is full of Persian and Egyptian words, many of them of unknown meaning; and also of good Aramaic words, as to which Prof. Sachau well remarks: "was man sonst aus dem Aramäischen oder Hebräischen weiss und zum Vergleich heranziehen kann, ist nicht genügend, um das Verständnis dieser Urkunde zu erschliessen." (See Sachau: Aram. Pap., 47.) 4 Introduction to the Old Testament, p. 387.

5 Literature of the Old Testament, p. 498.

6 1 It is admitted that in the Scriptures outside of Daniel, the word always denoted a people. The places where it is employed in this sense are, Gen. 11:28, 31; 15:7; 2 Kings 24:2; 25:4, 5, 10, 13, 24, 25, 26; 2 Chron. 36:17; Neh. 9:7; Job 1:17; Is. 13:19; 23:13; 43:14; 48:14, 20; Jer. 21:4, 9; 22:25; 24:5; 25:12; 32:4, 5, 24, 25, 28, 29, 43; 33:5; 35:11; 37:5, 8, 9, 10, 11, 13, 14; 38:2, 18, 19, 23; 39:5, 8; 40:9, 10; 41:3, 18; 43:3; 50:1, 8, 10, 25, 35, 45; 51:4, 24, 35, 54; 52:7, 8, 14, 17; Ezek., 1:3; 11:24; 12:13; 23:14, 15, 16, 23; Hab. 1:6.

7 Zehnpfund-Langdon, NK, p. 231; Col. i, 23.

8 468 B.C., Fragments, 564.

9 Bk. VII, 63.

10 Bk. IV, 3.

11 See Cory, Fragments, pp. 21-36.

12 Josephus; Contra Apion., i, 19.

13 Bk. XVI, 1.

14 Id.

15 Id. xvi, 3.

16 Id.

17 Id., xvi, 4.

18 Bk. X, chapter ix, 7.

19 Id. X, chapter x, 2.

20 Cory: Fragments, p. 59.

21 Id., 63.

22 See Fragments by Bähr, pp. 68 and 140.

23 See Frag., 30.

24 Bk. III, 16.

25 Id., 17.

26 Id., 21-27.

26 Cory, Fragments, p.26.

28 Id., 32.

29 Id., 16.

30 Id.

31 Id., 89.

32 Cory: Fragments, 44-45.

33 Cory, 65.

34 XVI, 1.

35 See the Life and Expedition of Alexander the Great, III, iii, 6.

36 Id., V, i 4.

37 Id., X, iv 11.

38 Id., V, v 14.

39 Id., X, x, 26.

40 This change of Assyrio-Babylonian g to Hebrew and Aramaic k is not so frequent as the change of k to g. The latter is found in Mukina-Mugin; Sharukin-Sargon; Tikulti-Tiglath; Mannuki-Manug; Shakan-Sagan.

41 In words derived from the Greek which have an l before a dental, the New Hebrew, the Syriac, and the Aramaic of the Talmuds, never change the l to s or sh. See Dalman Aram-neuhebr. Wörterbuch, pp. 53, 188, 226, 228, 320, 321, and 364; and Brockelmann’s Lex. Syr. in loc.

42 See dictionaries of Levy and Jastrow, sub verbis.

43 Cf. Brockelmann’s Lex. Syr., pp. 17-21, 29, and Dalman’s Aram.-neuhebr. Wörterbuch., 29-37.

44 That is, in monuments written in the Babylonian language.

Chapter 17 Excursus 1 See the Yale Oriental Series, Babylonian Texts, i, 62.

2 Ina shipir ili Mur amel Dim–gal–la u um–me–e (i.e., ummanu [A]) mudie shipri ina libitti ellitim reshushu ullimi ushaklil shipirshu. A - See Brünnow’s Classified List, No. 3912.

3 Col. iv, K. 192, Rev. lines 14–17. See Meissner–Rost, Bauinschriften Asarhaddons, B.A. iii, 246–247.

4 Id., K. 2711, 32.

5 KB. iii, ii, 110–112.

6 KB. iii, ii, 90, 91.

7 KB. iii, 90–92. See also, BA iii, 234–237.

8 Exped. of Alex., vii, 17.

9 Ex. xxxi, 1–11.

10 Delitzsch: HWB, p. 654b.

11 See KB. iv, 168.

12 Del., HWB, p. 543b.

13 Muss–Arnolt 175a.

14 Sharru nemek?i banu tashimti, King: Bab. Magic, No. 413.

15 Bit pirishti or parak shimati or ashar shimati, which Delitzsch calls the earthly copy of the heavenly Upshukinnaku.

16 Nbk. Inscription, xv, Col. ii, 54–64. Langdon, p. 123.

17 See Zimmern, Ritualtafeln, p. 89.

18 Ashurnas?irpal, i, 3.

19 Id., 21.

20 Id., 36, 37.

21 “weltenbild und Himmelsbild sind eins. Der Priester der zu den Astralgottheiten flehte, eignete sich eine genaue Kenntniss des gestirnten Himmels an; die Bewegungen der Himmelskörper und ihre Stellungen zu einander musste er erforschen, um den Willen der Gottheiten zu erkennen.” (See Weidner: Handbuch der babyloniscchen Astronimie Einleitung: Leipzig, 1915.) 22 Tallquist, NB. xxviii.

23 For example, Shuzubu amilu Kal–da–ai —Shuzub the Chaldean. See Sennacherib Prism Inscription, Col. iii, 42, v, 8. Mat Kaldi “land of Chaldea” (id., i, 34). Amelu Kal–du sha kirib Uruk “the Chaldeans who were in the midst of Uruk” (id., i, 37).

24 See Otto Loth in Fleisher’s Festschrift, for 1875.

25 See Bardisan on The Laws of the Nations, in the Spicilegium Syriacum.

26 Ass.–Bab. Briefe Kult. Inhalts, p. 10.

27 He cites in favor of this view as follows: Apliay am. ummanu sha Ishtar sha Arbail (Harper: Assyrian Letters, v, 533, 2 ff.), “Apliya the umman of Ishtar of Arbail”; and (id., v, 447, R 11) annulti IX sha itti ummani izzazum dullu sha bit am. mars?i ippashuni, “These nine are those who assist the umman to perform the rites for the house of the sick”; and ( id., ii, 167, R 16) “1 Qa meal 1 Qa Wine for the ummanu.”

28 E.g. Cambyses, viii, 11, 12, xvi, 16; Darius, lxxxii, 14, ccccl, 15.

29 For example, Gimillu–Gula the priest (shangu) is called the son of Shumukin the galdu (Nebuch., 335, 13); so, also, in Cambyses, 72, 14, 15, and 284, a priest (shangu) is called a grandson of a galdu.

30 Ritualtafeln, pp. 87–91.

31 See also Dhorme, Textes Réligieux Assyro–babyloniens, p. 142.

32 Of course this is merely negative evidence. A shangu however, might be the son of a banu, as in the inscription of Evil–Merodach published by Evetts (Bab. Texte, vii, B. No. 19).

33 But see Addendum to Excursus, p. 365.

34 For this use of ummanu see Behren’s Ass. Bab. Brief, p. 10, and Frank’s Studien zur Babylonischen Religion, p. 17.

35 For example, Peiser’s Babylonian Contracts (Bab. Verträge) Nos. 5, 7, 16, 28, 45, 50, 51, 55, 61, 64, 70, 80, 83, 100, 101, 110, 114, 115, and 140. But a scribe might be descended also from a herdman (Peiser, Verträge iii, 22); from a smith (id. 8); from a ba’iru (a fisher, constable, or press–gang officer, id., 17, 22, 23, 65); or from a physician (a–zu, id., 76); or even from an Egyptian (id., 94).

36 Gal–du–mes pl. Cf. VASD. vi, 20, 22. 4 Skizze der Bab. Gesellschaft, p. 16. 5 Bk. 7, ch. 17.

37 See Genesis 40:20, in Syriac and Aramaic.

38 Ritualtafeln, pp. 82–91.

39 Strassmaier: Insc. of Nabunaid, 351, 1, VASD. vi, 22, 2.

40 Strass.: Insc. of Darius, 457, 12.

41 Id. 348, 19.

42 Meissner and Rost, Die Bauinschriften Sanheribs 27.

43 See Bab. Sühnriten, pp. 12, 13.

44 KB. iii, ii, 100.

45 Id., 104.

46 Id., 108.

47 This intimation comes by a word or command (amatu, KB. iii, ii, 78, 98, 126; kibit, KB. iii, i, 252, 254, 256, and very often everywhere; zikru, KB. iii, ii, 264; temu, iii, ii, 124), by a dream or vision (shuttu, iii, ii, 98; igiltu, iii, i, 252; biru, iii, ii, 101, 104; shiru, iii, ii, 84), or by a decision or judgment (parussu, KB. iii, ii, 110; shimatu, iii, ii, 70, 72; dinu, KB. ii, 236; or teru, iii, ii, 110, 118. Reports of Mag. and Astrol., 186 R. 9, 187, R. 3), or by a commission or sign however given (shibir ashiputim, Langdon, p. i, 146, 148. Compare shipir ish–ship–pu–ti, “the commission of the ish–ship priest,” Ashurbanipal, Rassam Cyl., iv, 86; shipir Ish–tar or Ishtarate, “the commission of Ishtar” or “of the Ishtar priestesses,” KB. ii, 252; shipir mahhie, “the commission of the mahhu priests,” id.; idatu, “signs,” KB. ii, 252, and Del., HWB., 304).

48 See Zimmern, Ritualtafeln, 86–91.

49 KB. ii, 252.

50 KB. ii, 250.

51 KB. 192; Frank, Studien zur bab. Religion, p. 23.

52 Schrank, Bab. Sühnriten, 12.

53 A syllabary published on the Cuneiform Texts from Bab. Tablets, etc., in the British Museum, part xviii, plate 13, supports this view just stated. In the syllabary we find banu given as a synonym of baru, “seer”; baru as a synonym of a–su, “physician,” and mu–de–e ter–te, “knower of oracles,” “Orakelkündiger” (Zimmern, R. T., 87); and these immediately followed by dup–sar–ru, “scribe,” en–ku, “wise man,” and mu–du–u, “learned, kenner.” The Sumerian a–zu, as is well known, denotes in Assyrian, asu, “physician, ” dupsar, “scribe,” and baru, “seer” (Zimmern, R. T., 86); but gi–hal = banu piristi (the gi denoting piristu = shimtu, Br. 2402, 2410), a phrase used to describe Nebo, “the builder of fate.” Compare what Ashurbanipal says in the Rassam Cylinder (x, 70,71): “On my bed at night my dreams are favorable and on that of the morning my thoughts are created”; where banu is permansive, as damka is in the preceding clause (Vd. Del., Gr., sec. 89B). So A–ZU = asu, or baru. With the sign for god before them, the signs ni–zu = Nebo. Again, me–zu = baru or mude terti (Br. 10384, 10385).

Lastly, the signs nun–me–tag = enku, eppishu, hassu, mudu, bel terte, abkallum, and mar ummani, and these all are probably synonyms of baru (Zimmern, Ritualtafeln, 86).

54 This house of the gods is the same as the bait of Al Kindi (edited by Otto Loth for the Festschrift of Prof. Dr. H. L. Fleisher), and the bet of Bardesan’s Book of the Laws of the Countries (published by Cureton in the Spicilegium Syriacum), the oikos or doma of Manetho’s Apotelesmatica, and Maximus’ Anecdota Astrologica, and the “house” of our own astrologers.

55 The signs A.BA. of the Assyrian tablets are commonly employed where the Babylonian use dupsar, “scribe.” See tablets in KB. iv, pp. 100, 108, 110 bis, 112, 114 bis, 116 bis, et al. The rab a–ba of Nos. 74, 109, 266, of Thompson’s Reports of the Magians and Astrologers of Nineveh and Babylon would be chief of the scribes, the same as the rab dup–sar, of Nos. 81, 259. The A.ZU of No. 58 may also be read as dup–sar, “scribe” (see Brünnow, 11377 and 11379). The rab asu of No. 59 might then be “the chief of the scribes.” The only names left in Thompson’s tablets that might come under the class of the Chaldean priests are the mashmashu on Nos. 24, 83, 183, 243, and kalu on 134 (kal–li–e on No. 256. Cf. rab kal–li–e, K. 316, KB. iv, 114) and possibly the hal of 18, 186, and 187, all of which, as we have seen above, may have been subdivisions of the gal–dus.

56 The use by the Arameans of the patronymic Kaldu or Kasdu to denote a priestly class or function may be compared with medizein in Greek to denote Greeks who favored the Medes and with “to jew down” in English.

57 Published in the Yale Oriental Series, Babylonian Texts, vol. i, pp. 66–75. New Haven, 1915.

58 See Frank, Studien zur babylonischen Religion, p. 5. For ramku in the sense of priesthood and kinishtum in the sense of sodality, see the same, p. 60. For the latter, compare also kenishta d’beth Y’huda in the haggada to Psalm 38:12. (see Lewy’s Chaldäisches Wörterbuch, i, 373.) 59 See Brünnow’s Classified List, 7820 and 10695.

6024 Ash–shum: 25 ra–am–ku–ut E–gish–shir–gal u batati ilani 25 e–nu i–shib–bi shabru s?ibt?i am . baru am EN–GI–S?U 27 am . a–ri–ru am . gal–du am . banu am . DUL–LAH?–H?A itu gal–lum 28 am . ti–ir–bit am . la–ga–ru sha–ki–in tak–ri–ib–ti 29 am . zammare mu–h?ad–du–u lib–bi ilani 30 am . ki–ni–ish–tum sha na–bu–u shu–ma–an–shu–un

31 i–li–ik–shu–nu ap–tu–ur–ma shu–bar–ra–shu–nu ash–ku–un 32 ub–bi–ib–shu–nu–ti–ma 33 a–na ili Sin u ili Nin–gal bele–e–a u–zak–ki–shu–nu–ti

61 On column i, lines 24–25, Nabunaid says: I dedicate my daughter to the entu–office. I called her name Bel–shalti–Nannar.

Chapter 18 1 Cornill, p. 338.

2 Driver, p. 500, h.

3 Bevan, The Book of Daniel, p. 21.

4 Pharaoh, Gen. 41:8, and Ex. 7:11; the king of Babylon, Jer. 50:35, and 51:57; the king of Gebal, Ezek. 27:9; the king of Tyre, Ezek.27:8; king Solomon and his son Rehoboam, 2 Ch. 2:13; Ahasuerus, Es. 6:13; and Moses and the children of Israel, Deut. 1:13, Ex. 28:3; —all have their wise men. “Wise men” are commended in Prov. 12:18, 13:20, 24:3.

5 The most common of these words is probably mudu from the root idu, “to know,” a root common to Ass. Bab. with Aramaic and Hebrew. This word is used of the gods, Nebo and Shamash, of the kings like Sargon, Sennacherib, and Nebuchadnezzar; and of other men, but always in a good sense.

Another word is imku (or emku) from a root also found in Hebrew meaning “to be deep.” The inscriptions speak of the wise heart of Ea; of the wise princes Nabunaid and Nabu–balat?su–ik?bi; of Nebuchadnezzar the wise one (often); of the wise master–builders, etc.

Ershu (or irshu) from a root meaning “to decide” is used as an appellation for the gods Sin and Ea and for kings like Sennacherib and Nebuchadnezzar. Itpishu, alos, is used of the gods Damkina, Nebo, and Ninib, and of the kings Sargon, Sennacherib, and Nebuchadnezzar.

6 Ma’mer from the verb ’amara “to show, to know,” is used often in the Ethiopic version of the Old Testament in the sense of “wizard” to translate the Greek verb ???????, Heb. yidde‘oni and the Greek ?????????, Heb. k?osem. It renders, also, the Greek ???????? in Dan. 2:2, and ????????? in Dan. 4:3, 5:15. In most of these cases the Arabic versions use ’arraf, “wizard,” from the verb ’arafa, “to know.”

7 A most remarkable fact in its bearing upon the correctness of the sources and transmission of the text of Daniel, when we consider that these words are not found outside of Assyrio–Babylonian except in the book of Daniel. In the Peshitto version of Daniel, ’ashuph is used to translate both ’asheph and ’ashshaph. ’Ashshaph is found in New Hebrew nowhere but in the commentaries on Daniel. See Jastrow’s Dict. in loc.

8 The best sources of our information are, Tallquist: The Assyrian Incantation–series Maklu; Zimmern in his chapter on the ritual table for the ’ashipu found on pages 122–175 of his work entitled: Contributions to the Knowledge of the Babylonian Religion (Beiträge zur Kenntniss, etc.); the work of Dr. Walther Schrank: Babylonian Rites of Purifications, especially in their relation to Priests and Exorcists (Babylonische Sühnriten besonders mit Rücksicht auf Priester und Büsser); and King: Babylonian Magic.

9 Frank, Bab. Beschwörungsreliefs, pp. 88, 90.

10 In 1:20, and 2:2, in Hebrew, and in 2:10, 27, 4:4, 6, and 5:111 in Aramaic.

11 In the Aramaic of the Targum of Onkelos, of the Samaritan Targum, and of the Syriac Peshitto, hartom is always rendered by harrash, except in the Peshitto of Daniel 5:11, where it is rendered “wise men.” The Arabic of Saadya’s translation of the Pentateuch renders it by ulema, “wise men,” except in Ex. 7:11, 22, where it has sahana, “enchanter.” The Arabic of Daniel always gives rakka, “charmer.” The usual translation in the LXX and Theodotion is ’epaoidos, “enchanter”; though it is rendered by “wise men” in the LXX of Daniel 1:20, and 2:10. The derivation and primary meaning of the word are so uncertain that it is impossible to dogmatize about them. Probably the majority of scholars who have discussed the subject derive the word from heret, “stylus,” by affixing an m. The meaning then would be scribe, or engraver; and the word would correspond in sense to the Egyptian sacred scribe spoken of by the Greek writers.

Hoffman compares it to an Arabic word with the same four radicals meaning “nose,” and would make the original sense to have been one who sang through the nose, hence “chanter,” “having the nose in the air.” Lane defines the word as having the meaning “chief,” “foremost in affairs and in the military forces.” Nearly everyone quotes the opinions of Jablonsky and Rossi that it may be an Egyptian word denoting “thaumaturgus” or “guardian of secret things; but these are both so far–fetched as to be most unlikely. It would, according to the rules of transliteration from Egyptian to Hebrew, be capable of derivation from hr, “chief,” and dm, “to name,” and would then mean “chief of the spellbinders.” [A] A - See Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, i, 168; and Griffith’s Stories of the High Priests of Memphis.

12 Compare the significance attributed to the name of Solomon in the Arabian Nights.

13 See Shrank: Babylonische Sühnriten, pp.20–27; Thompson: The Devils and Evil Spirits in Babylonia and Assyria, passim; Jastrow: Die Religion Babyloniens und Assyriens; and Rogers: The Religion of Babylonian and Assyria, p. 146. Compare also the numerous cases of this kind of magic in the Arabian Nights.

14 In Hebrew, the verb gazar is found in the meaning “decide, decree,” in Job 22:28, where Eliphaz says to Job: “Thou shalt also decree a thing and it shall be established unto thee”; and in Esther 2:1, where it is said the Ahasuerus remembered Vashti and what had been done against her. The Targum of Onkelos uses it in Ex. 15:25, to translate the verb “to establish” in the phrase “to establish a statute,” as the equivalent of the Hebrew sim, to establish. This passage may afford us the missing link with which to connect the Aramaic gazer with the Babylonian, shamu = Heb. sim. The mushim shimtu is “the decreer of decrees, or oracles.” We may compare the synonym of shimtu, i.e., paristu, “oracle,” which is from a root meaning “to cut, decide,” just as gezira, “decree,” in Aramaic is from the root gezar, “to cut, decide.” Gazer, then, would be the translation of the Babylonian mushim, or paris, and could mean a man who made out, or conveyed to men the decrees of the gods. He would be the earthly representative of the heavenly “mushim” of Ea, or of Bel, and the other great gods who establish the fates. Obelisk of Shalmaneser III, obv. 5, 14. His place of abode, and activity, may well have been the “Dul–Azag,” “place of fates,” “chamber of fates,” of which Nebuchadnezzar speaks (Langdon, xv, Col. 2:54, and Col. 5:12–14) and which Delitzsch thinks to have been “the earthly image of the heavenly Upshukkinnaku.”

15 In the Syriac the verb is used in a good sense for “to pray.”

16 Harper, The Code of Hammurabi, sec. 2.

17 Ass. Bab. Briefe Cultischen Inhalts, p.17.

18 Ishtu pan zigi sharru likashshaph. See also Harper, vii, 660, and i, 18, 11, and 25; Behrens, p. 16.

19 It must be remembered, too, that the Piel stem in Hebrew may express “the taking away of the object denoted by the noun,” e.g., chitte’, “to take away sin”; dishen, “to take away the ashes”; sheresh, “to root out.” (See Cowley’s Gesenius, §52h.) This usage is found, also, in Arabic, Aramaic, and New Hebrew (see Wright’s Arab. Gram., vol. i, §41 and Siegfried & Strack’s N. H. Gram). If we take the intensive in this sense in likashshaph, it would mean “may [the king] be freed from witchcraft.” This privative sense may possibly occur in the phrase ramankunu ina pan ili la tuhattaa of K. 84, 24, i.e., “Before God ye shall not free yourselves from sin”; and also in dannati, “distress,” i.e., “deprived of strength.” (See King, Magic, p. 94.) 20 Antiq., I, vii, 2.

21 Antiq., I, vii, 2.

22Antiq., II, ix. 7.

23 Id.

24 That is, chants, such as were used by the enchanters of Babylon and Egypt and by the Magi. Herodotus, I, 132.

25 Antiq., VIII, ii. 5.

26 See Wars of the Jews., III, 3, 9.

27 See T. J. ben Uzziel to Ex. i, 15.

28 See chapters vi and viii.

29 See chapter viii.

30 Matt. xii, 27.