II. Diffusion Of Hellenic Culture

II. DIFFUSION OF HELLENIC CULTURE
1. Hellenism in the Non-Jewish Regions
The Jewish region just described was, in ancient times as well as in the Graeco-Roman period, surrounded on all sides by heathen districts. Only at Jamnia and Joppa had the Jewish element advanced as far as the sea. Elsewhere, even to the west, it was not the sea, but the Gentile region of the Philistine and Phenician cities, that formed the boundary of the Jewish. These heathen lands were far more deeply penetrated by Hellenism, than the country of the Jews. No reaction like the rising of the Maccabees had here put a stop to it, besides which heathen polytheism was adapted in quite a different manner from Judaism for blending with Hellenism. While therefore the further advance of Hellenism was obstructed by religious barriers in the interior of Palestine, it had attained here, as in all other districts since its triumphant entry under Alexander the Great, its natural preponderance over Oriental culture. Hence, long before the commencement of the Roman period, the educated world, especially in the great cities in the west and east of Palestine, was, we may well say, completely Hellenized. It is only with the lower strata of the populations and the dwellers in rural districts, that this must not be equally assumed. Besides however the border lands, the Jewish districts in the interior of Palestine were occupied by Hellenism, especially Scythopolis (see § 23. I. Nr. 19) and the town of Samaria, where Macedonian colonists had already been planted by Alexander the Great (§ 23. I. Nr. 24), while the national Samaritans had their central point at Sichem.
The victorious penetration of Hellenistic culture is most plainly and comprehensively shown by the religious worship. The native religions, especially in the Philistine and Phenician cities, did indeed in many respects maintain themselves in their essential character; but still in such wise, that they were transformed by and blended with Greek elements. But besides these the purely Greek worship also gained an entrance, and in many places entirely supplanted the former. Unfortunately our sources of information do not furnish us the means of separating the Greek period proper from the Roman, the best are afforded by coins, and these for the most part belong to the Roman. On the whole however the picture, which we obtain, holds good for the pre-Roman period also, nor are we entirely without direct notices of this age.
On the coins of Raphia of the times of the empire are seen especially Apollo and Artemis according to the purely Greek conception;[34] upon those of Anthedon, on the contrary, the tutelary goddess of the city is conceived of as Astarte.[35]
[34] Mionnet, Description de médailles antiques, v. 551 sq.; Supplement, viii. 376 sq. De Saulcy, Numismatique de la Terre Sainte (1874), pp. 237-240, pl. xii. n. 7-9. Stark, Gaza, p. 584.
[35] Mionnet, v. 522 sqq.; Suppl. viii. 364. De Saulcy, pp. 234-236, pl. xii. n. 2-4. Stark, p. 594.
Of the worship at Gaza in the times of the Roman Empire complete information is given in the life of Porphyry, Bishop of Gaza, by Marcus Diaconus. According to this, there were in Gaza in the time of Porphyry (the end of the fourth century after Christ) eight δημόσιοι ναοί, viz. of Helios, Aphrodite, Apollo, Persephone (Kore), Hecate, Heroon, a temple of Tyche, and one of Marnas.[36] From this it appears that the purely Greek worship was the prevailing one, and this is confirmed in general by the coins, upon which other Grecian deities also appear.[37] A temple of Apollo in Gaza is already mentioned at the time of the destruction of the city by Alexander Jannaeus (Antt. xiii. 13. 3). In the Roman period only the chief deity of the city, Marnas, was, as his name (מר = Lord) implies, originally a Shemitic deity, who was however more or less disguised in a Greek garment.[38]
[36] Marci Diaconi Vita Porphyrii episcopi Gazensis, ed. Haupt (Essays of the Berlin Academy, formerly known only in the Latin translation), c. 64: ἦσαν δὲ ἐν τῇ πόλει ναοὶ εἰδώλων δημόσιοι ὀκτώ, τοῦ τε Ἡλίου καὶ τῆς Αφροδίτης καὶ τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος καὶ τῆς Κόρης καὶ τῆς Ἑκάτης καὶ τὸ λεγόμενον Ἡρῷον καὶ τὸ τῆς Τύχης τῆς πόλεως, ὃ ἐκάλουν Τυχαῖον, καὶ τὸ Μαρνεῖον, ὃ ἔλεγον εἶναι τοῦ Κρηταγενοῦς Διός, ὃ ἐνόμιζον εἶναι ἐνδοξότερον πάντων τῶν ἱερῶν τῶν ἁπανταχοῦ. The Marneion is also mentioned in many other passages of this work.
[37] Eckhel, Doctr. Num. iii. 448 sqq. Mionnet, v. 533-549; Suppl. viii. 371-375. De Saulcy, pp. 209-233, pl. xi. Stark, Gaza, pp. 583-589.
[38] Comp. on Marnas besides the passages in Marcus Diaconus, Steph. Byz. s.v. Γάζα· ἔνθεν καὶ τὸ τοῦ Κρηταίου Διὸς παρʼ αὐτοῖς εἶναι, ὃν καὶ καθʼ ἡμᾶς ἐκάλουν Μαρνᾶν, ἑρμηνευόμενον Κρηταγενῆ. Eckhel, Doctr. Num. iii. 450 sq. Stark, Gaza, pp. 576-580. The oldest express testimony to the cult of Marnas are coins of Hadrian with the superscription Μαρνα; see Mionnet, v. 539. De Saulcy, pp. 216-218, pl. xi. n. 4. His cult is also met with beyond Gaza. Comp. the inscription of Kanata in Le Bas and Waddington, Inscriptions, vol. iii. n. 2412g (Wetstein, n. 183): Διῒ Μάρνᾳ τῷ κυρίῳ. With the worship of Marnas as Ζεὺς Κρηταγενής is also connected the later Greek legend, that Gaza was also called Μίνῳα, after Minos (Steph. Byz. s.v. Γάζα and s.v. Μίνῳα). Comp. Stark, Gaza, p. 580 sq.
A mixtur of native and Greek worship is also found at Ascalon. A chief worship here was that of Ἀφροδίτη οὐρανίη, i.c. of Astarte as Queen of Heaven. She is mentioned even by Herodotus as the deity of Ascalon, and is still represented on coins of the imperial epoch chiefly as the tutelary goddess of the town.[39] With her is connected, nay probably at first identical, the Atargatis or Derceto, which was worshipped at Ascalon under a peculiar form (that of a woman with a fish’s tail). Her Semitic name (עתרעתה, compounded of עתר = Astarte, and עתה) already points out that she is “merely the Syrian form of Astarte blended with another deity” (Baudissin). From this fish-form it is evident, that “the fertilizing power of water” was especially honoured in her.[40] Asclepius λεοντοῦχος of Ascalon, to whom the Neo-Platonist Proclus composed a hymn, is, as well as these two, to be regarded as an originally Oriental deity.[41] The genuinely Greek deities Zeus, Poseidon, Apollo, Helios, Athene, etc., appear also on the coins of Ascalon.[42] A temple of Apollo in Ascalon is mentioned in pre-Herodian times, the grandfather of Herod having been, it is said, Hierodule there.[43]
[39] Herodotus, i. 105. The coins in Mionnet, v. 523-533; Suppl. viii. 365-370. De Saulcy, pp. 178-208, pl. ix. and x., and comp. Stark, pp. 258 sq., 590 sq. The identity of the Grecian Aphrodite with Astarte is universally acknowledged. Perhaps even the names are identical; Aphtoreth and thence Aphroteth might, as Hominel conjectures, have arisen from Ashtoreth (Fleckeisen’s Jahrbucher für class. Philologie, 1882, p. 176).
[40] On the worship of Derceto in Ascalon, see especially Strabo, xvi. p. 785; Plinius, Hist. Nat. v. 23. 81; Lucian, De Syria dea, c. 14; Ovid, Metam. iv. 44-46. The Semitic name upon a Palmyrian inscription and some coins (see Baudissin, and on the coins very fully Six in the Numismatic Chronicle, 1878, p. 103 sqq.). With the worship of Derceto was connected the religious honour paid to the dove in Ascalon, on which comp. Philo, ed. Mang. ii. 646 (from Philo’s work, de providentia, in Eusebius, Praep. erang. viii. 14. 16, ed. Gaisford; from the Armenian in Aucher, Philonis Judaei sermones tres, etc., p. 116). On the literature, the article of Baudissin in Herzog’s Real-Encycl., 2nd ed. i. 736-740, is worthy of special mention. To the list here given of the literature must be added the article on “Derceto the Goddess of Ascalon,” in the Journal of Sacred Literature and Biblical Record, new series, vol. vii. 1865, pp. 1-20. Ed. Meyer, Zeitschr. der DMG. 1877, p. 730 sqq. Six, Monnaies d’Hierapolis en Syrie (Numismatic Chronicle, vol. xviii. 1878, pp. 103-131, and pl. vi.). Rayet, Dédicace à la déesse Atergatis (Bulletin de correspondance hellénique, vol. iii. 1879, pp. 406-408). The inscription found in Astypalia and given here runs thus: Αντιοχος και Ευπορος Αταργατειτι ανεθηκαν. Atargatis occurs only three times besides in Greek inscriptions. Corp. inscr. Graec. n. 7046. Le Bas et Waddington, Inscriptions, t. iii. n. 1890, 2588.
[41] Stark, Gaza, pp. 591-593.
[42] See the coins in Mionnet and De Saulcy, as above. Stark, p. 589.
[43] Euseb. Hist. eccl. i. 6. 2; 7. 11.
In Azotus, the ancient Ashdod, there was in the pre-Maccabaean period a temple of the Philistine Dagon, who was formerly also worshipped at Gaza and Ascalon.[44] At the conquest of Ashdod by Jonathan Maccabaeus, this temple was destroyed, and the heathen worship in general extirpated (1Ma_10:84; 1Ma_11:4). Of its re-establishment at the restoration by Gabinius no particulars are known. In any case Azotus also had in this later period a considerable number of Jewish inhabitants (see § 23. I. Nr. 5).
[44] See on this temple, Baudissin in Herzog’s Real-Encycl., 2nd ed. iii. 460-463, and the literature there cited.
In the neighbouring towns of Jamnia and Joppa the Jewish element attained the preponderance after the Maccabæan age. Joppa is nevertheless of importance to Hellenism, as the scene of the myth of Perseus and Andromeda; it was here on the rock of Joppa, that Andromeda was exposed to the monster and delivered by Perseus.[45] The myth retained its vitality even during the period of Jewish preponderance. In the year 58 B.C., at the splendid games given by M. Scaurus as aedile, the skeleton of the sea-monster brought to Rome from Joppa by Scaurus was exhibited.[46] The permanence of the myth in this locality is testified by Strabo, Mela, Pliny, Josephus, Pausanias, nay even by Jerome.[47] The Hellenistic legend, according to which Joppa is said to have been founded by Cepheus, the father of Andromeda, also points to it.[48] Pliny even speaks of a worship of the Ceto there,[49] and Mela of altars with the name of Cepheus and his brother Phineus as existing at Joppa.[50] After Joppa was destroyed as a Jewish town in the war of Vespasian, the heathen worship regained the ascendancy there.[51]
[45] The earliest mention of Joppa as the place of this occurrence is found in Scylax (four centuries B.C.). See Müller, Geogr. gr. minores, i. 79; comp. in general, Stark, p. 255 sqq., 593 sq.
[46] Plinius, Hist. Nat. ix. 5. 11: Beluae, cui dicebatur exposita fuisse Andromeda, ossa Romæ adportata ex oppido Judaeae Jope ostendit inter reliqua miracula in aedilitate sua M. Scaurus longitudine pedum xl., altitudine costarum Indicos elephantos excedente, spinae crassitudine sesquipedali. On Scaurus, comp. the review of the Roman Proconsols of Syria in vol. i. On the time of his aedileship, Pauly’s Encycl. i. 1, 2nd ed. p. 372.
[47] Strabo, xvi. p. 759; Mela, 11; Plinius, v. 13. 69; Joseph. Bell. Jud. iii. 9. 3; Pausanias, iv. 35. 6; Hieronymus, Comment. ad Jon. i. 3 (Opp. ed. Vallarsi, vi. 394). Most make mention, that traces of Andromeda’s chains were seen on the rock at Joppa.
[48]a Steph. Byz. s.v. Ἰόπη.
[49] Plinius, v. 13. 69: Colitur illic fabulosa Ceto. The name Ceto is indeed only a Latinizing of κῆτος (sea-monster); comp. Stark, p. 257.
[50]a Mela, i. 11: ubi Cephea regnasse eo signo accolae adfirmant, quod titulum ejus fratrisque Phinei veteres quaedam arae cum religione plurima retinent.
[51] Comp. in general the coins in Mionnet, v. 499; De Saulcy, p. 176 sq. pl. ix. n. 3, 4.
In Caesarea, which was first raised to a considerable city by Herod the Great, we meet first of all with that worship of Augustus and of Rome, which characterized the Roman period. Provinces, towns and princes then vied with each other in the practice of this cult, which was indeed prudently declined by Augustus in Rome, but looked upon with approval and promoted in the provinces.[52] It was self-evident that Herod also could not remain behind in this matter. If a general remark of Josephus is to be taken literally, he “founded Caesarea (Καισαρεῖα, i.e. temples of Cæsar) in many towns.”[53] Such are specially mentioned in Samaria, Panias (see below) and in Caesarea. The magnificent temple here lay upon a hill opposite the entrance of the harbour. Within it stood two large statues, one of Augustus after the model of the Olympic Zeus, and one of Rome after that of Hera of Argos, for Augustus only permitted his worship in combination with that of Rome.[54] With respect to the other worships of Caesarea, the coins show a motley variety. In saying this we must certainly take into consideration, that these belong for the most part to the second and third centuries, which is of importance in the case of Caesarea, because after the time of Vespasian the Roman element, in opposition to the Greek, received a considerable reinforcement in the Roman colony introduced into Caesarea by that emperor. Hence it is to be ascribed to the influence of the Roman element, that the Egyptian Serapis, who was, as is well known, highly honoured in Rome, occurs so very frequently. In general, however, we may transpose to an earlier period also the deities mentioned on the coins. We here find again Zeus, Poseidon, Apollo, Herakles, Dionysos, Athene, Nike, and of female deities chiefly Astarte, according to the view of her prevailing in Palestine.[55]
[52] Tacit. Annal. i. 10, Augustus is reproached nihil deorum honoribus relictum, cum se templis et effigie numinum per flamines et sacerdotes coli vellet. Sueton. Aug. 59: provinciarum pleraeque super templa et aras ludos quoque quinquennales paene oppidatim constituerunt. Only in Rome did Augustus decline this worship (Sueton. Aug. 52: in urbe quidem pertinacissime abstinuit hoc honore): a temple was first erected for it there by Tiberius (Tacit. Annal. vi. 45; Sueton. Calig. 21). Among the temples to Augustus, which have been preserved, the most celebrated is that at Ancyra, on which comp. Perrot, Exploration archéologique de la Galatie et de la Bithynie, etc. (1872), pp. 295-312, planche 13-31. Compare in general on the worship of the emperor, Preller, Römische Mythologie, p. 770 sqq.; Boissier, La religion romaine d’Auguste aux Antonins (2nd ed. 1878), i. pp. 109-186; Kuhn, Die städt. und bürgerl. Verfassung des röm. Reichs, i. 112; Marquardt, Römische Staatsverwaltung, vol. iii. (1878) p. 144 sqq., and vol. i. (2nd ed. 1881) p. 503 sqq.; Le Bas et Waddington, Inscript. vol. iii. Illustrations to n. 885; Perrot as above, p. 295; Marquardt, De provinciarum Romanarum conciliis et sacerdotibus (Ephemeris epigraphica), i. 1872, pp. 200-214; Desjardins, Le culte des Divi et le culte de Rome et d’Auguste (Revue de philologie, de literature et d’histoire anciennes), nouv. serie, iii. 1879, pp. 33-63. I am only acquainted with the latter from Bursian’s philolog. Jahresber. xix. 620-622.
[53] Bell. Jud. i. 21. 4; comp. Antt. xv. 9. 5.
[54] Sueton. Aug. 52: templa … in nulla tamen provincia nisi communi suo Romaeque nomine recepit. On the temple at Caesarea, Joseph. Bell. Jud. i. 21. 7; Antt. xv. 9. 6. Philo also mentions the Σεβαστεῖον, see Legat. ad Cajum, § 38 fin., ed. Mang. ii. 590, fin. The remains of a temple have also been discovered in Caesarea by the recent researches of Englishmen (The Survey of Western Palestine, Memoirs by Conder and Kitchener, ii. 13 sqq., with plan of the town, p. 15). It must, however, remain uncertain whether they are those of the temple of Augustus.
[55] Mionnet, v. 486-497; Suppl. viii. 334-343. Serapis very often. Zeus, n. 53; Suppl. n. 43. Poseidon, n. 38. Apollo, n. 6, 12, 13; Suppl. n. 7, 12, 15. Herakles, n. 16. Dionysos, n. 37, 54, 56. Athene, Suppl. n. 37. Nike, n. 4; Suppl. n. 6, 8, 20. Astarte, n. 1, 2, 7, 18, 24, 51; Suppl. n. 9, 10, 11, 45. Still more in De Saulcy, pp. 112-141, pl. vii.
The coins of Dora, which are assignable to a period subsequent to Caligula, have most frequently the image of Zeus with the laurel.[56] In a narrative of Apion, which is indeed a silly fiction, Apollo is designated the deus Dorensium.[57] His worship, which was common in all these towns (comp. Raphia, Gaza, Ascalon, Caesarea), is to be traced to Seleucid influence. For Apollo was the ancestral God of the Seleucids, as Dionysos was that of the Ptolemies.[58]
[56] Mionnet, v. 359-362; Suppl. viii. 258-260. De Saulcy, pp. 142-148, pl. vi. n. 6-12. Comp. also Eckhel, iii. 362 sq.
[57] Joseph. contra Apion. ii. 9.
[58] Stark, Gaza, p. 568 sqq.
The ancient Ptolemais (Akko) was in the age of the Seleucids and Ptolemies one of the most flourishing of heathen cities (see § 23. I. Nr. 11). Hence we may here assume, even without more special information, an early penetration of the Greek worship. Upon the autonomie coins of the town, belonging probably to the last decades before Christ (soon after Caesar), is found. almost universally the image of Zeus.[59] In the time of Claudius, Ptolemais became a Roman colony. Upon the very numerous subsequent coins is found chiefly Tyche (Fortuna); likewise Artemis, Pluto and Persephone, Perseus with Medusa, the Egyptian Serapis and the Phrygian Cybele.[60] The Mishna gives an account of a meeting of the famous scribe Gamaliel II. with a heathen philosopher in the bath of Aphrodite.[61]
[59] De Saulcy, pp. 154-156.
[60] Mionnet, v. 473-481; Suppl. viii. 324-331. Tyche (Fortuna) frequently. Artemis, n. 29, 39. Pluto and Persephoue, n. 37. Perseus, Suppl. n. 19, 20. Serapis, n. 16, 24, 28. Cybele, n. 42. Still more in De Saulcy, pp. 157-169, pl. viii.
[61] Aboda sara iii. 4.
Beside the towns on the coast, it was chiefly the districts in the east of Palestine which were the earliest and the most completely Hellenized. It is probable that Alexander the Great and the Diadochoi here founded a number of Greek towns, or Hellenized towns already existing. Hence arose in early times a series of centres of Greek culture in these parts. Their prosperity was interrupted for only a short time by the chaotic work of destruction of Alexander Jannaeus. For Pompey already made an independent development again possible to them by separating them from the Jewish realm and combining them probably under the name of Decapolis into a certain sort of unity.
Damascus is reckoned by Pliny and Ptolemy as the chief among these cities of Decapolis. It was an important arsenal even in the time of Alexander the Great. Its Hellenistic character at that period is testified to by coins of Alexander, which were minted there (see § 23. I. Nr. 12). From that time onward it became increasingly a Hellenistic city. At the partition of the great empire of the Seleucids into several portions towards the end of the second century before Christ, it even became for a while the capital of one of these smaller kingdoms. As was consequently to be expected, the autonomic and mostly dated coins of Damascus reaching to the commencement of the Roman Empire, present us with the purely Greek deities: Artemis, Athene, Nike, Tyche, Helios, Dionysos.[62] Upon imperial coins proper the emblems and images of stated divinities are, comparatively speaking, but seldom found. Silenus, the honoured companion of Dionysus and with him Dionysos himself here occur the most frequently; especially in the third century after Christ.[63] The Hellenistic legend, which connects him with the foundation of Damascus, also points to the worship of this god.[64] Perhaps his worship both here and in other cities of Eastern Palestine is to be traced to Arabian influence. For the principal deity of the Arabians was conceived of by the Greeks as Dionysos.[65] Upon the Greek inscriptions, which have been preserved in Damascus and its neighbourhood, Zeus is more frequently mentioned.[66]
[62] De Saulcy, pp. 30-33. Artemis, n. 2, 3, 7, 8, 10, 14, 21. Athene, n. 2, 8, 14, 15. Nike, n. 11, 12, 22, 23. Tyche, n. 17, 18. Helios, n. 3, 21. Dionysos, n. 24, 25. Most also in Mionnet, v. 283 sq.; Suppl. viii. 193 sqq.
[63] Mionnet, v. 285-297; Suppl. viii. 193-206. Silenus, n. 61, 62, 68, 69, 72, 77, 85; Suppl. n. 34, 35, 48. Dionysos, n. 80, 88. The most also in De Saulcy, pp. 35-56.
[64] Stephanus Byz. s.v. Δαμασκός.
[65] Herodot. iii. 8. Arrian, vii. 20. Strabo, xvi. p. 741. Origenes, contra Cels. v. 37. Hesych. Lex. s.v. Δουσάρης. Krehl, Ueber die Religion der vorislamischen Araber, 1863, pp. 29 sqq., 48 sqq.
[66] Le Bas et Waddington, Inscriptions, vol. iii. n. 1879, 2549, 2550. Ζεὺς Κεραύνιος (at Deir Kanun on the Nahr Barada). Corp. Inscr. Graec. 4520 = Waddington, n. 2557a.
In many of the towns of Decapolis, especially in Kanatha, Gerasa, and Philadelphia, the existing magnificent ruins of temples of the Roman period still bear witness to the former splendour of the Hellenistic worship in these towns.[67] Of the special worships of the several towns, we have for the most part but deficient information. In Scythopolis, Dionysos must have been specially honoured. For the town was also called Nysa,[68] and this is the mythological name of the place, in which Dionysos was brought up by the nymphs.[69] The name Scythopolis was also referred mythologically to Dionysos (see § 23. I. Nr. 19). On the coins of Gadara Zeus is most frequently met with, also Herakles, Astarte and other individual deities.[70] Artemis is depicted on the coins of Gerasa as the Τύχη Γεράσων.[71] In Philadelphia Herakles appears to have been the principal divinity, Τύχη Φιλαδελφέων, other individual gods also occurring.[72] The coins of the other cities of Decapolis are not numerous, and offer but insufficient material.
[67] See the geographical literature mentioned in § 23. I.
[68] Plinius, Hist. Nat. v. 18. 74: Scythopolim antea Nysam. Steph. Byz. s.v. Σκυθόπολις, Παλαιστίνης πόλις, ἢ Νύσσης (1. Νύσσα) Κοίλης Συρίας. On coins chiefly Νυσ[αιων?] Σκυθο[πολιτων].
[69] A whole number of towns claimed to be the true Nysa. See Steph. Byz. s.v. (Νῦσαι πόλεις πολλαί), Pauly’s Encycl. v. 794 sq. Pape-Benseler, Wörterbuch der griech. Eigennamen, s.v.
[70] Mionnet, v. 323-328; Suppl. viii. 227-230. De Saulcy, pp. 294-303, pl. xv.
[71] Mionnet, v. 329; Suppl. viii. 230 sq. De Saulcy, p. 384 sq., pl. xxii. n. 1-2.
[72] Mionnet, v. 330-333. Suppl. viii. 232-336. De Saulcy, pp. 386-392, pl. xxii. n. 3-9. The bust of the young Herakles is found with the superscription Ηρακλης upon a coin of Marcus Aurelius and L. Verus (see the representation of it in De Saulcy, pl. xxii. n. 7). Upon two others (one of Marcus Aurelius, the other of Commodus) is depicted a vehicle drawn by four horses, with the superscription Ηρακλειον (Mionnet, n. 77, 80; De Saulcy, pp. 390, 391). According to the ingenious supposition of Eckhel (Doctr. Num. iii. 351), we are to understand by the latter a small statue or sacellum which was on festivals carried in procession. The Τύχη Φιλαδελφέων upon the coins of Hadrian and Antoninus Pius, see De Saulcy, p. 389.
Apart from the coast towns and the cities of Decapolis, there are only two other cities in which especially Hellenism gained an early footing, viz. Samaria and Panias. Alexander the Great is said to have settled colonists in Samaria. In any case it was an important Hellenistic military post in the times of the Diadochoi (see § 23. I. Nr. 24). The town was indeed razed to the ground by John Hyrcanus, but the Hellenist rites must certainly have been re-established at its restoration by Gabinius, and have attained still greater ascendancy at the enlargement of the town by Herod the Great, who also here erected a magnificent temple to Augustus.[73] On the other worships some further information is furnished by coins attributable to times subsequent to Nero.[74] In Panias, the subsequent Caesarea Philippi, the Greek Fan must have been worshipped since the commencement of Hellenic times in the grotto there; for the locality is in the days of Antiochus the Great already mentioned by the name of τὸ Πάνειον (see § 23. I. Nr. 29). The continuance of his worship in later times is also abundantly testified by coins and inscriptions.[75] Herod the Great built here as well as in Caesarea Stratonis and Samaria a temple of Augustus.[76] Of other deities Zeus is most frequently found upon the coins, some appear singly; the image of Pan is, however, by far the most prevalent.[77]
[73] Bell. Jud. i. 21. 2; comp. Antt. xv. 8. 5.
[74] Mionnet, v. 513-516; Suppl. viii. 356-359. De Saulcy, pp. 275-281, pl. xiv. n. 4-7.
[75] The coins in Mionnet, v. 311-315, n. 10, 13, 16, 20, 23; Suppl. viii. 217-220, n. 6, 7, 8, 10. Others in De Saulcy, pp. 313-324, pl. xviii.; comp. especially the representations of Pan with the flute in De Saulcy, pl. xviii. n. 8, 9, 10. The inscriptions in Le Bas et Waddington, Inscr. vol. iii. n. 1891, 1892, 1893 (= Corp. Inscr. Graec. n. 4538, 4537, Addenda, p. 1179).
[76] Antt. xv. 10. 3; Bell. Jud. i. 21. 3.
[77] See Mionnet and De Saulcy’s above-named work.
Subsequently to the second century after Christ, Hellenic worship may be proved to have existed in other towns of Palestine also, as Sepphoris, Tiberias, etc. It may however be assumed with tolerable certainty, that it found no favour in them before the Vespasian war. For till then the cities in question were chiefly inhabited by Jews, who would hardly have tolerated the public exercise of heathen worship in their midst.[78]
[78] That there were no heathen temples in Tiberius may be indirectly inferred also from Joseph. Vita, 12. For only the destruction of Herod’s palace adorned with images of animals is mentioned, not that of heathen temples.
The case was different with the half-heathen districts of Trachonitis, Batanaea, and Auranitis, east of the Lake of Gennesareth. Here too the Hellenistic worships probably first penetrated to a wider extent subsequently to the second century after Christ. But the work of Hellenization. began with the appearance of Herod and his sons, who gained for culture these hitherto half-barbarous places (see above, p, 4). The worship of Hellenic deities was afterwards admitted. The inscriptions, of which a special abundance has been preserved in these regions, testify to its prevalence from the second to the fourth centuries. The same observation must however here be made as with respect to the Philistine towns, viz. that the native Arabian deities were still maintained beside the Greek gods.
Among these Dusares, compared by the Greeks to Dionysos, takes the first place. His worship in Roman times is testified chiefly by the games dedicated to him, the Ἄκτια Δουσάρια in Adraa and Bostra.[79] Several other Arabian gods, the names of some of whom are all that is known to us, are also mentioned upon the inscriptions.[80] The Greek deities have, however, the preponderance during this period. Among them by far the most frequently occurring is Zeus,[81] and next to him Dionysos, Kronos, Herakles.[82] Of female deities the most frequent are Athene[83] and Tyche,[84] then Aphrodite, Nike, Irene.[85] Finally, the religious syncretism of the subsequent imperial period favoured other Oriental, as well as the ancient native deities. Among these the Syrian Sun-god, who is here adored, now under his Semitic name Αὔμου, now under his Greek name Ἥλιος, at another under both together, plays the chief part.[86] His worship so flourished in Constantine’s time also, that a considerable temple could even then be erected for it in Auranitis.[87] Nay, the Christian preachers were only able to suppress it, by substituting for him the prophet Ἡλίας.[88] Besides the Syrian Sun-god, the worship of Marnas of Gaza and the Egyptian deities Ammon and Isis, may also be shown to have been practised.[89]
[79] Δουσάρης in Le Bas et Waddington, Inscr. vol. iii. n. 2023, 2312. The Nom. propr. Δουσάριος 1916. דושרא in de Vogüé, Syrie Centrale, Inscriptions sémitiques, pp. 113, 120. The Ἄκτια Δουσάρια in Mionnet, v. 577-585, n. 5, 6, 18, 32, 33, 34, 36, 37. The same also in De Saulcy, pp. 375, 365, 369 sq. Comp. Tertullian, Apolog. 24: Unicuique etiam provinciae et civitati suus deus est, ut Syriae Astartes, ut Arabiae Dusares. Hesych. Lex. s.v.: Δουσάρην τὸν Διόνυσον Ναβαταῖοι. Krehl, Ueber die Religion der vorislamischen Araber (1863), p. 48 sq. Waddington’s illustrations to n. 2023. Mordtmann, Dusares in Epiphanius (Ztschr. der DMG. 1875, pp. 99-106).
[80] Θεανδρίτης or Θεάνδριος in Waddington, n. 2046, 2374a (C. I. Gr. 4609, Addend. p. 1181), 2481. See concerning him Waddington’s illustrations to n. 2046. Οὐασαιάθου, Waddington, n. 2374, 2374a. קציו, Qaçiu, in de Vogüé, Syrie Centrale, Inscr. sém. pp. 96, 103. אלת, Allath (a female deity), de Vogüé, pp. 100, 107, 119.
[81] Waddington, n. 2116, 2140, 2211, 2288, 2289, 2290, 2292, 2339, 2340, 2390, 2412d (Wetzstein, 185), 2413b (Wetzet. 179), 2413J (C. I. Gr. 4558), 2413k (C. I. Gr. 4559). Ζεὺς Τέλειος, n. 2484.
[82] Dionysos, Waddington, n. 2309. Kronos, n. 2375, 2544. Heracles, n. 2413c (Wetzst. 177), 2428.
[83] Waddington, n. 2081, 2203a (Wetzet. 16), 2216, 2308, 2410, 2453, 2461. Also with a local colouring (Ἀθηνᾷ Γοζμαίῃ at Kanatha), n. 2345.
[84] Waddington, n, 2127, 2176, 2413f to 2413i (= Corp. Inscr. Graec. n. 4554 to 4557), 2506, 2512, 2514. In the Semitic Τύχη the name of a deity is rendered by גָּד (see Lagarde, Gesammelte Abhandlungen, 1866, p. 16. Mordtmann, Zeitschr. d. DMG. 1877, pp. 99-101, and comp. the locality near Jerusalem mentioned in the Misbna גד יון, Sabim i. 5). It does not however follow that the worship of Τύχη can be traced back to the old Semitic Gad, the wide diffusion of which cannot be proved (comp. Baudissin in Herzog’s Real-Encycl. 2nd ed. iv. 722 sq.). Rather is the Syrian Astarte, with which Tyche is certainly generally connected, to be thought of (so also Mordtmann).
[85] Aphrodite, Waddingtou, n. 2098. Nike, n. 2099, 2410, 2413j (C. I. Gr. 4558), 2479. Irene, n. 2526.
[86] Αὔμου, Waddington, n. 2441, 2455, 2456. Ἥλιος, n. 2398, 2407. Ἠλιος θεὸς Αὖμος, n. 2392, 2393, 2395.
[87] Waddington, n. 2393.
[88] See Waddington on n. 2497.
[89] Marnas, Waddington, n. 2412g (Wetzst. 183). Ammon, n. 2313, 2382. Isis, n. 2527. Also upon a coin of Kanata in Mionnet, Suppl. viii. 225, n. 5.
Periodical games were often closely connected with the religious rites. In this department also the predominance of Hellenic customs may be proved by numerous examples. But even here authorities for the Greek period, properly so called, are extremely few. We know, that Alexander the Great celebrated splendid games at Tyre.[90] The πενταετηρικὸς ἀγών held there is incidentally mentioned in the prefatory narrative of the Maccabean rising (2Ma_4:18-20). On the same occasion we learn also that Antiochus Epiphanes desired to introduce the Διονύσια into Jerusalem (2Ma_6:7). But it is just is the Hellenic towns of Palestine that the celebration of such solemnities during the pre-Eoman period cannot be proved in detail, though from the general character of the age it must evidently be assumed.[91] Not till we come to the Roman period are authorities again abundant. The great importance of public games in imperial times is well known; not a provincial town of any consequence was without them.[92] This was especially the case with those in connection with the cult of the Imperator, the games in honour of the emperor, which were everywhere in vogue, even in the time of Augustus.[93] In Palestine also they were introduced by Herod into Caesarea and Jerusalem. Other games of various kinds also existed beside them. Their prevalence in the chief towns of Palestine in the second century after Christ is proved by an inscription at Aphrodisias in Caria, upon which the council and people of the Aphrodisians record the victories gained by one Aelius Aurelius Menander in several contests. Among the games here enumerated are some also which took place in Palestinian towns.[94] In a similar inscription at Laodicaea in Syria, of the beginning of the third century after Christ, the victor himself transmits to posterity the victories he obtained. Here too many towns of Palestine are mentioned as the theatres of these victories.[95] Lastly, in an anonymous Descriptio totius orbis of the middle of the 4th century after Christ, are enumerated the kinds of games and contests, for which the most important towns of Syria were then distinguished.[96] From these and other sources the following materials have been compiled.[97]
[90] Arrian, ii. 24. 6; iii. 6. 1. Comp. Plutarch. Alex. c. 29. Droysen, Gesch. d. Hellenismus (2nd ed.), i. 1. 297, 325.
[91] Comp. Stark, Gaza, p. 594 sq.
[92] Compare on the games in the Roman period, especially Friedländer, Darstellungen aus der Sittengesch. Roms, vol. ii. (3rd ed. 1874) pp. 261-622. On their organization and kinds, also Marquardt, Römische Staatsver-waltung, vol. iii. (2nd ed. 1878) pp. 462-544 (also edited by Friedländer).
[93] Sueton. Aug. 59: provinciarum pleraeque super templa et aras ludos quoque quinquennales paene oppidatim constituerunt.
[94] Le Bas et Waddington, vol. iii. n. 1620b. The inscription, as is proved by another pertaining to it (n. 1620a), is of the time of Marcus Aurelius. The part which interests us is as follows:—
[95] Corp. Inscr. Graec. n. 4472 = Le Bas et Waddington, vol. iii. n. 1839. The date of the inscription is A.D. 221. It mentions among others games at Caesarea, Ascalon and Scythopolis.
[96] This originally Greek Descriptio totius orbis is preserved in two Latin paraphrases, both of which are given in Müller’s Geographi Graeci minores, ii. 513-528. One also in Riese’s Geographi Latini minores (1878), pp. 104-126. According to the freer but more intelligible version c. 32 runs as follows: Iam nunc dicendum est quid etiam in se singulae civitates, de quibus loquimur, habeant delectabile. Habes ergo Antiochiam in ludis circensibus eminentem; similiter et Laodiciam et Tyrum et Berytum et Caesaream. Et Laodicia mittit aliis civitatibus agitatores optimos, Tyrus et Berytus mimarios, Caesarea pantomimos, Heliopolis choraulas, Gaza pammacarios, Ascalon athletas luctatores, Castabala pyctas.
[97] In enumerating the towns I follow the same order as above when treating of the worships, and in § 23. I. The further information may also be given, that the kinds of games were in general as follows: (1) in the circus (ἱππόδρομος) the chariot race; (2) in the amphitheatre the contests of gladiators and fights of wild beasts; (3) in the theatre plays, properly so called, to which were also added pantomimes; (4) in the stadium gymnastic games—boxing, wrestling, and running; the latter were also sometimes held in the circus (Marquardt, iii. 504 sq.). At the great annual feasts several of these gaines were generally combined.
Δαμασκὸν Βʹ ἀνδρῶν πανκράιν,
Βηρυτὸν ἀνδρῶν πανκράτιν,
Τύρον ἀνδρῶν πανκράτιν,
Καισάρειαν τὴν Στράτωνος ἀνδρῶν πανκράτιν,
Νέαν πόλιν τῆς Σαμαρίας ἀνδρῶν πανκράτιν
Σκυθόπολιν ἀνδρῶν πανκράτιν,
Γάζαν ἀνδρῶν πανκράτιν,
Καισάρειαν Πανιάδα βʹ ἀνδρῶν πανκράτιν, …
Φιλαδέλφειαν τῆς Ἀραβίας ἀνδρῶν πανκράτιν.
In Gaza a πανήγυρις Ἀδριανή was celebrated from the time of Hadrian.[98] A παγκράτιον is mentioned as held there in the inscription of Aphrodisias.[99] The pammacarii (= παμμάχοι or παγκρατιασταί) of Gaza were in the fourth century the most famous in Syria.[100] Jerome in his Life of Hilarion mentions the Circensian games there.[101] A ταλαντιαῖος ἀγών is testified for Ascalon in the inscription of Laodicaen. Its wrestlers (athlelue luctatores, see note [102] were particularly famous. In Caesarea a stone theatre and a large amphitheatre, the latter with a view of the sea, were built by Herod the Great;[103] a στάδιον is mentioned of the time of Pilate;[104] the town must also have had a circus from its commencement, since a ἵππων δρόμος was held (see below) so early as at the dedication by Herod. Even now traces and remains of a theatre are discernible.[105] All the four species of games having thus been from the first provided for, it follows that all four were in fact celebrated at the dedication by Herod the Great.[106] From that time onwards they were repeated every four years in honour of the emperor.[107] These were however of course not the only games held at Caesarea. All the four kinds may also be pointed out singly in later times. 1. The ludi circenses of Caesarea were in the fourth century after Christ as famous as those of Antioch. Laodicaea, Tyre and Berytus (see note [108]. Titus instituted after the termination of the Jewish war gladiatorial contests and fights of wild beasts, in which hundreds of Jewish prisoners were sacrificed.[109] The Emperor Maximinus exhibited at the celebration of his birthday animals brought from India and Ethiopia.[110]. Games in the theatre are mentioned in the time of King Agrippa I.[111] The pantomimi of Caesarea were in the fourth century the most famous in Syria (see note [112] We must understand indeed of pantomimic games also, what Eusebius says of the games of Maximinus.[113]. A παγκράτιον is mentioned in the inscription of Aphrodisias, a boxing-match in that of Laodicaea.[114] In Ptolemais a gymnasium was built by Herod the Great.[115]
[98] Chron. pasch., ed. Dindorf, i. 474.
[99] The παγκράτιον is the “joint contest,” which comprises both wrestling (πάλη) and boxing (πυγμή). Hence it belongs to the order of gymnastic games.
[100] See above, note 93. In the text of the second Latin translation of the Descr. totius orbis, it is said more fully concerning Gaza: aliquando autem et Gaza habet bonos auditores, dicitur autem habere eam et pammacharios. The Latin auditores is undoubtedly an erroneous translation, perhaps for ἀκροαματικοί (see Stark, Gaza, p. 595).
[101] Hieronymus, Vita Hilarionis, c. 20 (Opp. ed. Vallarsi, ii. 22): Sed et Italicus ejusdem oppidi municeps Christianus adversus Gazensem Duumvirum, Marnae idolo deditum, circenses equos nutriebat.
[102] The παγκράτιον is the “joint contest,” which comprises both wrestling (πάλη) and boxing (πυγμή). Hence it belongs to the order of gymnastic games.
[103] Antt. xv. 9. 6 fin.; Bell. Jud. i. 21. 8.
[104] Antt. xviii. 3. 1; Bell. Jud. ii. 9. 3.
[105] The Survey of Western Palestine, Memoirs by Conder and Kitchener, ii. 13 sqq. (with plan of the town, p. 15).
[106] Antt. xvi. 5. 1: κατηγγέλκει μὲν γὰρ ἀγῶνα μουσικῆς καὶ γυμνικων ἀθλημάτων, παρεσκευάκει δὲ πολὺ πλῆθος μονομάχων καὶ θηρίων, ἳππων τε δρόμου, etc.
[107] The games were celebrated κατὰ πενταετηρίδα (Antt. xvi. 5. 1) and hence called πενταετηρικοὶ ἀγῶνες (Bell. Jud. i. 21. 8). According however to our mode of expression these games were held every four years. The same formula are constantly used of all fourth yearly games, the Olympic, the Actian, etc. See the Lexica and the material in the index to the Corp. Inscr. Graec. p. 158, s.v.
[108] The παγκράτιον is the “joint contest,” which comprises both wrestling (πάλη) and boxing (πυγμή). Hence it belongs to the order of gymnastic games.
[109] Bell. Jud. vii. 31.
[110] Euseb. De Martyr. Palaest. vi. 1-2.
[111] Antt. xix. 7. 4; 8. 2. On the games mentioned in the last passage, as held in honour of the Emperor Claudius, see above, § 18, s. fin.
[112] The παγκράτιον is the “joint contest,” which comprises both wrestling (πάλη) and boxing (πυγμή). Hence it belongs to the order of gymnastic games.
[113] De Martyr. Palaest. vi. 2: ἀνδρῶν ἐντέχνοις τισὶ σωμασκίαις παραδόξους ψυχαγωγίας τοῖς ὁρῶσιν ἐνδεικνυμένων. See also the note of Valesius.
[114] This πυγμή took place on the occasion of the Σεουήρειος Οἰκουμενικὸς Πυθικός (scil. ἀγών), i.e. of the Pythic games dedicated to the Emperor Septimius Severus.
[115]a Joseph. Bell. Jud. i. 21. 11.
In Damascus also a gymnasium and theatre were built by Herod the Great (see Josephus as before). The existence of a παγκράτιον there is testified to by the inscription of Aphrodisias, and σεβάσμια (games in honour of the emperor) are mentioned upon the coins since Macrinus.[116] Ruins of two theatres are still standing at Gadara.[117] A ναυμαχία there occurs on the coins of Marcus Aurelius.[118] Kanatha has besides ruins of its temple those of a small theatre, hewn out in the rock and designated on an inscription as θεατροειδὲς ᾠδεῖον.[119] In Scythopolis traces of a hippodrome are found, and ruins of a theatre are still standing.[120] A παγκράτιον is mentioned in the inscription of Aphrodisias, and a ταλαντιαῖος ἀγών in that of Laodicaea. Among the magnificent ruins of Gerasa are found those of two theatres and traces of a Naumachia (an amphitheatre erected for battles of ships).[121] Philadelphia too possesses the ruins of a theatre and of an Odeum (a small roofed theatre),[122] and a παγκράτιον is mentioned in the inscription of Aphrodisias. In Caesarea Panias “various spectacles” (παντοίας θεωρίας), especially gladiatorial contests and wild beast fights, in which Jewish prisoners were used, were given by Titus after the termination of the Jewish war.[123] A παγκράτιον held there is mentioned in the inscription of Aphrodisias. On games in the Jewish towns (Jerusalem, Jericho, Tarichea, Tiberias), see the next section.
[116] Mionnet, v. 291 sqq.; Suppl. viii. 198 sqq. De Sanley, p. 42 sqq.
[117] See the geographical literature cited in § 23. I. note 179.
[118] See especially Eckhel, Doctr. Num. iii. 348 sqq., also Mionnet, v. 326, n. 38. De Saulcy, p. 299.
[119] The inscription in Le Bas et Waddington, vol. iii. n. 2341. On the building itself, see the geographical literature cited § 23. I. note 214.
[120] See especially, The Survey of Western Palestine, Memoirs by Conder and Kitchener, vol. ii. p. 106 (plan of the hippodrome) and p. 107 (plan of the theatre). The theatre is according to Conder (ii. 106) the best preserved specimen of Roman work in Western Palestine.
[121] See the geographical literature cited § 23, note 1. 253.
[122] See the literature cited § 23, note 1. 270.
[123] Bell. Jud. vii. 2. 1.
Besides the religious rites and games, there is finally a third point which shows how deeply Hellenism had penetrated in many of these towns, viz. that they produced men, who gained a name in Greek literature. Among the coast towns Ascalon is especially prominent in this respect. In Stephanus of Byzantium (s.v. Ἀσκάλων) are enumerated four Stoic philosophers: Antiochus, Sosus, Antibius, Eubius, who were natives of Ascalon. Of these only Antiochus is elsewhere known. He was a contemporary of Lucullus and a teacher of Cicero, and therefore belongs to the first century before Christ. His system is moreover not exactly stoic but eclectic.[124] As grammarians of Ascalon, Ptolemaeus and Dorotheas, as historians Apollonius and Artemidorus are named by Steph. Byz. The two latter are unknown. Dorotheas is elsewhere quoted, but his date cannot be decided.[125] Next to the philosopher Antiochus, the grammarian Ptolemaeus is best known.[126] If he was, as stated by Stephen, Ἀριστάρχου γνώριμος, he would belong to the second century before Christ. He is probably however of a considerably later date (about the beginning of the Christian era).[127] Among the towns of Decapolis Gadara and Gerasa are especially to be mentioned as the birthplaces of distinguished men. Of Gadara was the Epicurean Philodemus, the contemporary of Cicero, numerous fragments of whose writings have become known through the rolls discovered in Herculaneum; also the epigrammatic poet Meleager and the cynic Menippus, both probably belonging to the first century before Christ. The Greek anthology contains more than a hundred epigrams of Meleager, nay he was himself the founder of this collection. Lastly the rhetorician Theodorus, the tutor of the Emperor Tiberius, was also a Gadarene. All the four are already mentioned in combination by Strabo.[128] Of Gerasa were, according to Steph. Byz. (s.v. Γέρασα): Ariston (ῥήτωρ ἀστεῖος), Kerykos (σοφιστής) and Plato (νομικὸς ῥήτωρ), all three not otherwise known.
[124] See Pauly’s Encykl. i. 1 (2nd ed.), p. 1141 sq., and the literature there cited, especially Zeller. Also Hoyer, De Antiocho Ascalonita, Bonn 1883.
[125] See Fabricius, Biblioth. graeca, ed. Harles, i. 511, vi. 365, x. 719. Pauly’s Encykl. ii. 1251. Nicolai, Griech. Literaturgesch. ii. 381.
[126] See Fabricius, Biblioth. graeca, i. 521, vi. 156 sqq. Pauly’s Encykl. vi. 1, 142. Nicolai, Griech. Literaturgesch. ii. 347. Baege, De Ptolemaco Ascalonita, 1882; also in Dissertationes philol. Halenses, v. 2, 1883.
[127] Comp. on the date of Ptolemy, Baege, pp. 2-6. In Stark, Gaza, he is, certainly through inadvertence, transposed to the middle of the third century.
[128] Strabo, xvi. p. 759. For further particulars on all four, see the works of Fabricius (Biblioth. graec.), Pauly (Encykl.), Nicolai (Griech. Literatur, gesch.); on Philodemus and Menippus in the works of Zeller and Ueberweg on the history of Greek philosophy; on Menippus, Wildenow, De Menippo Cynico, Halis Sax. 1881.
2. Hellenism in the Jewish Region[129]
[129]a Comp. in general Hamburger, Realencyclop. für Bibel und Talmud, 2nd Div., article “Griechenthum.”
In the Jewish region proper Hellenism was in its religious aspect triumphantly repulsed by the rising of the Maccabees; it was not till after the overthrow of Jewish nationality in the wars of Vespasian and Hadrian, that an entrance for heathen rites was forcibly obtained by the Romans. In saying this however we do not assert, that the Jewish people of those early times remained altogether unaffected by Hellenism. For the latter was a civilising power, which extended itself to every department of life. It fashioned in a peculiar manner the organization of the state, legislation, the administration of justice, public arrangements, art and science, trade and industry, and the customs of daily life down to fashion and ornaments; and thus impressed upon every department of life, wherever its influence reached, the stamp of the Greek mind. It is true that Hellenistic is not identical with Hellenic culture. The importance of the former on the contrary lay in the fact, that by its reception of the available elements of all foreign cultures within its reach, it became a world-culture. But this very world-culture became in its turn a peculiar whole, in which the preponderant Greek element was the ruling keynote. Into the stream of this Hellenistic culture the Jewish people was also drawn; slowly indeed and with reluctance, but yet irresistibly, for though religious zeal was able to banish heathen worship and all connected therewith from Israel, it could not for any length of time restrain the tide of Hellenistic culture in other departments of life. Its several stages cannot indeed be any longer traced. But when we reflect that the small Jewish country was enclosed on almost every side by Hellenistic regions, with which it was compelled, even for the sake of trade, to hold continual intercourse, and when we remember, that even the rising of the Maccabees was in the main directed not against Hellenism in general, but only against the heathen religion, that the later Asmonaeans bore in every respect a Hellenistic stamp—employed foreign mercenaries, minted foreign coins, took Greek names, etc., and that some of them, e.g. Aristobulus I., were direct favourers of Hellenism,—when all this is considered, it may safely be assumed, that Hellenism had, notwithstanding the rising of the Maccabees, gained access in no inconsiderable measure into Palestine even before the commencement of the Roman period. Its further diffusion was not to any considerable amount promoted by the rule of the Romans and Herodians, who added to it that Latin element, which makes itself so very apparent especially after the first century of the Christian era. For this later age (the first half of the second century after Christ), the Mishna affords us copious material, plainly showing the influence of Hellenism upon every sphere of life. A multitude of Greek and also of Latin words in the Hebrew of the Mishna shows, how it was just Hellenistic culture which had gained an ascendancy in Palestine also. A series of examples may serve to substantiate this in detail also.[130]
[130] The compilation following is for the most part the result of my own collection. Anton Theodor Hartmann’s catalogue of the Greek and Latin words in the Mishna (Thesauri linguae hebraicae e Mishna augendi particula i. (Rostochii 1825), pp. 40-47, comp. Pt. iii. (1826, p. 95)), a very careful work, though not complete as to authorities, has furnished me with several needed additions. Comp. also on the foreign words in the Mishna and Talmud, Sachs, Beitrage zur Sprach- und Alterthumsforschung aus jüdischen Quellen, Nos. I. and II. 1852-1854. Cassel in Ersch and Gruber’s Encycl., Div. ii. vol. 27, p. 28 sq. Adolf Brull, Fremdsprachliche Redensarten und ausdrucklich als fremdsprachlich bezeichnete Wörter in den Talmuden und Midraschim, Leipzig 1869. Perles, Etymologische Studien zur Kunde der rabbinische Sprache und Altherthümer, Breslau 1871. N. Brull, Fremdsprachliche Wörter in den Talmuden und Midraschim (Jahrb. fur jüdische Gesch. und Literatur, i. 1874, pp. 123-220).
It is chiefly of course in the department of civil government and military matters that, together with foreign arrangements, we find foreign terms also current. A provincial governor is called הגמין (ἡγεμών), a province הגמוניא (ἡγεμονία), the municipal authorities of a town ארכי (ἀρχή).[131] For soldiers in general the Latin לגיונות (legiones) is used; an army is called אסטרטיא (στρατία), war פולמוס (πόλεμος), pay אפסניא (ὀψώνιον), a helmet קסדא (cassida), a shield תריס (θυρεός).[132] In matters of jurisprudence, Jewish traditions were in general strictly adhered to. The law, given to His people by God through Moses, extended not only to sacred transactions, but also to matters of civil law and the organization of the administration of justice. Here too then the Old Testament was in essential points the standard. We nevertheless meet with Greek terms and arrangements in some particulars in these departments also. The court of justice is indeed generally called בית דין, but sometimes also סנהדרין (συνέδριον), the assessors פרהדרין (πάρεδροι), the accuser קטיגור (κατήγορος), the advocate פרקליט (παράκλητος), a deposit אפותיקי (ὑποθήκη), a testament דיתיקי (διαθήκη), a guardian or steward אפיטרופוס (ἐπίτροπος).[133] Nay even for a specifically Jewish legal institution, introduced in the time of Hillel, viz. the declaration before a court of justice, that the right to call in a given loan at any time was reserved notwithstanding the Sabbatic year, the Greek expression פרוזבול (προσβολή) was used.[134]
[131] הגמון, Edujoth vii. 7; הגמוניא, Gittin i. 1; ארכי, Kiddushin iv. 5.
[132] לגיונות, Kelim xxix. 6; Ohaloth xviii. 10; אסטרטיא Kiddushin iv. 5; פולמוס, Sota ix. 14; Para viii. 9; אפסניא (not אספניא), see Levy, Neuhebr. Wörterbuch. s.v., Sanhedrin ii. 4; קסדא, Shabbath vi. 2; Kelim xi. 8; תריס, Shabbath vi. 4; Sota viii. 1; Aboth iv. 11.
[133] סנהדרון, Sota ix. 11; Kiddushin iv. 5; Sanhedrin i. 5-6; Shebuoth ii. 2, Middoth v. 4; specially abundant in the later Targums, see Buxtorf, Lex. Chald., and Levy, Chald. Wörterb. s.v.—פרהדרין, Joma 1. 1; קטיגור and פרקליט, Aboth iv. 11; אפותיקי, Gittin iv. 4; דיתיקי, Moed katan iii. 3; Baba mezia i. 7; Baba bathra viii. 6; אפיטרופוס, Shebiith x. 6; Bikkurim i. 5; Pesachim viii. 1; Gittin v. 4; Baba kamma iv. 4, 7; Baba bathra iii. 3; Shebuoth vii. 8; אפיטרופא (stewardess), Kethuboth ix. 4, 6.
[134] פרוזבול, Pea iii. 6; Shebiith x. 3-7; Moed katan iii. 3; Kethuboth ix. 9; Gittin iv. 3; Ukzin iii. 10.
Of other public institutions, games again come first into notice. Pharisaic Judaism has always repudiated the heathen kind of games. Philo indeed says in his work, Quod omnis probus liber, that he was once present at an ἀγὼν παγκρατιαστῶν, and another time at the performance of a tragedy of Euripides.[135] But what the cultured Alexandrian allowed himself was no standard for the strict legal Palestinians. Even in the period of the Maccabees the building of a gymnasium in Jerusalem and the visiting of the same on the part of the Jews is mentioned as a chief abomination of the prevailing Hellenism (1Ma_1:14-15; 2Ma_4:9-17). And this continued to be the standpoint of legal Judaism.[136] Even Josephus designates the theatre and amphitheatre as “foreign to Jewish customs.”[137] Judaism however was unable, in spite of this theoretic repudiation, to prevent the pageantry of heathen games from developing in the midst of the Holy Land during and after the Herodian period; and we cannot assume that the mass of the Jewish population denied themselves from visiting them. A theatre and amphitheatre were built in Jerusalem by Herod, who instituted there as well as at Caesarea games every four years in honour of the emperor.[138] The games imply the existence also of a stadium and hippodrome, the latter indeed is once expressly mentioned.[139] In Jericho where Herod seems to have frequently resided were a theatre, amphitheatre and hippodrome.[140] In Tiberias a stadium is incidentally mentioned.[141] Even so unimportant a town as Tarichea had a hippodrome.[142]
[135] Opp. ed. Mangey, ii. 449 and 467.
[136] Aboda sara i. 7: “Neither bears, lions, nor anything from which harm to others might arise, might be sold to the heathen. They may not be helped in building a Basilica, a place of execution (Gradum), a Stadium or Bema. Comp. in general, Winer, Realwörterb. s.v. “Spiele” and the literature there cited. Löw, Die Lebensalter in der jüdischen Literatur (1875), pp. 291-300. Weber, System der altsynagogalen palästin. Theologie (1880), p. 68: Opinion was everywhere very strict “on the theatre and circus of the heathen.” Hamburger, Real-Encyclopädie für Bibel und Talmud, Div. ii. article “Theater.”
[137] Antt. xv. 8. 1: θέατρον … ἀμφιθέατρον, περίοπτα μὲν ἂμφω τῇ πολυτελείᾳ, τοῦ δὲ κατὰ τοὺς Ἰουδαίους ἔθους ἀλλότρια· χρῆσις τε γὰρ αὐτῶν καὶ θεαμάτων τοιούτων ἐπίδειξις οὐ παραδέδοται. The Jews saw in these games a φανερὰ κατάλυσις τῶν τιμωμένων παρʼ αὐτοῖς ἐθῶν.
[138] Antt. xv. 8. 1. The games at Jerusalem, like those at Caesarea, comprised all the four kinds: gymnastic and musical games, chariot racing and contests of wild beasts. See the further description in Josephus as above.
[139] Antt. xviii. 10. 2; Bell. Jud. ii. 3. 1.
[140] Theatre, Antt. xvii. 6. 3. Amphitheatre, Antt. xvii. 3. 2; Bell. Jud. i. 33. 8. Hippodrome, xvii. 6. 5; Bell. Jud. i. 33. 6.
[141] Bell. Jud. ii. 21. 6, iii. 10. 10; Vita, xvii. 64.
[142] Bell. Jud. ii. 21. 3; Vita, xxvii. 28.
The public baths and public inns were further arrangements showing the influence of Hellenism. The bath indeed was designated by a purely Hebrew expression מֶרְחָץ. But the name for the director of the bath, בַּלָּן (βαλανεύς), points to its Greek origin.[143] In the case of the public inns their Greek name, פונדקי (πανδοκεῖον or πανδοχεῖον), already showed them to be a product of the Hellenistic period.[144]
[143] בלן, Kelim xvii. 1; Sabim iv. 2. Compare on the baths as a heathen institution but one permissible to Jews, especially Aboda sara i. 7, iii. 4. On their diffusion and arrangements, Marquardt, Das Privatleben der Römer, vol. i. (1879) p. 262 sqq. Hermann and Blümner, Lehrb. der griechischen Privatalterthümer (1882), p. 210 sqq.
[144] פונדקי, Jebamoth xvi. 7; Gittin viii. 9; Kiddushin iv. 12; Edujoth iv. 7; Aboda sara ii. 1. פונדקית (the hostess), Demai iii. 5; Jebamoth xvi. 7. Foreign travellers are called אכסניא or אכסנאין (ξένοι), Demai iii. 1; Chullin viii. 2. פונדקי not unfrequently in the Targums, see Buxtorf, Lex. Chald., and Levy, Chald. Wörterb. s.v. A δημόσιον or κοινὸν πανδοχῖον occurs in two inscriptions in the Hauran, Le Bas et Waddington, vol. iii. n. 2462, 2463. The word also occurs, as is well known, in the N. T. (Luke 10:34). See Wetstein, Nov. Test. on Luke 10:34; Hermann and Blümner, Lehrb. der griechischen Privatalterthümer, p. 499 sqq., and the Lexicons.
Architecture in general and especially in public buildings must be regarded as emphatically a Hellenizing element.[145] In the Hellenistic towns in the neighbourhood of Palestine this is of course self-evident. They all had their ναούς, θέατρα, γυμνάσια, ἐξέδρας, στοάς, ἀγοράς, ὑδάτων εἰσαγωγάς, βαλανεῖα, κρήνας and περίστυλα in Greek fashion.[146] But also in Palestine proper, the prevalence of the Greek style—especially since the time of Herod—may be safely assumed. When Herod built himself a splendid palace, there can be no doubt that he adopted for it the Graeco-Roman style.[147] The same remark applies also to the other contemporary palaces and monuments of Jerusalem. In any case not only were Stadia[148] known in Palestine,—as must be assumed from what has been remarked about the games,—but also Basilica,[149] porticoes,[150] porches,[151] Tribunes,[152] banqueting-halls[153] and other buildings after the Graeco-Roman manner. Even in the temple at Jerusalem the Grecian style of architecture was copiously adopted. It is true that in the temple proper (the ναός) Herod could not venture to forsake the old traditional forms. But in the building of the inner fore-court we see the influence of Greek models. Its gates had fore-courts (ἐξέδραι) within, between which colonnades (στοαί) ran along the inside of the walls.[154] The gate at the eastern side of the outer court had folding doors of Corinthian brass, which were more costly than those covered with gold and silver.[155] Quite in the Grecian style were the colonnades (στοαί), which surrounded the outer court on all four sides. Most of them were double (διπλαῖ),[156] but the most magnificent were those found on the south side. They were in the form of a basilikon (βασίλειος στοά); four rows of large Corinthian columns, together 162 in number, formed a three-aisled hall, the middle aisle of which was broader by a half than the two side aisles and as high again.[157] All this does not indeed prove, that the Grecian was the prevailing style for ordinary private houses, nor may this be assumed. Occasionally we see also that Phoenician and Egyptian architecture was also found in Palestine.[158]
[145] Comp. Winer, RWB., article “Baukunst.” Rüetschi in Herzog’s Real-Encycl., 2nd ed. ii. 132 sqq. De Saulcy, Histoire de l’art judaïque, Paris 1858. Conder, Notes on Architecture in Palestine (Quarterly Statement, 1878, pp. 29-40). Almost all the ruins that remain belong to the non-Jewish towns of Palestine.
[146] See especially the summary of the buildings of Herod, Bell. Jud. i. 21. 11. On Gaza, comp. Stark, 598 sqq. On Berytus, the buildings of the two Agrippas, Antt. xix. 7. 5, xx. 9. 4. On the public buildings, which were everywhere customary in Greek towns, see Hermann and Blümner, Lehrb. der griechischen Privatalterthümer (1882), p. 132 sqq.
[147] See the description Bell. Jud. v. 4. 4.
[148] אצטדין (στάδιον), Baba kamma iv. 4; Aboda sara i. 7
[149] בסילקי (βασιλική) Aboda sara i. 7; Tohoroth vi. 8.
[150] איצטבא (στοά), Shekalim viii. 4; Sukka iv. 4; Ohaloth xviii. 9; Tohoroth vi. 10.
[151] אכסדרה (ἐξέδρα), Maaseroth iii. 6; Erubin viii. 4; Sota viii. 3; Tamid i. 3; Middoth i. 5; Ohaloth vi. 2. The ἐξέδρα is an open fore-court in front of the house door. See especially Ohaloth vi. 2.
[152] בימה (βῆμα), Sota vii. 8; Aboda sara i. 7.
[153] טריקלין (τρίκλινος), Erubin vi. 6; Baba bathra vi. 4; Aboth iv. 16; Middoth i. 6.
[154] The ἐξέδραι are mentioned by this name in the Mishna also (Tamid i. 3; Middoth i. 5). Comp. Bell. Jud. v. 5. 3; also v. 1. 5 fin., vi. 2. 7, 4. 1; Antt. xx, 8. 11. On the στοαί the inner court, see Bell. Jud. v. 5. 2 fin., vi. 5. 2 (where they are decidedly distinguished from those of the outer).
[155] Bell. Jud. v. 5. 3, init. Comp. also on this gate, Bell. Jud. ii. 17. 3, vi. 5. 3. It was probably identical with the θύρα ὡραία mentioned Acts 3:2.
[156] Bell. Jud. v. 5. 2, init.; comp. Bell. Jud. v. 3, and also Philo, De monarchia, lib. ii. § 2. The στοαί are also mentioned in the Mishna under this Greek designation (Shekalim viii. 4; Sukka iv. 4).
[157] Antt. xv. 11. 5.
[158] Tyrian courts to houses are mentioned Maaseroth iii. 5; Tyrian and Egyptian windows, Baba bathra iii. 6. The Tyrian houses were particularly large and elegant, see Strabo, xvi. p. 757, init.; Joseph. Bell. Jud. ii. 18. 9.
Plastic art could, by reason of the Jewish repudiation of all images of men and beasts, find no entrance into Palestine; and it was only in isolated cases, as e.g. when Herod the Great had a golden eagle brought into the temple, or Herod Antipas placed images of animals on his palace at Tiberias, that the Herodians allowed themselves to defy Jewish views,[159] Grecian music was undoubtedly represented at the feasts at Jerusalem and elsewhere.[160] The musical instruments of the Greeks, κίθαρις, ψαλτήριον and συμφωνία, are, as is well known, mentioned in the Book of Daniel and also in the Mishna.[161] Of games of amusement dice, קוביא (κυβεία), were, as the name shows, introduced into Palestine by the Greeks. They also were repudiated by the stricter Jews.[162] In the matter of writing the influence of the Greek and Roman periods is shown in the words used for pen, קלמוס, (κάλαμος), and writer, לבלר (librarius).[163]
[159] The eagle in the temple, Antt. xvii. 6. 2; Bell. Jud. i. 33. 2. The representations of animals on the palace at Tiberias, Joseph. Vita, 12. Representations of animals are also found upon the remarkable ruins of Arâk el-Emir, north-west of Heshbon, which are evidently identical with the castle of Tyrus mentioned by Josephus in the neighbourhood of Heshbon, the building of which he ascribes to one Hyrcanus of the time of Seleucus IV. (Antt. xii. 4. 11). It is however questionable, whether the castle with its rude figures of animals is not older than Josephus supposes, viz. of pre-Hellenistic origin; see De Vogüé, Le Temple de Jerusalem (1864), pp. 37-42, pl. xxxiv., xxxv. Tuch, Report of the Saxon Gesellsch. der Wissensch. philol.-hist. Cl. (1865), pp. 18-86. De Saulcy, Voyage en Terre Sainte (1865), i. 211 sqq. The same in the Mémoires de l’Academie des Inscr. et Belles Lettres, vol. xxvi. 1 (1867), pp. 83-117 with pl. viii. Duc de Luynes, Voyage d’exploration à la mer morte, etc., pl. 30-33. Bädeker, Palästina (1875), pp. 320-322.
[160] Herod offered prizes τοῖς ἐν τῇ μουσικῇ διαγινομένοις καὶ θυμελικοῖς καλουμένοις … καὶ διεσπούδαστο πάντας τοὺς ἐπισημοτάτους ἐλθεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν ἅμιλλαν (Antt. xv. 8. 1).
[161] Daniel 3:3; Daniel 3:5; Daniel 3:10; Daniel 3:15. On the several instruments, see especially the article in Gesenius’ Thesaurus. סמפוניא, also Kelim xi. 6, xvi. 8. On music in general among the Jews, Winer, RWB. ii. 120-125. Leyrer in Herzog’s Real-Encycl., 2nd ed. x. 387-398. Löw, Die Lebensalter in der jüdischen Literatur, p. 300 sqq.
[162] קוביא, Shabbath xxiii. 2; Roth hashana i. 8; Sanhedrin iii. 3; Shebuoth vii. 4. See in general Löw, Die Lebensalter, p. 323 sqq. Hermann and Blümner, Griech. Privatalterthümer, p. 511 sqq. Marquardt, Das Privatleben der Römer, ii. 824 sqq.
[163] קלמוס, Shabbath i. 3, viii. 5. לבלר, Pea ii. 6; Shabbath i. 3; Gittin iii. 1.
But it was in the department of trade, of industry, and all connected therewith, and in that of the necessaries of daily life, that the influence of Hellenism made itself the most forcibly noticeable. By their ancient commerce with the Phoenicians the coast lands of the Mediterranean had already entered into active intercourse with each other.[164] While, however, in ancient times the Phoenicians had the preponderance as givers, the Orientals now more occupied the position of receivers. At least it was the Graeco-Roman element which was now the intermediary and influential factor in the general commerce of the world. This is plainly shown in the trade and commerce of Judaeo-Palestine.[165] Already are the technical designations of the commercial class partly Greek. A corn-dealer is called סיטון (σιτώνης), a sole dealer, מנפול (μονοπώλης), a retail dealer, פלטר (πρατήρ),[166] a merchant’s account-book is called פנקס (πίναξ).[167] The whole coinage system of Palestine was partly the Phoenician-Hellenistic, partly the entirely Greek or Roman.[168] Reckonings were made in Palestine in the time of the Maccabees by drachmas and talents.[169] During the period of independence the Asmonean princes certainly issued money of their own, coined according to a native (Phoenician) standard, and with Hebrew inscriptions. But the later Asmoneans already added Greek inscriptions also. Of the Herodians only coins of Roman values with Greek inscriptions are known. In the period of Roman supremacy the Roman system of coins was fully carried out, nay even the Roman names of coins were then more current than the Hebrew and Greek ones, which were used simultaneously. This is seen by the following comparison of the material afforded by the Mishna and the New Testament.[170] (1) The Palestinian gold coin is the Roman aureus of 25 denarii, often mentioned in the Mishna under the name of the “gold denarius” (דינר זהב).[171] (2) The current silver coin was the denarius (δηνάριον), which is the most frequently named of all coins in the New Testament (Matthew 18:28; Matthew 20:2 sqq., Matthew 22:19; Mark 6:37; Mark 12:15; Mark 14:5; Luke 7:41; Luke 10:35; Luke 20:24; John 6:7; John 12:5; Revelation 6:6). That this Latin designation is familiar to the Mishna is very evident, for it is here almost more frequently mentioned by the expression דינר than by its Semitic equivalent זוּז.[172] The denarius being esteemed equal in value to an Attic drachma, calculations were still made by drachmas. Still this mode of computation was no longer frequent.[173] (3) Of copper coins, the two as piece, or dupondius (Hebr. פונדיון), is chiefly mentioned.[174] Such a dupondius is also meant in the saying of Christ, Luke 12:6, where the Vulgate rightly translates ἀσσαρίων δύο by dipondio. (4) The most common copper coin was the as, Greek ἀσσάριον (Matthew 10:29; Luke 12:6), Hebr. אסר, sometimes expressly designated as the Italian as, אסר איטלקי.[175] It amounted originally to one-tenth, but after the second Punic war (B.C. 217), to only one-sixteenth of a denarius.[176] (5) The smallest copper coin was the פְּרוּטָה, amounting to only the eighth of an as.[177] It was unknown to the Roman system of coinage, its name too is Semitic. The λεπτόν however which occurs in the New Testament (Mark 12:42; Luke 12:59; Luke 21:2), and is, according to Mark 12:42, the half of a quadrans, is identical with it. Coins of this size are in fact found in the period of the later Asmoneans and single ones in the Herodian-Romish period.[178] It is however striking, that both in the Mishna and the New Testament reckonings are made by this smallest portion of the as, and not by the semis (half as) and quadrans (quarter as), while the latter were then coined in Palestine also, and indeed more frequently than the λεπτόν.[179] The mode of reckoning seems, according to the latter, to have come down from pre-Roman times, but to have remained in use even after the introduction of the Roman valuation. The coins issued in the Phoenician towns, especially in Tyre, which were in circulation in Palestine even when no more were made according to this standard, differed in value from the Roman coins.[180]
[164] On the commerce of the Phoenicians, see especially the classic work of Movers (Die Phönicier), the last part of which (ii. 3, 1856) is entirely devoted to this subject. On the influence thereby exerted upon Western by Eastern culture, see the literature in Hermann and Blümner, Griechische Privatalterthümer (1882), p. 41 sq., and in Marquardt, Das Privatleben der Römer, vol. ii. (1882), p. 378 sq.
[165] On Jewish commerce, see especially Herzfeld, Handelgeschichte der Juden des Alterthums (1879); and for a short account, Winer, RWB. i. 458 sqq. Leyrer in Herzog’s Real-Enc., 2nd ed. v. 578 sqq., xiii. 513 sqq. (art. “Schiffahrt”). De Wette, Lehrb. der hebr.-jüd. Archäologie (Räbiger, 4th ed.), p. 390 sqq. Keil, Handb. der bibl. Archäol. (2nd ed. 1875) p. 599 sqq. Hamburger, Real-Encyclopädie für Bibel und Talmud, Div. ii. art. “Welthandel.” For an acquaintance with Oriental commerce in general, in the first century after Christ, one of the most important and interesting authorities is the Περίπλους τῆς ἐρυθρᾶς θαλάσσης (probably composed by a contemporary of Pliny about 70-75 after Christ). Comp. on the Periplus, especially Schwanbeck, Rhein. Museum, new series, vol. vii. 1850, pp. 321-369, 481-511. Dillmann, Monthly Report of the Berlin Academy, 1879, pp. 413-427. Jurien de la Gravière, Le commerce de l’Orient sous les règnes d’ Auguste et de Claude (Revue des deux mondes, 1883, Nov. 15, pp. 312-355). The text is given in Müller’s Geographi Graeci minores, vol. i. 1855, pp. 257-305 (see also the Proleg., p. xcv. sqq.). The separate publication, Fabricius, The Periplus of the Red Sea, by an unknown traveller, in Greek and German, with critical and explanatory note, and a complete glossary of words. Leipzig 1883 (in this work is given, pp. 1-27, the rest of the literature).
[166] סיטון, Demai ii. 4, v. 6; Baba bathra v. 10; Kelim xii. 1; מנפול, Demai v. 4; Aboda sara iv. 9; on σιτώνης and μονοπώλης, see also Herzfeld, p. 135 sq. פלטר is in some places = πωλητήριον, the place of sale; and Herzfeld (pp. 131, 132) insists on so understanding it in the two passages quoted; but it is more probably = πρατήρ (so Hartmann, Thes. ling. Hebr. e Mischna aug. p. 45).
[167] פנקס, Shabbath xii. 4; Shebuoth vii. 1. 5; Aboth iii. 16; Kelim xvii. 17, xxiv. 7. This account-book consisted of two tablets bound together, which could be opened and closed.
[168] On the Jewish coinage of earlier and later times, see Bertheau, Zur Geschichte der Israeliten (1842), pp. 1-49. Zuckermann, Ueber talmudische Gewichte und Münzen, 1862. Herzfeld, Metrologische Voruntersuchungen zu einer Geschichte des ibräischen reap. altjüdischen Handels, 2 parts, 1863-1865. The same, Handelsgeschichte der Juden (1879), pp. 171-185. Winer, RWB. art. “Gold;” also the articles Denar, Drachme, Stater, Sekel. De Wette, Lehrb. der hebr.-jüdischen Archäol. (4th ed. 1864) p. 251 sqq. The works of De Saulcy, Madden, and others on Jewish coins; see above, § 2. Hultsch, Griechische und römische Metrologie (1882), pp. 456 sqq., 602 sqq.
[169] Drachmas, 2Ma_4:19; 2Ma_10:20; 2Ma_12:43. Talents, 1Ma_11:28; 1Ma_13:16; 1Ma_13:19; 1Ma_15:31; 1Ma_15:35; 2Ma_3:11; 2Ma_4:8; 2Ma_4:24; 2Ma_5:21; 2Ma_8:10 sq. What standard is to be assumed in this case must here be left uncertain.
[170] On the coins named in the New Testament, see Madden, History of Jewish Coinage (1864), pp. 232-248; Winer and De Wette’s above-mentioned works. On the Roman coinage, comp. especially the excellent summary in Marquardt, Römische Staatsverwaltung, vol. ii. (1876), pp. 3-75. The two chief modern works are Mommsen, Gesch. des römischen Münzwesens, 1860, and Hultsch, Griechische und römische Metrologie, 1882.
[171] דינר זהב, Maaser sheni ii. 7, iv. 9; Shekalim vi. 6; Nasir v. 2; Baba kamma iv. 1: Shebuoth vi. 3; Meila vi. 4. On the Roman aureus (called also denarius aureus), see Marquardt, ii. 25 sq.; Hultsch, p. 308 sqq. That the דינר זהב was equal to 25 denarii appears, e.g., from Kethuboth x. 4; Baba kamma iv. 1.
[172] דינר, e.g. Pea viii. 8; Demai ii. 5; Maaser sheni ii. 9; Shekalim ii. 4; Beza iii. 7; Kethuboth v. 7, vi. 3, 4, x. 2; Kiddushin i. 1, ii. 2; Baba mezia iv. 5; Arachin vi. 2, 5, and elsewhere. זוּז Pea viii. 8, 9; Jama iii. 7; Kethuboth i. 5, vi. 5, ix. 8; Gittin vii. 5; Kiddushin iii. 2; Baba kamma iv. 1, viii. 6; Baba bathra x. 2.
[173] δραχμή, Luke 15:8 sq.; Joseph. Vita, 44. In both passages, however, drachmae of Tyrian value may be intended; comp. below, note 172.
[174] פונדיון, Pea viii. 7; Shebiith viii. 4; Maaser sheni iv. 8; Erubin viii. 2; Baba mezia, iv. 5; Baba bathra v. 9; Shebuoth vi. 8; Kelim xvii. 12 (in the last expressly named as the Italian pondion (פונדיון איטלקי). From Baba bathra v. 9, it is evident that a pondion = two asses, as is also expressly noticed in the Talmud (jer. Kiddushin 58d; bab. Kiddushin 12a; Lightfoot, Horae hebr. on Matthew 5:26, Opp. ii. 288 sq.). The pondion is therefore without doubt the Roman dupondius, as Guisius on Pea viii. 7 (in Surenhusius’ Mishna i, 7) has remarked.
[175] אסר איטלקי, Kiddushin i. 1; Edujoth iv. 7; Chullin iii. 2; Mikwaoth ix. 5. On אסר in general, e.g. Pea viii. 1; Shebiith viii. 4; Maaseroth ii. 5, 6; Maaser sheni iv. 3, 8; Erubin vii. 10; Baba mezia iv. 5; Baba bathra v. 9.
[176] Marquardt, Römische Staatsverwaltung, ii. 16.
[177] פְּרוּטָה, Kiddushin i. 1, ii. 1, 6; Baba kamma ix. 5, 6, 7; Baba mezia iv. 78; Shebuoth vi. 1, 3; Edujoth iv. 7. That it amounted to the eighth of the as is said Kiddushin i. 1; Edujoth iv. 7.
[178] See Madden, History of Jewish Coinage, p. 301.
[179] See Madden, as above. The semis and quadrans are not to my knowledge mentioned in the Mishna, but first occur in the Jerusalemite and Babylonian Talmud. In the New Testament indeed the quadrans (κοδράντης) is twice mentioned. But in one passage (Mark 12:42) the words ὅ ἐστιν κοδράντης are only an explanation on the part of the evangelist; in the other (Matthew 5:26) the expression κοδράντης was probably inserted by the evangelist in place of λεπτόν offered by his authority, and preserved by St. Luke (12:59). The authorities therefore of our Gospels mention only the λεπτόν, as the Mishna mentions only the פרוטה.
[180] The coins of Phoenician valuation were somewhat lighter than the Roman; see Hultsch, Griech. und röm. Metrologie, p. 594 sqq. A νόμισμα Τύριον, of the value of 4 drachmae, is mentioned by Josephus, Bell. Jud. ii. 21. 2; comp. Vita, 13, s. fin. The δίδραχμον (Matthew 17:24) and the στατήρ (= 4 drachmae, Matthew 17:27) are coins of this valuation: for the temple tribute, as well as those generally prescribed in the A. T., were discharged according to Tyrian valuation (Mishna Bechoroth viii. 7; Tosefta Kethuboth xii. fin.), because this corresponded to the Hebrew; comp. Hultsch, pp. 604 sq., 471. When Josephus states the value of the νόμισμα Τύριον to have been 4 Attic drachmae, this is but an approximate valuation, for the Tyrian tetradrachmon was somewhat lighter than the Attic (Hultsch, 595 sq.).
That which applies to money, the medium of commerce, applies also to its objects. Here too we everywhere come upon the track of Greek and Roman names and matters.[181] At the same time we must not overlook the fact, that Palestine with her abundance of natural products made on her part large contributions to the commerce of the world; the produce of her soil and her industrial commodities went into all lands and were some of them world-famed.[182] But whether the commodities were produced in the land or introduced from abroad, they equally bore in large proportion the impress of the prevalent Hellenistic culture; the produce of the interior was regulated by its requirements, while just the objects which were the fashion in all the world were those which were imported into Palestine.[183]
[181] On the commercial commodities of antiquity, see especially Marquardt, Das Privatleben der Römer, vol. ii., Leipzig 1882 (2nd ed. of the römischen Privatalterthümer, vol. ii.). Karl Friedr. Hermann and H. Blümner, Lehrb. der griechischen Privatalterthümer, Freiburg 1882. Büchsenschütz, Die Hauptstätten des Gewerbfleisses im klassischen Alterthums, Leipzig 1869. On the products of Egypt in particular, Lumbroso, Recherches sur l’économie politique de l’Egypte sous les Lagides, Turin 1870. On the arts of the Restoration, Blümner, Technologie und Terminologie der Gewerbe und Künste bei Griechen und Römern, vols, i.-iii., Leipzig 1875-1884. The Edictum Diocletiani de pretiis rerum (1st ed.) given—(1) by Mommsen in the reports of the Saxon Scientific Society, phil.-hist. Cl. vol. iii. 1851, pp. 1-80, with Appendix, pp. 383-400; (2) by Waddington in Le Bas et Waddington, Inscr. vol. iii., Explications, pp. 145-191; (3) by Mommsen in Corp. Inscr. Lat. vol. iii. 2, pp. 801-841, is a copious source of information concerning goods. I quote from Waddington’s edition.
[182] On the commercial commodities of Palestine, see Movers, Die Phönicier, ii. 3 (1856), pp. 200-235; Herzfeld, Handelsgesch. der Juden, pp. 88-117; Blümner, Die gewerbliche Thätigkeit, etc., pp. 24-27. A survey of the chief commodities in the fourth century after Christ is given in the Totius orbis descriptio in Müller, Geographi gr. minores, ii. 513 sqq. c. 29. Ascalon et Gaza in negotiis eminentes et abundantes omnibus bonis mittunt omni regioni Syriae et Aegypti vinum optimum … c. 31: Quoniam ergo ex parte supra dictas descripsimus civitates, necessarium mihi videtur, ut etiam quidnam unaquaeque civitas proprium habeat exponamus, ut qui legit, certam eorum scientiam habere possit. Scythopolis igitur, Laodicia, Byblus, Tyrus, Berytus omni mundo linteamen emittunt; Sarepta vero, Caesarea, Neapolis et Lydda purpuram praestant; omnes autem fructiferae vino, oleo et frumento; Nicolaum vero palmulam invenies abundare in Palaestina regione, in loco qui dicitur Hiericho, similiter et Damasci minores palmulas, sed utiles, et pistacium et omne genus pomorum. Especially famous was the linen manufacture of Scythopolis. In the Edictum Diocl. c. xvii.-xviii., the linen goods of Scythopolis stand first as the most expensive. See also Jer. Kiddushin ii. 5: כלי פשתן הדקים הבאין מבית שאן, Movers, ii. 3, 217 sq. Herzfeld, p. 107. Marquardt, Das Privatleben der Römer, ii. 466. Büchsenschütz, p. 61. Blümner, Die gewerbl. Thätigkeit, p. 25. The Mishna too assumes, that Galilee carried on chiefly the manufacture of linen, and Judea on the contrary that of woollen goods (Baba kamma x. 9). Hence there was a wool-market at Jerusalem.
[183] On imported articles, see also Herzfeld, Handelsgeschichte, pp. 117-129.
A series of examples from the three departments of (1) provisions (2), clothing and (3) furniture may serve as a further illustration. Of foreign provisions, e.g., there were known in Palestine Babylonian sauce (כּוּתַח), Median beer (שֵׁכָר), Edomite vinegar (חוֹמֶץ) and Egyptian zythos (זִיתוֹס).[184] Also other Egyptian products, viz. fish,[185] mustard, pumpkins, beans, lentils.[186] Likewise Cilician groats,[187] Bithynian cheese,[188] Greek pumpkins,[189] Greek and Roman hyssop,[190] and Spanish kolias.[191] From abroad came also, as their foreign names show, e.g. asparagus, lupines and Persian nuts.[192] Very widely diffused in Palestine was the custom of salting fish or pickling them in brine, as the name of the town Ταριχέαι on the Lake of Gennesareth and the frequent mention of brine (muries) in the Mishna prove.[193] The foreign origin of this custom also is evident from its foreign name.
[184] All four are mentioned, Pesachim iii. 1, as examples of provisions, which are prepared from kinds of grain and have gone through a process of fermentation. On the Egyptian ζῦθος (a kind of beer, Hebr. זיתוס, not זיתום, see Levy, Neuhebr. Wörterbuch, s.v.), comp. Theophrast. de caus. plant. vi. 11. 2. Diodor. i. 34. Plinius, xxii. 164. Strabo, xvii. p. 824. Digest. xxxiii. 6, 9. Edict. Diocletiani, ii. 12. Buxtorf, Lex. Chald. s.v. Waddington’s explanations to the Edict. Diocl. p. 154. Pauly’s Encykl. s.v. cerevisia. Marquardt, Privatleben der Römer, ii. 444. Hermann and Blümner, Griech. Privatleben, p. 235. Hehn, Kulturpflanzen und Hausthiere (3rd ed. 1877), p. 136 sq. Schleusner’s Lexicon in LXX. s.v. and the Lexicons generally. It also occurs in the Greek translations of the Old Testament Isaiah 19:10.
[185] Machshirin vi. 3. Pickled fish (ταρίχη), which are produced in large quantities in different places in Egypt, and formed a considerable article of exportation, are intended (Blümner, Die gewerbl. Thätigkeit, etc., pp. 14, 17. Lumbroso, Recherches, p. 133. The expositors of Numbers 11:5). A large number of places on the Egyptian coast had the name of Ταριχέαι from this branch of industry (Steph. Byz. s.v.). See, concerning its wide diffusion, Marquardt, Privatleben der Römer, ii. 420 sqq., and the chief work there cited, viz. Köhler, Τάριχος ou recherches sur l’histoire et les antiquités des pêcheries de la Russie méridionale (Mémoires de l’Académie imp. des sciences de St. Petersbourg, vi. serie, vol. i. 1832, pp. 347-490).
[186] Mustard (חַרְדְּל), Kilajim i. 2. Pumpkins (דְּלַעַת), Kilajim i. 2, 5. Beans (פּול), Kilajim i. 2, ii. 11, iii. 4; Shebiith ii. 8, 9; Shabbath ix. 7; Nedarim vii. 1, 2. Lentils (עְדָשִׁים), Maaseroth v. 8; Kelim xvii. 8. Egyptian lentils were known also in Rome, see Plinius, xvi. 201; Marquardt, ii. 410. Their cultivation in Egypt is of ancient date, see Hehn, Kulturpflanzen und Hausthiere (3rd ed.), p. 188.
[187] גרים קילקי, Maaseroth v. 8; Kelim xvii. 12; Negaim vi. 1.
[188] גבינה ותנייקי, Aboda sara ii. 4 (for thus we should here read, according to the best authorities, instead of the corrupt גבינת בית אונייקי). Bithynian cheese is also spoken of, Plinius, xi. 241; trans maria vero Bithynus fere in gloria est.
[189] דלעת יונית, Kilajim i. 5, ii. 11; Orla iii. 7; Ohaloth viii. 1.
[190] אזוב יוֹן and אזוב רומי, Negaim xiv. 6; Para xi. 7. The former also Shabbath xiv. 3.
[191] קולייס האספנן, Shabbath xxii. 2; Machshirin vi. 3. The colias is a kind of tunny-fish (see concerning it Plinius, xxxii. 146; Marquardt, ii. 422 and the Lexicons). It was of course salted for commerce and was like the Spanish τάριχος everywhere well known (Marquardt, ii. 421; Blümner, pp. 130-135).
[192] Asparagus (אספרגוס, ἀοπαράγος), Nedarim vi. 10. Lupines (תורמוס, θέρμος), Shabbath xviii. 1; Machshirin iv. 6; Tebul jom. i. 4. Persian nuts (אפרסקי, Περσική), Kilajim i. 4; Maaseroth i. 2. In both places, as the context shows, not peaches, but Persian nuts are meant, on which comp. Marquardt, ii. 411.
[193] מורייס, Terumoth xi. 1; Joma viii. 3; Nedarim vi. 1; Aboda sara ii. 4; Kelim x. 5.
Of materials for dress and garments of foreign origin the following are mentioned: Pelusian and Indian linen and cotton fabrics,[194] Cilician haircloth,[195] the sagum (סגום), the dalmatica (דלמטיקיון), the paragaudion (פרגוד), the stola (אצטלית),[196] the handkerchief (סודרין, σουδάριον),[197] the felt hat (פליון, πιλίον), the felt socks (אמפליא, ἐμπίλια), the sandals (סנדל), of which the Laodicean (סנדל לדיקי) are mentioned as a special kind.[198] A series too of technical expressions in the department of manufactured articles testifies to the influence of Greek models. The spun thread is called נימא (νῆμα), a certain arrangement of the loom קירוס (καῖρος),[199] the tanner בורסי (βυρσεύς).[200] Of raw materials, hemp (e.g. קנבוס, κάνναβος, κάνναβις) was first introduced into Palestine by the Greeks.[201]
[194] The garments worn by the high priest on the Day of Atonement were, according to Joma iii. 7, made of both materials. In the morning he wore the פילוסין, in the afternoon the הנדווין (whether these were of linen or cotton is not shown by these designations). The fine linen of Pelusium was famous; see Plinius, xix. 1. 14: Aegyptio lino minimum firmitatis, plurimum lucri. Quattuor ibi genera: Taniticum ac Pelusiacum, Buticum, Tentyriticum. Movers, ii. 3. 318. Büchsenschütz, 62 sq. Blümner, Die gewerbliche Thätigkeit, p. 6 sqq., especially 16.—Indian materials (ὀθόνιον Ἰνδικόν, ὀθόνη Ἰνδική, σινδόνες Ἰνδικαί) are e.g. also frequently mentioned in the Periplus maris Erythraei (see above, note 157) as articles of commerce (§ 6, 31, 41, 48, 63). Probably cotton goods are to be understood. See Marquardt, ii. 472 sq. Fabricius, Der Periplus des erythrdischen Meeres (1883), p. 123, and Brand’s article, “Ueber die antiken Namen und die geographische Verbreitung der Baumwolle im Alterthum” (1866), quoted in both these two works.
[195] קילקי, Kelim xxix. 1.—Cilicium was a cloth made of goat’s hair, and used for very various purposes (coarse cloaks, curtains, covers, etc.). See Marquardt, ii. 463; Büchsenschütz, 64; Blümner, 30. If then St. Paul was a σκηνοποιός of Tarsus in Cilicia (Acts 18:3), his calling was closely connected with the chief manufacture of his native place. In the Mishna קילקי is called “felt” (Filz), e.g. matted (verfilztes) hair on the beard, chest, etc. (Mikwaoth ix. 2).
[196] סגום, Kelim xxix. 1; Mikwaoth vii. 6. דלמטיקיון, Kilajim ix. 7. פרגוד, Shekalim iii. 2; Kelim xxix. 1. אצטלית, Joma vii. 1; Gittin vii. 5. For particulars respecting this piece of clothing, see Marquardt, ii. 584 sq., 563 sq., 536 sq. Waddington, explanations to the Edict. Dioclet. pp. 175 sq., 182, 174 sq. Mommsen, Reports of the Saxon Scientific Society, phil.-hist. Cl. iii. 71, 391.—The sagum was a mantle which left the arm at liberty, and was therefore especially worn by soldiers and artisans. The three others are different kinds of underclothing (hence in the Armenian translation of the Bible paregôt more frequently occurs for χιτών; see Lagarde, Gesammelte Abhandlungen, 1866, p. 209 sq.). The dalmatica is also mentioned in Epiphan. Haer., when speaking of the garments of the scribes.
[197] סודרין, Shabbath iii. 3; Joma vi. 8; Sanhedrin vi. 1; Tamid vii. 3; Kelim xxix. 1. In the New Testament, Luke 19:20; John 11:44; John 20:7; Acts 19:12. Much matter concerning it is also found in Wetstein, Nov. Test. on Luke 19:20, and in the Lexicons.
[198] פליון, Kelim xxix. 1; Nidda viii. 1. אמפליא, Jebamoth xii. 1; Kelim xxvii. 6 (comp. Marquardt, ii. 486; Waddington, p. 164; Mommsen, p. 71). סנדל, e.g. Shabbath vi. 2, 6, x. 3, xv. 2; Shekalim iii. 2; Beza i. 10; Megilla iv. 8; Jebamoth xii. 1; Arachin vi. 5. The sandal-maker was called סנדלר, Jebamoth xii. 5; Kethuboth v. 4; Aboth iv. 11; Kelim v. 5. See on sandals in general, Marquardt, ii. 577 sq.; Hermann and Blümner, Griechische Privatalterthümer, pp. 181, 196. סנדל לדיקי, Kelim xxvi. 1. Which Laodicea is meant cannot be ascertained, probably the Phrygian, which was famed for its manufactures (Edict. Diocl.; Marquardt, ii. 460; Büchsenschütz, p. 65; Blümner, pp. 27, 28). The Syrian Laodicea was chiefly famous for its linen manufacture (Edict. Diocl. xvii.-xviii.; Marquardt, ii. 466; Büchsenschütz, p. 61; Blümner, p. 26).
[199] נימא Erubin x. 13; Shekalim viii. 5; Kelim xix. 1, xxix. 1; Negaim xi. 10. קירוס, Shabbath xiii. 2; Kelim xxi. 1. Comp. on the καῖρος, especially Blümner, Technologie und Terminologie der Gewerbe und Künste, i. 126 sqq.
[200] בורסי, Kethuboth vii. 10. בורסקי (the tan-yard), Shabbath i. 2; Baba bathra ii. 9.
[201] קנבוס, Kilajim v. 8, ix. 1, 7; Negaim xi. 2. On the comparatively late diffusion of hemp, see Hehn, Kulturpflanzen u. Hausthiere (3rd ed.), p. 168 sq.
Domestic utensils of foreign, especially of Greek and Roman origin, are everywhere plentiful. Of Egyptian utensils, a basket, a ladder, and a rope are mentioned,[202] also a Tyrian ladder,[203] Sidonian dishes or bowls.[204] Of Greek and Roman utensils we find the bench (ספסל, subsellium), the armchair (קתדרא, καθέδρα), the curtain (וילון, velum), the mirror (אספקלריא, specularia), the Corinthian candlestick.[205] For eating and drinking, e.g. the plate (אסקוטלא, scutella), the bowl (פילי, φιάλη), the table-cloth (מפה, mappa).[206] For cases of all kinds the most common designation is תיק, θήκη.[207] Special kinds of wooden vessels are the cask or box (קופה, cupa), the wine-barrel (פיטס, πίθος),[208] the chest (גלוסקמא, γλωσσόκομον), the small chest (קמטרא, κάμπτρα), the casket (קפסא, capsa), the sack (מרצוף, μαρσύπιον).[209]
[202] Basket (כְּפִיפָה), Shabbath xx. 2; Sota ii. 1, iii. 1; Kelim xxvi. 1. The reading also of Tebul jom. iv. 2 is certainly כפישה instead of כפיפה. Ladder (סֻלָּם), Baba bathra iii. 6; Sabim iii. 1, 3, iv. 3. Rope (חֶבֶל), Sota i. 6.
[203] Baba bathra iii. 6; Sabim iii. 3.
[204] Kelim iv. 3. קוסים, comp. the Biblical קֶסֶת. Glass vessels are certainly meant; for the making of glass vessels formed in Roman times a main branch of Sidonian industry. Plinius, H. N. v. 19. 76: Sidon artifex vitri. Hermann and Blümner, Griech. Privatalterthümer, p. 437 sq. Marquardt, Privatleben, ii. 726.
[205] ספסל, Baba bathra iv. 6; Sanhedrin ii. 1, fin.; Kelim ii. 3, xxii. 3; Mikwaoth v. 2; Sabim iv. 4. Comp. Marquardt, ii. 704. קתדרא, Kethuboth v. 5; Kelim iv. 3, xxii. 3; Marquardt, ii. 705. וילון, Kelim xx. 6, xxiv. 13. אספקלריא, Kelim xxx. 2. Corinthian candlesticks in the possession of King Agrippa, Joseph. Vita, 13.
[206] טבלא, Shabbath xxi. 3; Beza i. 8; Moed katan iii. 7; Edujoth iii. 9 (טבלא elsewhere means a marble slab in the floor, Sota ii. 2, Middoth i. 9, iii. 3, or a tablet with pictures, Rosh hashana, ii. 8). אסקוטלא, Moed katan ii. 7; Kelim xxx. 1. פילי, Sota ii. 2; Marquardt, ii. 632. מפה, Berachoth viii. 8; Marquardt, ii. 469.
[207] תיק, Shabbath xvi. 1; Kelim xvi. 7, 8.
[208] קופה (any round hollow vessel, cask, basket, box), Pea viii. 7; Demai ii. 5; Shabbath viii. 2, xviii. 1; Shekalim iii. 2; Kethuboth vi. 4; Kelim xvi. 3; Ohaloth vi. 2; Machshirai iv. 6, vi. 3. פיטס (more correctly פיתס), Baba mezia iv. 12; Baba bathra vi. 2; Kelim iii. 6; Marquardt, ii. 45, 626 sq. Hermann and Blümner, Privatalterthümer, p. 162.
[209] גלוסקמא, Gittin iii. 3; Baba mezia i. 8; Meila vi. 1; Ohaloth ix. 15. According to the latter passage a coffin might have the form of a γλωσσόκομον or a κάμπτρα. The LXX. (2 Chronicles 24:8; 2 Chronicles 24:10-11) put γλωσσόκομον for אָרוֹן. In the New Testament (John 12:6; John 13:29) γλωσσόκομον is a money-box. See on all these meanings, Wetstein, Nov. Test. on John 12:6, and the Lexicons. קמטרא, Kelim xvi. 7; Ohaloth ix. 15. קפסא, Kelim xvi. 7; Marquardt, ii. 705 sq. מרצוף, Shabbath viii. 5; Kelim xx. 1.
The stock of Greek and Latin words in the Mishna is far from being exhausted by the specimens quoted. They suffice however to give a vivid impression of the full adoption of Western manners and customs even in Palestine in the second century after Christ. The influence of the Greek language reached still farther. For even in cases where the introduction of Western productions and notions is not treated of, we meet with the use of Greek words in the Mishna. The air is called אויר (ἀήρ),[210] the form טופס (τύπος), the sample or pattern דוגמא (δεῦγμα),[211] an ignorant, a non-professional, or a private individual הדיוט (ἰδιώτης), a dwarf ננס (νάννος), a robber לסטיס (λῃστής).[212] For the notion “weak” or “ill” the Greek expression אסטניס (ἀσθενής) for steep קטפדס (καταφερής) is used.[213] The employment also of Greek and Latin proper names is pretty frequent even among the lower classes and the Pharisaic scribes. Not only were the aristocratic high priests, who were on friendly terms with the Greeks, called Jason and Menelaus (in the Maccabean period), Boethus and Theophilus (in the Herodian period), not only did the Asmonean and Herodian princes bear the names of Alexander, Aristobulus, Antigonus, Herod, Archelaus, Philip, Antipas, Agrippa, but among men of the common people also, as the apostles of Christ, names such as Andrew and Philip appear. And in the circles of the Rabbinical scribes we find an Antigonus of Socho, a R. Dosthai (= Dositheus), a R. Dosaben Archinos (for such and not Harkinas was the Greek name of his father), R. Chananiah ben Antigonus, R. Tarphon (= Tryphon), R. Papias, Symmachus. Latin names also were early naturalized. The John Mark mentioned in the New Testament was, according to Acts 12:12, a Palestinian; so too was Joseph Barsabas, whose surname was Justus (Acts 1:23). Josephus mentions besides the well-known Justus of Tiberius, also e.g. a Niger of Peræa.[214]
[210] אויר, Shabbath 3; Chagiga i. 8; Kethuboth xiii. 7; Gittin viii. 3; Kinnim ii. 1; Kelim i. 1, ii. 1, 8, iii. 4, and elsewhere; Ohaloth iii. 8, iv. 1; Sabim v. 9.
[211] טופס, e.g. the different shapes of the loaf (Demai v. 3, 4), or the shape in which the loaf was baked (Menachoth xi. 1), or the holder for the Tephillin (Kelim xvi. 7), or the formula for the bill of divorcement (Gittin iii. 2, ix. 5). דוגמא, Shabbath x. 1, a specimen of seeds.
[212] הדיוט used very frequently in the most different relations, e.g. of a layman as distinguished from a professional craftsman (Moed katan i. 8, 10), or of a private individual in distinction from a ruler or official (Nedarim v. 5; Sanhedrim x. 2; Gittin i. 5); also of ordinary priests as distinguished from the high priest (Jebamoth ii. 4, vi. 2, 3, 5, vii. 1, ix. 1, 2, 3). ננס, Bechoroth vii. 6, and in the proper name שמעון בן ננס, Bikkurim iii. 9; Shabbath xvi. 5, and elsewhere; also of animals (Para ii. 2) and objects (Tamid iii. 5; Middoth iii. 5). לסטיס, usually in the plural לסטים, Berachoth i. 3; Pea ii. 7, 8; Shabbath ii. 5; Pesachim iii. 7; Nasir vi. 3; Baba kamma vi. 1, x. 2.
[213] אסטניס, Berachoth ii. 6; Joma iii. 5. קטפרס, Ohaloth iii. 3; Tohoroth viii. 8, 9.
[214]a Compare in general, Hamburger, Real-Encycl. für Bibel und Talmud, Div. ii., article “Namen.”
But all that has been said does not prove that the Greek language also was familiar to the common people of Palestine. However large the number of Greek words which had penetrated into the Hebrew and Aramaic, an acquaintance with Greek by the mass of the people is not thereby proved. In fact, it must be assumed, that the lower classes in Palestine possessed either no knowledge, or only an insufficient one of Greek. When the Apostle Paul wanted to speak to the people in Jerusalem, he made use of the Hebrew (Aramaic?) tongue (Acts 21:40; Acts 22:2). When Titus during the siege of Jerusalem repeatedly summoned the besieged to surrender, this was always done in Aramaic, whether Titus commissioned Josephus to speak, or spoke in his own name by the help of an interpreter.[215] Thus the incidental knowledge of Greek on the part of the people was in any case by no means an adequate one. On the other hand it is probable, that a slight acquaintance with Greek was pretty widely diffused, and that the more educated classes used it without difficulty.[216] Hellenistic districts not only surrounded Palestine on almost every side, but also pushed far into the interior (Samaria, Scythopolis). Constant contact with them was inevitable. And it is not conceivable, that this should continue without the diffusion of a certain amount of knowledge of the Greek language in Palestine also. To this must be added, that the country, both before and after the Asmonean period, was under rulers, whose education was a Greek one: first under the Ptolemies and Seleucidæ, then under the Herodians and Romans; nay some even of the Asmoneans promoted Greek civilisation. The foreign rulers too brought with them into the country a certain amount of elements moulded by Greek training. We know of Herod especially, that he surrounded himself with Greek literati (see § 15). There were foreign troops in the land; Herod had even Thracian, German and Gallic mercenaries.[217] The games given by Herod at Jerusalem brought not only foreign artists, but spectators from abroad into the holy city.[218] But the most numerous concourse of strangers took place at the great annual Jewish festivals. The thousands of Jews, who came on these occasions from all parts of the world to Jerusalem, were for the most part both in language and education Hellenists. And not only Greek Jews, but actual Greeks, i.e. proselytes, came at the Jewish feasts to Jerusalem to sacrifice and worship in the temple (comp. John 12:20 sqq.). We must conceive of the number of such proselytes, who made annual pilgrimages to Jerusalem, as something considerable. Again many Jews, who had received a Greek education abroad, took up their permanent abode at Jerusalem, and even formed there a synagogue of their own. Hence we find at Jerusalem in the times of the apostles a synagogue of the Libertines, Cyrenians, Alexandrians, Cilicians, and Asiatics (Acts 6:9; comp. 9:20), in which it is uncertain whether one congregation or five are spoken of.[219] In Galilee the larger towns had probably a fraction of Greek inhabitants. We know this for certain of Tiberias,[220] not to speak of the mainly non-Jewish Caesarea Philippi. Together with this strong penetration of the interior of Palestine by Greek elements, there must have been not infrequently the necessary acquaintance with the Greek tongue. And single traces actually point to this. For while the Asmoneans had their coins stamped with both Greek and Hebrew inscriptions, the Herodians and Romans coined even the money intended for the Jewish region proper with merely Greek inscriptions; and it is known from the gospel history that the (undoubtedly Greek) inscription upon the coins of Caesar could be read without difficulty at Jerusalem (Matthew 20:20 sq.; Mark 12:16; Luke 20:24).[221] The statement of the Mishna, that even in the temple certain vessels were marked with Greek letters, is certainly supported there by only one authority (R. Ismael), while according to the prevailing tradition the letters were Hebrew.[222] When further it is determined in the Mishna that the writing of divorcement might be in the Greek language also,[223] and that the Holy Scriptures might be used in the Greek translation,[224] both these permissions may refer to the Jewish Dispersion beyond Palestine. The notice on the contrary, that at the time of the war of Titus (or more correctly Quietus) it was forbidden to any one to have his son instructed in Greek,[225] presupposes, that hitherto that which was now prohibited had taken place in the sphere of Rabbinic Judaism.[226] Nor can the circumstance be otherwise explained, than by a certain familiarity with Greek, that in the Mishna the names of Greek letters are often used for the explanation of certain figures, e.g. כִּי for the explananation of the figure Χ, or גַּמָּא for the explanation of the figure Γ.[227]
[215] Joseph. Bell. Jud. v. 9. 2, vi. 2. 1. Interpreter, Bell. Jud. vi. 6. 2. If it sometimes appears as though Titus had spoken directly to the people (Bell. Jud. v. 9. 2, vi. 2. 4), we see from the latter passages that this is only in appearance, and that Josephus had to interpret his speech (Bell. Jud. vi. 2. 5, init.).
[216] The question respecting the diffusion of Greek in Palestine has been much discussed both in ancient and modern times. The copious literature is recorded in Hase, Leben Jesu, § 29, note b. Credner, Einleitung in das Neue Testament, p. 183. Volbeding, Index Dissertationum quibus singuli historiae N. T. etc. loci illustrantur (Lips. 1849), p. 18. Danko, Historia Revelationis divinae Nov. Test. (Vindob. 1867) p. 216 sq. Of more modern times, Hug, Einl. in die Schriften des N. T. (4th ed. 1847) ii. 27-49. Rettig, Ephemerides exegetico-theologicae fasc. iii. (Gissæ 1824) pp. 1-5. Thiersch, Versuch zur Herstellung des histor. Standpuncts (1845), p. 48 sqq. Roberts, Discussions on the Gospels, Cambridge and London 1864, Macmillan & Co. (571, p. 8). Delitzsch, Saat und Hoffnung, 1874, p. 201 sqq.
[217] Antt. xvii. 8. 3.
[218] Antt. xv. 8. 1.
[219]a A synagogue of the Alexandrians at Jerusalem is also mentioned, Tosefta Megilla iii., ed. Zuckermandel, pp. 224, 26; Jer. Megilla 73d (in Lightfoot, Horae on Acts 6:9).
[220] Joseph. Vita, 12.
[221] Comp. the representation of such a denarius as Jesus probably had in His hand, in Madden’s History of Jewish Coinage, p. 247.
[222] Shekalim iii. 2.
[223] Gittin ix. 8.
[224] Megilla i. 8.
[225] Sota ix. 14.
[226]a Comp. on the general position of Rabbinical Judaism to Greek education, Hamburger, Real-Encycl., 2nd Div., art. “Griechenthum.”
[227] כּי, Menachoth vi. 3; Kelim xx. 7. גַּמָּא, Middoth iii. 1; Kelim xxviii. 7.
From the commencement of the Roman supremacy the Latin was added to the Greek language and culture. But Latin, as in all the eastern provinces, so also in Palestine, attained no wide diffusion till the later imperial period. In the first centuries the Roman officials in their intercourse with provincials exclusively employed the Greek language. It was only in official documents, inscriptions, and the like, that Latin was, from the time of Caesar, also adopted. Thus e.g. Caesar commanded the Sidonians to set up in Sidon upon a brazen tablet his decree for the appointment of the Jewish high priest Hyrcanus II. in the Greek and Roman languages (Antt. xiv. 10. 2). Another official decree of the same period was in like manner to be set up in the Roman and Greek tongues in the temples of Sidon, Tyre, and Ascalon (Antt. xiv. 10. 3). Mark Antony commanded the Tyrians to set up in a public place a decree issued by him in Greek and Latin (Antt. xiv. 12. 5). In the temple at Jerusalem there were placed at intervals on the enclosure (δρύφακτος), beyond which a nearer approach to the sanctuary was forbidden to Gentiles, tablets (στῆλαι) with inscriptions, which announced this prohibition partly in the Greek and partly in the Latin language (Bell. Jud. v. 5. 2, vi. 2. 4). The superscription also over the cross of Christ was written in Hebrew, Greek, and Latin (John 19:20). Beyond such official use Latin had not advanced in Palestine, in the early times of the Roman supremacy.
3. Position of Judaism with Respect to Heathenism
The more vigorously and perseveringly heathenism continued to penetrate into Palestine, the more energetically did legal Judaism feel called upon to oppose it. On the whole indeed the advance of heathen culture could not, as has been shown, be prevented. But for that very reason the lines of defence against all illegality were only the more strictly and carefully drawn by the vigilance of the scribes. Extreme vigilance in this direction was indeed a vital question for Judaism. For, if it was not to succumb in the struggle for existence, in which it was engaged, it must defend itself with the utmost energy against its adversary. But the anxiety with which the struggle was carried on infinitely increased the danger which was to be guarded against, and which was in fact victoriously encountered. For the greater the subtilty with which casuistry determined the cases, which were to be regarded as a direct or indirect pollution through heathen customs, the more frequent was the danger of incurring it. Hence the course of events placed the pious Israelite in an all but unendurable position. He was in almost daily contact with heathenism, whether with persons or with goods and matters which sought and found entrance into Palestine in the way of trade and commerce. And the zeal of the scribes was continually increasing the number of snares, by which an Israelite who was a strict adherent to the law might incur uncleanness through heathen practices.
Two points especially were not to be lost sight of in guarding against heathen practices—(1) heathen idolatry and (2) heathen non-observance of the Levitical law of uncleanness. With respect to both the Pharisaism of the scribes proceeded with extreme minuteness. (1) For the sake of avoiding even an only apparent approximation to idolatry, the Mosaic prohibition of images (Exodus 20:4 sq.; Deuteronomy 4:16 sq., Deuteronomy 27:15) was applied with the most relentless consistency.[228] To suffer anything rather than the setting up of the statue of Caligula in the temple was indeed quite right.[229] But pictorial representations in general, such as the trophies in the theatre in the time of Herod,[230] or the eagle at the gate of the temple,[231] were also repudiated. When Pilate marched his troops into Jerusalem with the eagles of the legions, a regular tumult took place.[232] Vitellius took his troops by an indirect course from Antioch to Petra for the sole reason of not polluting the sacred soil of Judah by the Roman eagles.[233] And at the outbreak of the war, the first thing to be done in Tiberias was to destroy the palace of Antipas, because it was adorned with images of animals.[234] It seems indeed, that coins with the image of the emperor were circulated in Judaea (Matthew 22:20, and parallel passages); but the coins issued there were not, from considerate forbearance, so stamped.[235] When the famous scribe Gamaliel II. justified his visit to the baths of Aphrodite at Akko (Ptolemais) by saying, that the image of Aphrodite was there because of the baths, and not the baths because of the image of Aphrodite,[236] this was a kind of consideration by no means generally recognised as valid in the sphere of legalistic Judaism. To obviate the danger of a direct or indirect encouragement of idolatry, or any kind of contact therewith, an Israelite was forbidden to transact business with Gentiles, to lend to, or borrow anything from them, to make them payments, or receive payments from them during the three days preceding, and, according to R. Ismael, also the three days following any heathen festival,[237] while on the festival itself an Israelite was to hold no kind of intercourse in the town.[238] All objects, which might even possibly be connected with idolatrous worship, were forbidden. Thus heathen wine must not only be made no use of, because it might possibly have been offered as a libation, but it was also forbidden to derive any profit from it.[239] If wood had been taken from an idol grove all use of it was prohibited. If the stove had been heated by it, the stove must be broken to pieces, if it were still new; but if it were old, it must be let to cool. If bread had been baked with it, not only the eating, but every use of it was forbidden. If such bread were mixed with other bread, no use of it was allowed. If a weaver’s shuttle were made of such wood, its use was forbidden. If a garment had been made of the stuff woven therewith, all use of the garment was forbidden. If this garment had been mixed among others, and these again among others, the use of all was forbidden.[240]
[228] Comp. Winer, RWB., art. “Bildnerei.” Rüetschi, art. “Bilder,” in Herzog’s Real-Encycl., 2nd ed. ii. 460 sqq. Wieseler, Beiträge zur richtigen Würdigung der Evv. p. 84 sqq.
[229] Antt. xviii. 8; Bell. Jud. ii. 10.
[230] Antt. xv. 8. 1, 2.
[231] Antt. xvii. 6. 2; Bell. Jud. i. 33. 2.
[232] Antt. xviii. 3. 1; Bell. Jud. ii. 9. 2, 3.
[233] Antt. xviii. 5. 3.
[234] Vita, 12.
[235] Ewald, Gesch. des Volkes Israel, v. 82 sq. Madden, History of Jewish Coinage, pp. 134-153. De Saulcy, Numismatique de la Terre Sainte, p. 69 sqq., pl. iii. and iv.
[236] Aboda sara iii. 4.
[237] Aboda sara i. 1, 2.
[238] Aboda sara i. 4.
[239] Aboda sara ii. 3; comp. also the Gemara (Aboda sara, or the worship of idols, a tract from the Talmud, translated by Ferd. Christian Ewald, 2nd ed. 1868, p. 213 sqq., especially 221 sqq.).
[240] Aboda sara iii. 9.
If all this sufficiently provided for the separation of Judaism from heathenism, it was still further inculcated by the notion, that a Gentile—as a non-observer of the laws of purification—was unclean, and that consequently all intercourse with him was defiling; that further, for the same reason, even the houses of the heathen, nay all objects touched by them,—so far as these were receptive of Levitical uncleanness,—were to be regarded as unclean.[241] When it is said (Acts 10:28), that a Jew might have no intercourse with a heathen (ἀθέμιτόν ἐστιν ἀνδρὶ Ἰουδαίῳ κολλᾶσθαι ἢ προσέρχεσθαι ἀλλοφύλῳ), this must not indeed be misunderstood to the extent of supposing that there was an absolute prohibition of all intercourse, yet it does mean that ceremonial uncleanness was incurred by such intercourse. All Gentile houses were as such unclean.[242] Merely to enter them was to become unclean (John 18:28). All articles belonging to Gentiles and of a kind susceptible of Levitical uncleanness, were unclean, and needed before using some kind of purification. “If any one buys kitchen utensils of a Gentile, he must dip what is to be purified by dipping; boil what is to be boiled and heat in the fire what is to be heated; spits and gridirons are to be made red-hot; knives need only be sharpened and they are clean.”[243] Apart from this uncleanness, which so many objects might contract by use on the part of Gentiles, there were lastly many heathen products, which could not be used by Jews, because in their production the Jewish laws, especially those relating to the distinction between clean and unclean, had not been observed. Partly for the former, partly for the latter reason, the most ordinary provisions, if coming from the heathen, were not to be eaten by Jews, who were only allowed to use them by buying and selling. This was especially the case with milk milked by a heathen without an Israelite seeing it, also with the bread and oil of the heathen.[244] Neither could a strictly legal Israelite at any time sit at meat at a Gentile table (Acts 11:3; Galatians 2:12). Hence Israelites travelling in foreign countries were in very evil case, and, if they wanted to be exact in their observance of the law, had to restrict themselves to vegetable raw materials, as e.g. certain priests, friends of Josephus, who having been brought as prisoners to Rome lived there upon nuts and figs.[245]
[241] Comp. also on what follows, Weber, System der altsynagogalen palästinischen Theologie (1880), p. 68 sqq.
[242] Ohaloth xviii. 7. Comp. Kirchner, Die jüdische Passahfeier und Jesu letztes Mahl (Progr. of the Duisburg Gymnasium, 1870), pp. 34-41. Delitzsch, Talmudische Studien, xiv. The uncleanness of Gentile houses according to Jewish notions is testified to in the N. T. (Zeitschr. für luth. Theol. 1874, pp. 1-4). Schürer on φαγεῖν τὸ πάσχα, John 18:28, akademische Festschrift (1883), p. 23 sq.
[243] Aboda sara v. 12.
[244] Aboda sara ii. 6. With respect to oil, see Joseph. Antt. xii. 3. 1; Bell. Jud. ii. 21. 2; Vita, 13. On the motives, see the Gemara (Aboda sara, translated by Ewald, p. 247 sqq.). Milk e.g. was forbidden, because there might possibly be mixed with it milk from unclean animals; oil, because it might (at least according to one authority) have contracted uncleanness from unclean vessels. Talmudic authorities are not always clear even concerning the motives. See the discussions in the Gemara as above.
[245] Joseph. Vita, 3.
To all the reasons here stated, which made intercourse with the heathen and their abode in the Holy Land a heavy burden to an Israelite, who was faithful to the law, was added an entirely opposite and doctrinal view, which caused the rule of strangers in the land of Israel to be felt as a glaring contrast between the ideal and reality. For the land was the property of the chosen people. None but Israelites could be landowners therein. Even the letting of houses and fields to the heathen was, according to the theory of the scribes, forbidden.[246] And what with such views must have been their feelings at finding the heathen really in possession—if not privately yet politically—of the whole land? Under such circumstances we can understand, that the question, whether it were lawful for a faithful Israelite to pay tribute to Caesar at all, would be one of serious consideration (Matthew 22:15-22; Mark 12:13-17; Luke 20:20-26).
[246] Aboda sara i. 8. The letting of fields was still more strictly forbidden than that of houses, since in the former case not only was the possession of the soil delivered up to Gentiles, but tithe was not paid on the produce.
Thus circumstances present us with a peculiar double picture: a yielding to the influence of heathen customs together with the erection of the strongest wall of partition against them. So far as the actual purpose of the latter was a defence against heathenism in its religious aspect, its aim was certainly attained. In other respects, however, heathen culture was not restrained by it, but only made a burdensome oppression to Israelites.