07081.2 - Interpretation of The Thirty-Nine Articles - 2
§81.2. The Interpretation of the Articles -Part 2.
BAPTISMAL REGENERATION AND FALL FROM GRACE. The Articles teach also the possibility of falling away from grace (XVI.) and the doctrine of general baptismal regeneration (XXVII.). This seems to exclude an absolute decree of election ’to everlasting life,’ which involves final perseverance as a necessary means to a certain end. Hence the attempts to explain away either the one or the other in order to save the logical consistency of the formulary. [See
Here is a point where Calvin differs from Augustine, at least in logic, although they agree in the result-namely, the non-salvation of the non-elect, whether baptized or not. Calvin likewise brings baptism into close connection with regeneration, [See
NECESSITY OF BAPTISM. As to the necessity of baptism for salvation, the Anglican Church at first followed, but afterwards softened the rigor of the Augustinian and Roman Catholic doctrine, which excludes even unbaptized infants dying in infancy from heaven, and assigns them to the limbus infantum, on the borders of hell. In the second of the Ten Articles of Henry VIII. (1536), it is asserted that ’infants and children dying in infancy shall undoubtedly be saved thereby [by baptism], and else not. ’ In the first revision of the Liturgy, the introductory prayer that the child may be received by baptism into the ark of Christ’s Church contains the exclusive clause ’and so saved from perishing.’ [See
If the Articles on Predestination and Baptism leave room for different interpretations, there can be no reasonable doubt about the meaning of Art. XXVIII. on the Lord’s Supper. It clearly teaches the Reformed doctrine of the spiritual presence and spiritual eating by faith only, in opposition both to transubstantiation and consubstantiation, which imply a corporal presence and an oral manducation by all communicants, both good and bad, although with opposite effects. The wide departure from the Lutheran formularies, otherwise so freely consulted, may be seen from the following comparison:
Augsburg Confession. 1530. Art. X. Articles. | 1538. Art. VII. nine Articles. | 1563 and 1571. Art. XXVIII. |
De cœna Domini docent, quod corpus et sanguis Christi vere adsint, et distribuantur vescentibus in cæna Domini; et improbant secus docentes. | De Eucharistia constanter credimus et docemus, quod in sacramento corporis et sanguinis Domini vere, substantialiter, [See | Corpus Christi datur, accipitur, et manducatur tantum cœlesti et spirituali ratione (only after an heavenly and spiritual manner). Medium, autem quo Corpus Christi accipitur et manducatur in cœna, fides est (and the mean whereby the body of Christ is received and eaten in the Supper, is faith). |
The clause here quoted from the Elizabethan revision was wanting in the Edwardine Articles, and was inserted on motion of Bishop Guest of Rochester. [See
Before the Articles were framed a public disputation on the eucharistic presence was held before the royal commissioners at the University of Oxford, May, 1549, in which Peter Martyr, then professor of theology, defended the figurative interpretation of the words, ’This is my body,’ and the commemorative character of the ordinance. The acts of the disputation were published by Cranmer, with a preface and discourse of Peter Martyr. [See
Cranmer, after holding first to transubstantiation, then to consubstantiation, adopted at last the Calvinistic theory of a spiritual real presence and a spiritual reception by faith only, and embodied it in the Articles and the second revision of the Liturgy. [See
Bishop Latimer declared ’that there is none other presence of Christ required than a spiritual presence; and this presence is sufficient for Christian man, as the presence by the which we both abide in Christ, and Christ in us to the obtaining of eternal life, if we persevere in his true gospel.’ [See
Bishop Ridley said: ’I worship Christ in the sacrament, but not because he is included in the sacrament: like as I worship Christ also in the Scriptures, not because he is really included in them. . . . The body of Christ is present in the sacrament, but yet sacramentally and spiritually (according to his grace) giving life, and in that respect really, that is, according to his benediction, giving life.The true Church of Christ doth acknowledge a presence of Christ’s body in the Lord’s Supper to be communicated to the godly by grace, and spiritually, as I have often showed, and by a sacramental signification, but not by the corporal presence of the body of his flesh. [See
During the reign of William III., in 1689, a thorough revision of the Book of Common Prayer was undertaken and actually made in the interest of an agreement with Protestant Dissenters, by an able royal commission of ten bishops and twenty divines, including the well-known names of Stillingfleet, Patrick, Tillotson, Sharp, Hall, Beveridge, and Tenison. But the revision has never been acted upon, and was superseded by the toleration granted to Dissenters. The alterations did not extend to the Articles directly, but embraced some doctrinal features in the liturgical services-namely, the change of the word Priest to ’Presbyter’ or ’Minister;’ Sunday to ’Lord’s Day;’ the omission of the Apocryphal Lessons in the calendar of Saints’ days, for which chapters from Proverbs and Ecclesiastes were substituted, a concession to conscientious scruples against kneeling in receiving the sacrament, and an addition to the rubric before the Athanasian Creed, stating that ’the condemning clauses are to be understood as relating only to those who obstinately deny the substance of the Christian faith. [See
Note #1186 So Archbishop Laurence, of Cashel, and Hardwick, in their learned works on the Articles.
Note #1187 Newman, Pusey, Forbes. Archbishop Laud had prepared the way for this Romanizing interpretation.
Note #1188
Even the Puritans accepted the doctrinal Articles, and the Westminster Assembly first made them the basis of its Calvinistic Confession.
Note #1189 From the Corpus et Syntagma down to the collections of Niemeyer and Böckel. The Roman Catholic Möhler likewise numbers the Articles among the Reformed (Calvinistic) Confessions, Symbolik, p. 22. On the other hand, the Articles have no place in any collection of Lutheran symbols; still less, of course, could they be included among Greek or Latin symbols.
Note #1190 The modification of the royal supremacy in Art. XXXVII., as compared with Art XXXVI. of Edward, was intended to meet the scruples of Romanists and Calvinists. Nevertheless this article, and the two acts of supremacy and uniformity, form the basis of that restrictive code of laws which pressed so heavily for more than two centuries upon the consciences of Roman Catholic and Protestant dissenters. Comp. the third chapter of Hallam’s Constitutional History of England (Harper’s ed. pp. 71 sqq.).
Note #1191 The same passage occurs in the Reformatio Legum ecclesiasticarum (De Summa Trinitate, 100. 2), a work prepared by a committee consisting of Cranmer, Peter Martyr, and six others, 1551. It was edited by Cardwell, Oxford, 1850, and serves as a commentary on the Articles. See Hardwick, pp. 82 and 371.
Note #1192 The silence of this Article concerning the episcopal succession was observed by Joliffe, prebendary at Worcester, who added among the marks of the Church, ’legitima et continua successio vicariorum Christi. ’
Note #1193 Conf. Aug. Art. II., English Art. IX., from Augustine.
Note #1194
Conf. Aug. Art. XII. (’Damnant Anabaptistas qui negant semel justificatos posse amittere Spiritum Sanctum ,’ etc.), English Art. XVI.
Note #1195
Printed in the Corpus et Syntagma Conf., and in Dr. Heppe’s Bekenntniss-Schriften der altprotestantischen Kirche Deutschlands, Cassel, 1855, pp. 491-554. See above, §47, pp. 343 sq. Archbishop Laurence (Bampton Lectures,pp. Matthew and 233 sqq.) first discovered and pointed out this resemblance. Hardwick (pp. 126 sqq.) and the ’Interleaved Prayer-Book’ speak of the Confession of Brentius alternately as the ’Saxon’ Confession, and the ’Würtemberg’ (or Wirtemburg!) Confession, as if the Saxon city of Wittenberg and the Duchy (now Kingdom) of Würtemberg were one and the same. The ’Saxon Confession,’ so called, or the ’Repetition of the Augsburg Confession,’ is a different document, written about the same time and for the same purpose by Melanchthon, in behalf of the Wittenberg and other Saxon divines. See above, p. 340, and the OxfordSylloge,which incorporates the Saxon but not the Würtemberg Confession.
Note #1196
One of the last letters of Cranmer was written from his prison, 1555, to Peter Martyr, who was a decided Calvinist. See Zurich Letters, First Series, Vol. 1. p. 29.
Note #1197 See above, p. 474.
Note #1198 Zurich Letters, First Series, Vol. 1. p. 325.
Note #1199 From this we might infer that Melanchthon’s influence, in consequence of his abandonment of absolute predestinarianism, was declining in England, while Calvin’s was increasing.
Note #1200
He means the Consensus Genevensis de æterna Dei prædestinatione, which appeared in 1552, and acquired semi-symbolical authority in Geneva. Calvin had also previously (1543) written a tract against Pighius on the doctrine of free-will, and dedicated it to Melanchthon, who gratefully acknowledged the compliment, but modestly intimated his dissent and his inability to harmonize the all-ruling providence of God with the action of the human will. See Stähelin, Calv. Vol. 1. p. 241.
Note #1201
Zurich Letters, First Series, Vol. 1. p. 327. Bullinger’s tract De providentia, which was occasioned by Traheron, is still extant in MS. in Zurich, and is fully noticed by Schweizer. See above, p. 475.
Note #1202 On Bullinger’s intimate personal relations with English divines, which began before the reign of Edward and continued till his death (1575), compare Pestalozzi’s Heinrich Bullinger, pp. 441 sqq.
Note #1203 Zurich Letters, Second Series, Vol. 1. (A.D. 1558-1579), p. 135.
Note #1204
Ibid. p. 169. Ecebolus was a sophist of Constantinople in the fourth century, who followed the Emperor Julian in his apostasy.
Note #1205
Ibid. Vol. II. p. 97. Brentius advocated the absolute ubiquity of Christ’s body, and fiercely attacked the Reformed in several tracts, from 1560 to 1564 (ten years after he wrote the Würtemberg Confession). He was answered by Bullinger and Peter Martyr. See above, p. 290.
Note #1206
See his letter to his revered teacher, Peter Martyr, p. 603. Grindal called him after his death (Sept. 22, 1571), ’the jewel and singular ornament of the Church, as his name implies.’-Zurich Letters, Second Series, Vol. 1. p. 260. An adversary, Moren, said of him : ’I should love thee, Jewel, if thou wert not a Zwinglian; in thy faith I hold thee an heretic, but surely in thy life thou art an angel.’ Queen Elizabeth ordered a copy of Jewel’s ’Apology of the Church of England’ (1562) to be chained in every parish church.
Note #1207 The insertion ’in Christ’ is Scriptural and in accordance with all the Reformed Confessions. There is no election out of Christ or apart from Christ.
Note #1208 With the exception of an incidental allusion to the absolute freedom of divine grace in the Augsburg Confession, Art. V., De Ministerio: ’Per verbum et sacramenta tamquam per instrumenta donatur Spiritus Sanctus, qui fidem efficit, ubi et quando visum est Deo , in iis qui audiunt evangelium. ’ Compare with this the expression of the Form. Concordiæ (Sol. decl. Art. II. de lib. arbitr. p. 673): ’Trahit Deus hominem, quem convertere decrevit. ’ It is significant that in the altered edition of 1540 Melanchthon omitted the words ubi et quando visum est Deo ,’ as also the words ’non adjuvante Deo ’ in Art. XIX. The brevity of allusion shows that even in 1530, although still holding to the Augustinian scheme, he laid less stress on it than in the first edition of his Loci. This appears also from a letter to Brentius, Sept. 30, 1531 (Corp. Ref. Vol. II. p. 547), where Melanchthon says: ’Sed ego in tota Apologia fugi illam longam et inexplicabilem disputationem de prædestinatione.Ubique sic loquor, quasi prædestinatio sequatur nostram fidem et opera.’
Note #1209
See above, pp. 262 sqq., and Schweizer, Centraldogmen, Vol. 1. p. 384. There is not a trace of synergism in the XVIIth Art, and Art. X. expressly denies the freedom of will, while Melanchthon asserts it in the later editions of hisLoci(’Liberum arbitrium esse in homine facultatem applicandi se ad gratiam’). Laurence (p. 179) and Hardwick (p. 383) derive the last clause about the ’general’ promises and the ’revealed will’ from Melanchthon, but the same sentiments are found in Calvin, Bullinger, and the Reformed Confessions. See below.
Note #1210 This element of caution and modesty is well expressed by Bishop Ridley: ’In these matters [of God’s election] I am so fearful that I dare not speak further, yea, almost none otherwise than the very text doth, as it were, lead me by the hand.’ Ridley’s Works (Parker ed.), p. 368. He thus wrote in a letter of sympathy to his friend and chaplain, Bradford, who in prison, at London, had a dispute with a certain ’free-willer,’ Henry Hart, and wrote an excellent ’Defense of Election.’ This treatise was approved by his fellow-prisoners, and shows what an unspeakable comfort they derived from this doctrine. See The Writings of John Bradford, Martyr, 1555 (Parker Soc. ed.), pp. 307 sqq.
Note #1211
Conf. Helv. post., cap. X.: ’Bene sperandum est de omnibus. Vestrum non est de his curiosius inquirere. . . . Audienda est prædicatio evangelii, eique credendum est, et pro indubitato habendum, si credis ac sis in Christo, electum te esse.. . . "Venite ad me omnes," etc. . . . "Sic Deus dilexit mundum ," etc. . . . "Non est voluntas Patris, ut quisque de his pusillis pereat. " . . .Promissiones Dei sunt universales fidelibus’ (notelectis), etc. Heidelb. Cat., Qu. 37: ’Christ bore the wrath of God against the sin of the whole human race (1 Peter 2:24;1 John 2:2, etc.).’Conf. Belg., Art. XIII.: ’Sufficit nobis ea duntaxat discere quæ ipse verbo suo nos docet, neque hos fines transilire fas esse ducimus. ’ Calvin himself often warns against idle curiosity and speculation on the secret will of God, and exhorts men to abide by the revealed will of God. See the passages quoted by Stähelin, Vol. II. p. 279. Comp. the remarks of Dr. Julius Müller on the Reformed Confessions concerning predestination, in his work,Die evang. Union(1854), p. 214, and hisDogmat. Abhandlungen(1870), p. 194.
Note #1212
Dr. Cunningham (The Reformers and the Theology of the Reformation, p. 194), says: ’It is only the Calvinistic, and not the Arminian doctrine that suggests or requires such guards or caveats; and it is plainly impossible that such a statement could ever have occurred to the compilers of the Articles as proper and necessary, unless they had been distinctly aware that they had just laid down a statement which at least included the Calvinistic doctrine.’
Note #1213 The Catholic Doctrine of the Church of England, etc., first published, London, 1586, Parker Society ed. (by J. J. S. Perowne), 1854, p. 143. This important work has not been even alluded to by any writer I have consulted on the subject.
Note #1214 Constit. History of England,ch. 7. p. 230 (Amer. ed.).
Note #1215
Dr. Goode, in his learned work, The Doctrine of the Church of England as to the Effects of Baptism in the case of Infants (1849), labors to show that inasmuch as the founders of the Church of England were Calvinists, they can not have held the Tractarian doctrine of baptismal regeneration, which is incompatible with Calvinism. Archdeacon Wilberforce, who afterwards seceded to Rome, showed, in his Doctrine of Holy Baptism (London, 1849), in opposition to Goode, that the formularies of the Church of England do clearly teach baptismal regeneration. J. B. Mozley, B.D., Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford, in his able work on The Primitive Doctrine of Baptismal Regeneration (London, 1856), takes a middle ground, viz., that the Church of England imposes the doctrine ’that God gives regenerating grace to the whole body of the baptized,’ and tolerates the doctrine ’that God gives grace sufficient for salvation only to some of this body’ and ’that these two positions can not really be in collision with each other, though apparently they are.’ Mozley grapples with the difficulties of the problem, but has after all not succeeded in making it clear.
Note #1216
Comp. Augs. Conf., Art. XII.:’Damnant Anabaptistas, qui negant semel justificatos posse amittere Spiritum Sanctum. . . . Damnantur et Novatiani qui nolebant absolvere lapsos post baptismum redeuntes ad pœnitentiam. ’Also Bullinger’s Confes. Helv., cap. XIV.:’Damnamus et veteres et novos Novatianos, atque Catharos. ’
Note #1217 See the defense of this Article by Dean Bridges, of Sarum, quoted by Hardwick, p. 211.
Note #1218
’Baptism is . . . a sign of regeneration or new birth, whereby, as by an instrument, they that receive baptism rightly, are grafted into the Church.’ The language of this Article bears a Reformed or Calvinistic interpretation. Bishop Hooper and several of the Marian exiles were Zwinglians, but the views of Cranmer and Ridley, in their private writings, on the effects of baptism and baptismal grace, agree substantially with those of Luther. See Browne on Art. XXVII. pp. 668 sq.; the passages collected by Jones, Expos. of the Art. pp. 157 sqq.; also Hardwick, pp. 393-395.
Note #1219 The second question: ’Who gave you this name? Ans. My godfather and godmother in baptism, wherein I was made a member of Christ, the child of God, and an inheritor of the kingdom of heaven.’
Note #1220
After the public baptism of infants, the priest shall say: ’Seeing now, dearly beloved brethren, that this child is regenerate, and grafted into the body of Christ’s Church, let us give thanks to Almighty God for these benefits,’ etc. And in the prayer which follows: ’We yield thee hearty thanks, most merciful Father, that it hath pleased thee to regenerate this infant with thy Holy Spirit, to receive him for thine own child by adoption, and to incorporate him into thy holy Church.’ The same prayer is prescribed for the office of private baptism of infants. The baptismal service is derived from the Sarum Manual and from the ’Consultation’ of Archbishop Hermann of Cologne, which was borrowed from Luther’s Taufbüchlein. See Daniel, Cod. Liturg. Eccl. Luth. p. 185, and Procter, History of the Book of Common Prayer, p. 371, 11th ed. (1874). Among the eight particulars in the Prayer-Book, which Baxter and his Nonconformist brethren objected to as sinful, the fourth was ’that ministers be forced to pronounce all baptized infants to be regenerate by the Holy Ghost, whether they be the children of Christians or not’ (Procter, p. 133). The last clause intimates that baptized children of Christian parents were regarded by them as regenerate.
Note #1221 So Mozley, who endeavors to fasten this meaning upon the fathers, and the standard Anglican writers, including Hooker. But the strong language of the Greek and Latin fathers, who almost identify baptism with regeneration, and seem to know no other regeneration but that by baptism (which they callanagennēsis, palingenesia, theogenesis, phōtismos,regeneratio, secunda nativitas, renascentia, illuminatio ), must be understood chiefly of adult baptism, which in the first four centuries of the Church was the rule, while infant baptism was the exception, and which was administered to such only as had passed through a course of catechetical instruction, and professed repentance and faith in Christ. The same is true of the passages of the New Testament on baptism.
Note #1222
See his tract De dono perseverantiæ, and Mozley’s Treatise on the Augustinian Doctrine of Predestination (Lond. 1855), pp. 191 sqq., and the Primitive Doctrine of Baptismal Regeneration, pp. 113 sqq. Mozley thinks that Augustine means by baptismal regeneration only capacity for goodness and holiness. Browne (on Art. XXVII.) presents a somewhat different view, viz., that Augustine uses the term regeneration sometimes in a wider, sometimes in a stricter and deeper sense. ’At one time he speaks of all the baptized as regenerate in Christ, and made children of God by virtue of that sacrament; at another time he speaks of baptismal grace as rather enabling them to become, than as actually constituting them God’s children; and says that, in the higher and stricter sense, persons are not to be called sons of God unless they have the grace of perseverance, and walk in the love of God’ (p. 660). There is no doubt that Augustine wished to adhere to the traditional orthodox view of baptism, and yet he could not help seeing that his new doctrine of predestination required a modification, which, however, he did not fully and clearly carry out.
Note #1223 This is undoubtedly the case in the New Testament wherever Christian baptism is mentioned: John 3:5; Acts 2:38; Romans 6:3-4; Galatians 3:27; Colossians 2:12; Ephesians 5:26;Titus 3:5;1 Peter 3:21. Calvin’s exposition of some of these passages in his commentaries should be compared with his teaching in the ’Institutes.’
Note #1224 Chap. 28. 1, 5, 6.
Note #1225
Borrowed from the Lutheran service composed by Melanchthon and Bucer for Cologne: ’That being separated from the number of the ungodly, he may be kept safe in the holy ark of thy Church (in sancta Ecclesiæ, tuæ Arca tutus servari possit ).’ See Laurence, p. 71; Procter, p. 374. The Augsburg Confession (Art. IX., Latin ed.) teaches quod baptismus sit necessarius ad salutem, and condemns the Anabaptists for teaching that infants may be saved without baptism.
Note #1226
Reformat. Leg., De Baptismo: ’Illorum etiam videri debet scrupulosa superstitio, qui Dei gratiam et Spiritum Sanctum tantopere cum sacramentorum elementis colligant, ut plane affirment, nullum Christianorum infantem salutem esse consecuturum, qui prius morte fuerit occupatus, quam ad Baptismum adduci potuerit; quod longe secus habere judicamus. ’
Note #1227
See above, p. 378. Zwingli was not quite so positive about the salvation of heathen children, but he declared it at least ’probabilius ut gentium liberi per Christum salventur quam ut damnentur. ’ Bullinger held the same view, though not so clearly expressed. See the passages quoted by Laurence, pp. 266, 267, who agrees on this subject with the Zurich Reformers.
Note #1228 Quoted by Jones, 1.c. pp. 167 sq.
Note #1229
Ibid. p. 171.
Note #1230 Ecc. Polity,Book V. ch. 60 (Vol. II. pp. 341, 342, 346, 347, Keble’s ed.).
Note #1231 The term substantialiter is borrowed from the Apology of the Augsburg Conf., Art. X.
Note #1232 Sub speciebus panis et vini, from the German edition of the Augsburg Conf. (unter Gestalt des Brotes und Weines ).
Note #1233 This is inferred from a letter to Cecil, Dec. 22, 1566, where Guest justifies the use of the word ’only’ by saying that he did not intend to exclude ’the presence of Christ’s body from the sacrament, but only the grossness and sensibleness in the receiving thereof.’ Hardwick, p. 130.
Note #1234
’Forasmuch as the truth of man’s nature requireth that the body of one and the self-same man can not be at one time in diverse places, but must needs be in some one certain place: therefore the body of Christ can not be present at one time in many and diverse places. And because (as holy Scripture doth teach) Christ was taken up into heaven, and there shall continue unto the end of the world, a faithful man ought not either to believe or openly to confess the real and bodily presence (as they term it) of Christ’s flesh and blood, in the sacrament of the Lord’s Supper.’
Note #1235
Hardwick regards this omission as a protest against Zwinglianism. But the leading Elizabethan bishops, especially Horn, Jewel, and Grindal, assure Bullinger and Peter Martyr of their full agreement with them against the ubiquitarian hypothesis, which was at that time defended by Brentius and Andreae, and opposed by the Swiss. See pp. 603 and 632.
Note #1236
Art. XXIX. ’Of the wicked which do not eat the body of Christ in the use of the Lord’s Supper. The wicked, and such as be void of a lively faith, although they do carnally and visibly press with their teeth (as St. Augustine saith) the sacrament [i.e., the sacramental sign ] of the body and blood of Christ: yet in no way are they partakers of Christ, but rather to their condemnation do eat and drink the sign or sacrament of so great a thing.’ This Article is wanting in the Latin edition of 1563, having probably been withdrawn from the Convocation records in compliance with the desire of the Queen and her council to deal gently with the adherents of the ’old learning’ (whether Romish or Lutheran); but it was inserted in the Latin editions after the year 1571. See Hardwick, pp. 144 and 315.
Note #1237 See the lengthy discussion of this subject in Lorimer’s John Knox, pp. 100-136.
Note #1238
Tractatio de sacramento Eucharistiæ habita in celeberrima Universitate Oxoniensi. Ad hæc: Disputatio de eodem sacramento in eadem Universitate habita.London, 1549; also in Zurich, 1552, and an English translation, 1583. See an account in Dr. C. Schmidt, Peter Martyr Vermigli, Leben und ausgewählte Schriften (Elberfeld, 1858), pp. 91-100, 105.
Note #1239 Schmidt, p. 106. Ridley’s Works, pp. 171 sqq.
Note #1240
See above, p. 601. Cranmer admits the charge of his opponents, Bishop Gardiner and Dr. Smith, that he was upon this point first a Papist, then a Lutheran, and at last a Zwinglian. ’After it hath pleased God,’ he says, ’to show unto me, by his holy Word, a more perfect knowledge of his Son Jesus Christ, from time to time as I grew in knowledge of him, by little and little I put away my former ignorance. And as God of his mercy gave me light, so through his grace I opened mine eyes to receive it, and did not willfully repugn unto God and remain in darkness. And I trust in God’s mercy and pardon for my former errors, because I erred but of frailness and ignorance.’ Answer to Smith’s Preface, Works, Vol. 1. p. 374.
Note #1241 Of this recantation Bartholomew Traheron wrote to Bullinger from London, Dec. 31, 1548, as follows: ’I can not refrain, my excellent Bullinger, from acquainting you with circumstances that have lately given us the greatest pleasure, that you and your fellow-ministers may participate in our enjoyment. On the 14th of December, if I mistake not, a disputation was held at London concerning the eucharist, in the presence of almost all the nobility of England. The argument was sharply contested by the Bishops. The Archbishop of Canterbury, contrary to general expectation, most openly, firmly, and learnedly maintained your opinion upon this subject. His arguments were as follows: The body of Christ was taken up from us into heaven. Christ has left the world. "Ye have the poor always with you, but me ye have not always," etc. Next followed the Bishop of Rochester [Ridley], who handled the subject with so much eloquence, perspicuity, erudition, and power, as to stop the mouth of that most zealous papist, the Bishop of Worcester [Heath]. The truth never obtained a more brilliant victory among us. I perceive that it is all over with Lutheranism, now that those who were considered its principal and almost only supporters have altogether come over to our side. We are much indebted to the Lord who provides for us also in this particular.’ In a postscript to this letter, John of Ulmis adds: ’The foolish Bishops have made a marvelous recantation.’ The same ’notable disputation of the sacrament’ is mentioned in King Edward’s Journal as having taken place in the Parliament house. See Zurich Letters, 1537-1558, pp. 322, 323.
Note #1242 An Answer unto a Crafty and Sophistical Cavillation, devised by Stephen Gardiner, Doctor of Law, late Bishop of Winchester, against the True and Godly Doctrine of the most holy Sacrament of the Body and Blood of our Saviour Jesus Christ (1550). The sacramental writings of Cranmer fill the first volume of the Parker Society’s edition of his works (Cambridge, 1844).
Note #1243 Works, Vol. 1. pp. 14, 173, 196, 225, 374.
Note #1244
See a letter of John à Lasco to Bullinger, dated London, April 10, 1551; Cardwell’s Liturgies of Edward VI. (Preface), and Lorimer’s John Knox, p. 49.
Note #1245
See a letter of John à Lasco to Bullinger, dated London, April 10, 1551; Cardwell’s Liturgies of Edward VI. (Preface), and Lorimer’s John Knox, p. 49.
Note #1246
Bishop Browne correctly says (p. 710): ’Ridley, indeed, refused to take the credit of converting Cranmer, but Cranmer himself always acknowledged his obligations to Ridley.’ In his last examination at Oxford, before Bishop Brooks of Gloucester (Sept., 1555), Cranmer said that ’Doctor Ridley, by sundry persuasions and authorities drew me quite from my opinion’ (on the real presence). Works, Vol. II. p. 218. Brooks on the same occasion remarked: ’Latimer leaneth to Cranmer. Cranmer to Ridley, and Ridley to the singularity of his own wit;’ to which Ridley replied, that this was ’most untrue, in that he was but a young scholar in comparison of Master Cranmer.’ Ridley’s Works, pp. 283, 284.
Note #1247 Works, Vol. 1. pp. 394, 395.
Note #1248
Jones, l.c. p. 176, where also the passages of the leading divines and bishops of the Elizabethan age on the subject of the Lord’s Supper are collected.
Note #1249
Ridley’s Works, pp. 235 sq. Jewel expresses the same views very fully in his controversy with Harding, Works, Vol. 1. pp. 448 sqq. (Parker Soc. ed. 1845). Bishop Browne (p. 715) says that all the great luminaries of the Church of England (naming Mede, Andrewes
Note #1250 A revision of the Book of Common Prayer was adopted by the National Church Assembly, July, 1927, the vote being 34 to 4 bishops, 255 to 37 clergymen, 230 to 92 laymen, but rejected by the House of Commons, Dec., 1927, by a vote of 238 to 205. A second revision was rejected by the Commons, June 14, 1928, by an increased majority, 266 to 220. The revision seemed to permit the reservation of the sacrament and introduced after the consecration of the elements the epiclesis of the Greek Church, stating the change of the bread and wine. The Revised Book is issued by the S. P. C. K.
