23 3941 AM

3941a AM, 4650 JP, 64 BC

4502. Pharnaces plotted against Mithridates. He was his best beloved son and whom he had often appointed his heir in the kingdom. He did this either because he thought the Italian expedition would permanently alienate the Romans or from some other cause or for covetousness. Those who were guilty in the plot were put to the rack. However Menophanes persuaded Mithridates to pardon his son. (Appian.) Dio (as Salianus notes) said nothing of the pardon and stated that men were sent to take Pharnaces whom he persuaded to join his party. After they had taken Panticapaeum, they captured his father. He also noted that although Mithridates was otherwise a very wise king, he never considered that arms and multitudes of his subjects are of little value without their good will and love. On the contrary if they are unfaithful, there is the least safety where the greatest numbers are. Appian made the same observation.

4503. Pharnaces knew that the soldiers were very much against the expedition into Italy. At night, he went to those Romans that had defected to Mithridates and told them of the great danger of their crossing into Italy which they well knew. He promised them great matters if they would stay and he persuaded them to defect from his father. Presently, in the same night, he sent messengers to other nearby tents and persuaded them also to join him. In the morning, first the Italian fugitives and then all the other adjoining camps talked about this and so did the naval forces. With a great shout, they proclaimed their defection. They were not told beforehand of this nor were bribed. They were either induced by the example of so many whom they saw they could not withstand or were overcome by the extremity of the old king’s misfortune.

4504. When Mithridates heard the shout of the army, he sent some to know what they wanted. They were told they wanted his son to be king. They wanted a young man instead of an old one who was fond of eunuchs and who caused the death of many sons, captains and friends. When Mithridates heard this, he went out to speak to them himself. Many of his guard defected to the fugitives. They were not received unless they would do something to show their unfaithfulness to the king. They showed them Mithridates’ horse which was killed as he was fleeing. They now greeted Pharnaces as king as if they had obtained their heart’s desire. Some of them took a very large skin of parchment which they had brought from the temple and put it around his head instead of a diadem.

4505. The old man saw this from the upper porch and sent one after another to Pharnaces to request a safe passage for him but none returned. He feared lest he might be turned over to the Romans. He praised those men and his friends that still stood by him and sent them to the new king. Some were killed by the army on the way, contrary to all expectations. (Appian.) When he had begged from the walls his son in vain and saw him unbending, Mithridates is said to have uttered these words when he was about to die.

"O country gods, if you so grant that at some time or another, he may receive the same words from his children.’’

4506. He went to his wives and concubines and gave them poison. (Oros. l. 6. c. 5.)

4507. Two virgin daughters that were brought up with him, Mithridatis and Nissa and were betrothed to the king of Egypt and Cyprus, earnestly entreated their father that they might drink their poisoned potion before him. They desired for him to wait until they had done this. (Appian.) However, neither the poison Mithridates always carried about in his sword nor the wound he had given himself with the sword, were sufficient to kill him. Although he walked about most strenuously so that the poison would spread itself through his veins and might act more quickly, nothing happened. He had vaccinated his body against poison with daily preservative medicines, which to this day are called Mithridatica. His sword wound was poorly executed because of his age, his present distresses and the partial effect of the poison. He had not killed himself but still lingered. The wall was now broken down and Bitoetus or Bithocus, a soldier and Gaul wandered about. He was terrified by the majesty of his countenance. Mithridates called him back and caused the soldier’s trembling hand to put an end to his life. (Dio. l. 37. cf. Livy, l. 102. Flor. l. 3. c. 5. Valer. Max. l. 9. c. 2. Pliny l. 25. c. 2. Justin. l. 37. c. 2. A Gelloi. l. 17. c. 16. Appian. p. 248, Aurel. Vict. de Vir. Illust. c. 76. & Oros. l. 6. c. 5.) 4508. Thus Mithridates ended his life at Panticapaeum in Bosphorus Cimmerius.

"A man neither to be passed over in silence, nor to be spoken of without respect. He was most valiant in war, of outstanding virtue, greatest, sometimes in fortune, but always in control. He was a most discreet general and an excellent soldier of his troops.’’ (Velleius Paterculus l. 2. c. 18.) 4509. Cicero (in his Lucullus) called him:

"The greatest king after Alexander.’’

4510. Because of these eulogies, I have been as careful about recording his life as I was about Alexander.

4511. Orosius wrote thus of the time of the Mithridatic war: (l. 6. c. 1. fin.)

"The Mithridatic war, or rather the end of the Mithridatic war which involved many provinces, was carried on for 40 years. For it began in the 662nd year after the foundation of Rome, as I said before, (l. 5. c. 19.) in the same year as the first civil war began. This was in the consulship of Cicero and Antony. (that I may use the words of that excellent poet, Lucan.’’

"----Barbarico vix consummata veneno"

"Scarcely ended by the barbaric poison of Mithridates. In this time there are found 30 years of that war. Why most write 40, is not easy to know.’’

4512. We read in Justin, (l. 37. c. 1.) that Mithridates warred with the Romans for 40 years. Appian, in the beginning of his Mithridatics, (p. 170.) said that the Mithridatic war lasted 42 years. (in Syriac. p. 118. & Mithridatics, p. 249.) Florus (l. 3. c. 5.) agrees with Appian. However Eutropius (l. 6.) only allows 40 years. In Pliny, (l. 7. c. 26.) the title placed by Pompey in the temple of Minerva showed that this war lasted only 30 years. From the beginning of the first Mithridatic war to the death of Mithridates is only 26 years. This includes those years of the peace between the two wars. So that the war may be said to last 30 years to make it a round figure. Cicero (Orat. in L. Pisonem.) in his consulship hinted that he defended C. Rabirius 40 years earlier, who was guilty of treason, for the murder of Saturninus by the authority of the senate. Dio (l. 37.) more accurately said this happened 36 years before. For more information consult that Pisconian speech by Asconius Pedianus.

4513. At that time when Pompey was in Judea, he was angry with Aristobulus and marched against him. Hyrcanus urged him to do this. He went with the Roman legions and with the auxiliaries that he raised in Damascus, and in other parts of Syria. He went through Pella and Scythopolis and came to Coreae near the border of Judea toward the Mediterranean. He learned that Aristobulus had fled into Alexandrion, a good citadel that was located on the top of an hill. He summoned Aristobulus to come to him. He was persuaded by many of his friends not to start a war against the Romans and he came to Pompey. After he discussed his title with his brother Hyrcanus about the kingdom, Pompey gave him permission to retire to his citadel again. He did this 2 or 3 times and always flattered Pompey. He hoped to get the kingdom and feigned that he would obey Pompey in all things. In the meanwhile, he returned and fortified the citadel. He prepared for war, for fear lest the kingdom should be given to his brother Hyrcanus. (Joseph. Belli, l. 1. Antiq. l. 14, c. 6.)

4514. Pompey commanded Aristobulus to surrender the citadels and he wrote to the governors concerning this. They would not have obeyed him, unless the letters had been written with Aristobulus own hand. Aristobulus submitted, but in discontent, he went to Jerusalem. He fully intended to prepare for war. Pompey immediately followed him with his army and thought it best not to give him any time for preparation. (Joseph. Belli, l. 1. Antiq. l. 14, c. 6.)

4515. As Pompey was marching near Jericho, a messenger came and told him that Mithridates was killed by his son Pharnaces. (Joseph. Belli, l. 1. Antiq. l. 14, c. 6.) Those who brought the news wreathed their javelins’ heads with laurels. There was no high place for Pompey to speak to the soldiers. The camp was made with turfs that were cut and laid one on top of another. Hence they made a mound. Pompey ascended this mound and told his soldiers that Mithridates had killed himself and that Pharnaces had reserved all things for himself and the Romans. (Plutarch in Pompey)

4516. Thereupon the army greatly rejoiced and spent their time in sacrificing and feasting as if by Mithridates death, had died huge numbers of their enemies. Pompey was very glad that he had put an end to all Mithridates’ acts and expeditions much easier than he thought he would. (Plutarch in Pompey) For Mithridates had worried Pompey so much that although he conquered all his kingdom, he did not think the war was over as long as Mithridates was alive. (Cicero, pro Murena.) Lucan mentions Pompey bragging about this: Skulking about Pontus, and while he watched to bring Ruin to the Romans that untamed king, With better luck than Sulla, I’ve made to die.

4517. Pompey first camped at Jericho where there was most excellent dates and balsam which was the most precious of all ointments. The next morning he marched toward Jerusalem. Aristobulus was sorry for what he had done and came and met him. He promised him money and that he would surrender himself and the city to him. He only desired that there would be no war and that things would be settled peaceably. Pompey pardoned him and sent Gabinius with the soldiers to receive the money. They returned without either for Aristobulus’ soldiers would not honour his promise. Pompey became very angry and committed Aristobulus to custody. He marched in person against the city. It was strongly fortified except toward the north side which was easiest to be battered. (Joseph. Antiq. l. 15. c. 7.)

4518. The citizens within the city were divided. Those that sided with Hyrcanus, said that the city should be surrendered to Pompey. Many agreed who feared the determination of the Romans. However, Aristobulus’ side ordered the gates to be shut and to prepare for war because Pompey held the king prisoner. These first seized the temple and cut down the bridge by which they went into the city. They stood prepared to fight. Hyrcanus’ party received the army within the city and turned over to Pompey the city and the king’s palace. Pompey committed these to Piso, his lieutenant who fortified the houses and other buildings that were near the temple. First he offered the besieged conditions of peace. When they refused, Pompey prepared for a general assault and was helped by Hyrcanus in all matters. (Joseph. Bell. l. 1. c. 5. & Antiq. l. 14. c. 8.)

4519. Pompey camped on the north side of the city, which was the easiest to attack. There were also high towers and a handmade ditch in addition to a deep valley which was around the temple. All places around the city went down quite steeply especially where the bridge was taken away and on the side where Pompey camped. However, the Romans raised mounts daily and cut down trees around there. They filled up the trench with materials that the soldiers brought. The work was very difficult because the trench was so deep and the Jews fought from above. (Joseph. Bell. l. 1. c. 5. & Antiq. l. 14. c. 8.)

4520. Josephus stated that if the Jews had not observed the sabbath, the Romans could not have finished the mounts for the Jewish resistance. For the law permitted the Jews to defend themselves against an attacking enemy but not to hinder any work that the enemy does. This is not a written law but received by tradition from their doctors. When the Romans knew the way the Jews acted on the sabbath, they did not shoot any arrows against the Jews nor fought with them in any way. They only erected their mounts and towers and planted their engines so that they might use them on the next day against the Jews. (Joseph. Antiq. l. 14. c. 8.) King Agrippa (Joseph. Bell. l. 2.) said that Pompey especially chose those days to carry on the war to prevent the Jews from attacking them on their sabbath.

4521. Pompey’s letters were read in the senate concerning the death of Mithridates and the end of that war. Cicero, the consul, proposed that there was to be a procession for 12 days decreed for Pompey. (Cicero, de provinciis Consularibus.) The Romans kept these festival days, to celebrate being freed from a great enemy. (Appian. p. 250.)

4522. Titus Ampius and Titus Labienus, who were the tribunes of the people, proposed a law that Pompey should wear a laurel crown and the triumphal clothes in the Circensian and

Scenical plays. He only wore the purple gown and a laurel crown once in these plays. (Vellei, Patercul. l. 2. c. 40. Dio. l. 37.)

4523. At Jerusalem the trench was being filled and the tower fitted upon the mounts. The engines from Tyre were placed and the Romans shot huge stones and battered the temple stones. However, the towers were exceeding strong and beautiful and endured the assaults of the besiegers. The Romans were very tired and Pompey wondered at the faithfulness of the Jews. Among others, he especially marvelled at their constantly observing the whole service of God amid all their enemies’ attacks as if they were at peace. All the time of the attacks, they performed the daily sacrifices. Twice a day, the priests in the morning and at the 9th hour offered sacrifices on the altar. They did not stop their sacrifices no matter what happened. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 5. & Antiq. l. 14. c. 8.}

4524. The Latin Feriae were held at Rome. (This feast was not on a set day but appointed by the magistrates.) At this feast, a comet appeared and the moon was eclipsed on the 7th day of the Julian November, 2 hours after midnight. Concerning this, Cicero in the second book of his consulship mentions in these verses.

’’When Albans snowy heaps thou viewdst, and when With glad milk the Latina celebratedst, then Comets of fire did tremble in thy sight, And thou a conflict fancydst in the night. Which time scarce escaped inauspicious; when The moon withdrew her light and sight from men, And on a sudden left a starry night.’’

4525. In the 3rd month of the siege of Jerusalem, the largest tower fell after being shaken by the many batteries of the ram. A large part of the wall fell with it. Through this breach large numbers of the enemy broke into the temple. The first man who climbed the wall, was Cornelius Faustus the son of Sulla, with his band of soldiers. Immediately after him, came the centurion Furius with his regiment and between them both, the centurion Fabius with a valiant band of his soldiers. These surrounded the temple while some fought to hide themselves. Others made some resistance and were killed. Although many priests saw the enemies rushing in with their drawn swords, they were not at all dismayed and continued their sacrifices. They were slain even while they offered and burned incense in the temple. They preferred to observe their religious duty rather than save their own lives. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 5. & Antiq. l. 14. c. 8.} 4526. All the places were full of the dead. Some of the Jews were killed by the Romans and others by their own countrymen of the opposing faction. Many threw themselves headlong down the rocks. Others set their houses on fire and burnt themselves alive. They could not endure to behold those things that were done by the enemy. About 12,000 Jews died. Very few of the Romans were killed but many wounded. Among the captives was Absalom, the uncle and fatherin-law of Aristobulus and the son of John Hyrcanus. Josephus {Josephus, Antiq, l. 13. c. 20.} wrote that he was honoured by Alexander Jannaeus because he was contented to live a private life. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 5. & Antiq. l. 14. c. 8.}

4527. The temple was taken on the fast day when C. Antonius and M. Tullius Cicero were consuls in the 179th Olympiad. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 8.} Eusebius {Eusebius, Demponstrat. Evangel., l. 8. c. 2.} stated that it was at the start of the year in the holy fast of the 3rd month on which the city was later taken by Sosius. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. ult.} It is to be taken for the 3rd month of the civil year which started in the autumn according to the Hebrews and other eastern accounts. {Josephus, Antiq, init. c. 4.} {Jerom, in the beginning of Ezekiel} That is it was the 3rd month of the Syrians called by them, the "Former Canun" and by the Hebrews "Chisleu". It was on the 28th day of this month the Jews,even to this very day, keep a fast in memory of the sacred roll being burnt by wicked Jehoiakim. Jeremiah 36:9, Jeremiah 36:22-23 (See note on 3398 AM <<782-6>>) This fast was appointed for the first taking of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar when the Jews began first to serve the Babylonians. Peritrope noted that on the same day of the same month, the temple was taken after 543 years by Pompey when the Jews began to serve the Romans. Again 26 years later, it was taken by Sosius when they began to serve Herod the Idumaean and his posterity. The 28th day of the month Chisleu corresponds to the 28th day of the Julian December this year and (which also is worth noting) it was on a Saturday or the Jewish sabbath when the temple was taken by assault. Dio notes that this was reckoned the 79th year from the 170th of the Greek empire, in which it is read that the yoke of the heathen was taken away from Israel. /APC 1Ma 13:41 From this, it may be gathered how short a time they enjoyed their liberty.

4528. Pompey and many others entered the temple and saw those things that were not lawful to be seen by any but the high priest. In the temple there was the table, candlesticks, with the lamps, all vessels for sacrifice, the censers all of gold and an huge pile of spices. In the treasuries of sacred money they found about 2000 talents. Pompey did not touch any of this but on the next day he ordered them that had the charge of the temple to purify and cleanse it and to offer their solemn sacrifices to God. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 5. & Antiq. l. 14. c. 8.}

4529. Pompey restored the high priesthood to Hyrcanus because he had readily helped him in the siege and he had hindered the Jews that were in the whole country from joining with Aristobulus. (Joseph. Bell. l. 1. c. 5. Antiq. l. 14. c. 8.) Pompey also gave him the kingdom but forbid him to wear a crown. From this time plus the previous 9 years in which he was high priest during the reign of his mother Alexandra, he was the high priest for another 24 and an half years. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 5. & Antiq. l. 20. c. 8.}

4530. Pompey put to death those that were the main cause of the war and gave great honours and rewards to Faustus and others who first had ascended the wall. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 5. & Antiq. l. 14. c. 8.} 3941b AM, 4651 JP, 63 BC

4531. Pompey made the Jews tributary to the Romans {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 8.} {Eusebius, Chron. Sever. Sulpic. Histor. Sacr. l. 2.} and he took away the cities which they had previously conquered in Coleosyria. He ordered them to obey their own governors and reduced the boundaries of the country to their ancient bounds. As a favour to Demetrius of Gadara, a libertine of his, (of whose insolence, Plutarch mentions {Plutarch, in Pompey}) he rebuilt Gadara which the Jews had previously destroyed. He restored the inhabitants to their inland cities of Hippon, Scythopolis, Pella, Dion, Samaria, Marissa, Azotus, Jamnia and Arathusa. He did not restore the inhabitants to any city that was destroyed. He did the same with the coastal towns of Gaza, Joppe, Dora and the town of Straton. It was later magnificently rebuilt by Herod and called Caesarea. Pompey set at liberty these cities and annexed all of them to the province of Syria. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 5. & Antiq., l. 14. c. 8.} 4532. Josephus stated: {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 8.}

"Hyrcanus and Aristobulus through their quarrelling and dissentions, were the cause of this calamity to the inhabitants of Jerusalem. For at that time, we first began to lose our liberty and were made subject to the government of the Romans. In addition, we were forced to surrender to the Syrians that country we had recently taken from them in war. Also the Romans have exacted from us more than 10,000 talents in a short time.’’

4533. After this Josephus affirms {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 12.} that Crassus alone took so much from the temple. He may be understood to speak here of the tributes and taxes imposed on the people.

4534. It is interesting to compare what Josephus wrote with other non-Jewish historians about Pompey’s action against the Jews. Cicero, in whose consulship these things happened is the main writer. We found this testimony of Pompey’s restraint. {Cicero, Pro Flacco}

"When C. Pompey had taken Jerusalem, he removed nothing from that temple. As in all things, first he acted most wisely in this. In so large and rebellious a city, he permitted no place for the speeches of slanderous detractors. I think the religion of the Jews was no offence, but a shame to this excellent emperor.’’

4535. As much as could be expected from a heathen, he made a comparison between the Roman and the Jewish religion in this manner.

"Every city has its particular religion and we have ours. While Jerusalem stood and the Jews were at league with us, their religion did abhor the splendour of the sacred rites of our empire, the majesty of our name and the institutions of our ancestors. Now, which is more, that nation showed their opinion of us by their arms, it is sufficiently obvious how dear they are to the immortal gods in that they are conquered, farmed and made servants.’’

4536. From Titus Livy, {Livy, l. 102.} we find this.

"Cn. Pompey subdued the Jews and took their temple, which until that time had been undamaged.’’

4537. Unless we should think that Eutropius and Orosius (as they did in many other parts of their histories) borrowed this from him. Eutropius {Eutropius, l. 6.} stated this:

"...passing over against the Jews, the 3rd month he took Jerusalem, the capital of the country. 12,000 Jews were killed and the rest were taken into league.’’

4538. Orosius {Orosius, l. 6. c. 6.} wrote that Pompey went from Petra in Arabia against the Jews:

"over whom Aristobulus reigned after he expelled his brother, Hyrcanus (who was the first king of a priest).’’

4539. This shows that he took this part of his history not from Josephus but someone less knowledgable in the Jewish affairs. In spite of this, he accurately relates what Pompey did.

"He sent Gabinius with an army to Jerusalem, their city. He presently came later and was received into the city by the chief elders. He was driven from the walls of the temple by the common people and he planned to take it. The place was well fortified by its natural location and surrounded by a very large wall. Notwithstanding one legion after another, night and day, without stopping attacked the walls. He took 3 months to capture it. Finally after much trouble, he captured it. 13,000 (Josephus and Eutropius have 12,000) Jews were killed and the rest made a truce. Pompey ordered the walls of the city to be levelled to the ground. After he had beheaded some princes of the Jews, he restored Hyrcanus to the high priesthood and brought Aristobulus as a prisoner to Rome.’’

4540. Strabo (Strabo, l. 6.) wrote:

"When Judea was now openly oppressed with tyranny, Alexander was the first who had made himself king instead of priest. His sons, Hyrcanus and Aristobulus fought for the government. Pompey came in and deposed and demolished their bulwarks and first took Jerusalem by force. That wall was all of stone and well guarded. Inside they were well supplied with water, but outside, it was very dry. It had a ditch cut in the rock, 60 feet deep, and 250 feet wide. The walls of the temple were made of the stone that were cut out from the ditch. Pompey took it, as it is reported, by taking the opportunity of a fast day, in which they abstained from all manner of labours. When he had filled the ditch, he crossed the wall by his scaling ladders. He commanded all the walls to be demolished, and as much as he could, destroyed all the places of robbers and all those places where the tyrant’s treasures were stored. Two of them were located in the entrance in Jericho, Thrax, and Taurus, the rest were Alexandrium, Hyrcanium, Macharus, Lysias, and some places about Philadelphia, Scythopolis also next to Galilee. {Strabo, l. 6. p. 792, 763.} Later, Pompey took away some places, that the Jews had captured by force and made Hyrcanus, the high priest. {Strabo, l. 6. p. 764, 765.}

4541. In Lucan, {Lucan, Pharsalia, l. 3} stated that among the other countries that Pompey conquered, that Judah was described thus: To the Arabs and the war like Heniochi tamed And the fleece deprived Colchi I am known: my famed Ensigns the Cappadocians, and the Jews, who adore, An unknown God, and soft Sophene: fear full sore Taurus, Armenia and Cilicia I have subdued.

4542. Plutarch {Plutarch, in Pompey} stated:

"He subdued Judea and took their king Aristobulus.’’

4543. Appian {Appian, in Mithridaticis, p. 244} said this:

"He made war upon Aretas, the king of the Arabians of Nabathea, and the Jews also who had revolted from their king, Aristobulus. He took Jerusalem, a city which in their conceit they thought most holy.’’

4544. In Appian {Appian, in Syriacis, p. 119.} he stated:

"Only the country of the Jews remained unconquered, whose King Aristobulus, the conquering Pompey, sent to Rome. He overthrew the walls of Jerusalem, the greatest and most holy city in all that country.’’

4545. Cornel. Tacitus, {Tacitus, Histories, l. 5. c. 9.} stated:

"Cn. Pompey was the first that conquered the Jews of all the Romans and entered the temple by right of conquest. There was first published that their temple was on the inside without any images and had an empty seat. The walls of Jerusalem were thrown down but the temple stood still.’’

4546. L. Florus, {Florus, History, l, 3. c. 9.} said concerning the same:

"Pompey marched through Libanus in Syria and Damascus. He placed the Roman ensigns. He passed through those sweat smelling groves of frankincense and balms. The Arabians were at his service. The Jews were afraid to defend Jerusalem. He also entered and saw openly that grand mystery of that wicked nation as under a sky of beaten gold. (Concerning this see {Lypsius, Elector., l. 2. c. 5.}) The brothers were at odds about the kingdom and Pompey was made the umpire. He gave the kingdom to Hyrcanus and put irons on Aristobulus for refusing to abide by the agreement.’’

4547. Dio, {Dio, l. 37.} in the consulship of M. Tullius Cicero, and C. Antonius, stated:

"Pompey marched into Syria Palestine because their inhabitants had invaded Phoenicia. This country was governed by two brothers, Hyrcanus and Aristobulus. They were at odds with each other at that time about the priesthood of God which is the same as ruling the kingdom with them. One of them filled the city with seditions. Pompey therefore presently, without fighting, conquered Hyrcanus because he had no forces able to resist him. Aristobulus was besieged in a certain citadel and was forced to accept conditions of peace. Since he would neither give him money nor surrender the castle, Pompey cast him into prison and then easily conquered the rest. The taking of Jerusalem caused Pompey much trouble. He easily took the city and was let in by those that favoured Hyrcanus. However, he did not easily take the temple that was seized by them of the opposing faction. It was located on an hill and fortified with a wall of stone. If they had defended it on all days, it would never have been conquered. They did not defend it on Saturdays and because they rested from all work on those days, they gave the Romans the opportunity of overthrowing the wall. For when they observed this custom of the enemies, they did nothing against the wall on the other days. When the week was past and Saturday came, then they started working heartily and took the temple by force. Finally the Jews were overcome and did not defend themselves. Their treasures were taken away and the kingdom was given to Hyrcanus. Aristobulus was carried away prisoner. These things happened at this time in Palestine.’’

4548. While Pompey made war about Judea, Ptolemy (Auletes) maintained 8000 cavalry at his own expense and feasted 1000 guests with as many gold drinking cups. He always changed the cups as they changed the dishes, as Varro relates. {Pliny, l. 33.} He was paid annually 12,500 talents in tribute from Egypt, as Cicero said in a speech (which is lost.) {Strabo, l. 17. p. 799.} Although Diodorus Siculus stated that the revenue of Egypt at this time was only 6000 talents.

4549. Seleucis in Palestine was built by Pompey. {Appian. p. 253.}

4550. Pompey left the government of Coelosyria to Scaurus, from Euphrates River as far as the borders of Egypt. Pompey departed into Cilicia with two legions and took Aristobulus prisoner with him with his two sons and two daughters. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 8.} One son called Alexander, escaped on his journey but the younger, called Antigonus with his sisters were carried to Rome. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 5. fin.}

4551. Appian wrote that when Pompey left Syria he put his quaester, Scaurus in charge. (Appian, in Syriacis, p. 119.} {Josephus, Wars, l. 5. p. 676. 677.} Josephus added {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 8} that he gave the government of Syria and Judea, also to Scaurus. Also Ammianus Marcellinus {Ammianus, l. 14.} affirmed this:

"After Pompey had conquered the Jews and taken Jerusalem, he arranged Palestine into the form of a province, he committed its jurisdiction to a governor.’’

4552. Hyrcanus retained the name of king but without a crown. He was so dull witted, that the governors of Syria took the power to themselves. They managed the tributes and all other things at their own pleasure in Palestine. This we shall see later in the government of Gabinius.

4553. When Cicero and Antonius were consuls, on the 9th day before the month of October, Octavian was born to Octavian and his wife, Atia who was sister of C. Julius Caesar. {Suetonius, in Octavio, c. 4, 5.} Octavian was later called Caesar Augustus and in whose reign our Lord Jesus Christ, the saviour of the world, was born. Luke 2:1 Luke 2:6-7. Julius Marathus reported that a few months before Augustus was born, a prodigy or oracle happened at Rome and was publicly known. It stated that nature was about to bring forth a king over the people of Rome. The senate was afraid and made a law that no male child that was born that year should be raised. Those whose wives were pregnant objected for everyone thought this sign may apply to their future son. They said this act should not be brought into the treasury and then enrolled. Suetonius {Seutonius, in Octavio, c. 4, 5.} confirms his birthday on the 9th of the month of October. Augustus agrees with Suetonius in a letter to his nephew Caius. {Gellius. l. 15. c. 7.} The new calendar {in Scriptionibus Gruteri 133.}, the Narbon stone {in Scriptionibus Gruteri, p.229.} and Dion {Dion, l. 56.} state that he was born on the 23rd of September. For in the Julian September of 30 days, the 9th of the month of October is the 23rd of September. Although in the Pompilian September which has but 29 days, it is the 22nd of the same month. However, September, as the year was (before the corrections of Julius Caesar) at Rome, happened in June of the Julian period 4651.

4554. The Catiline conspiracy broke out at Rome. Q. Martius Rex and Q. Metellus Creticus were both generals in the city. They were both prevented from a triumph by the false accusation of some few, whose custom it was to assail all things whether honest or false. {Sallust, in conjuration. Catiline}

4555. The Philadelphians calculate their years from the second year of the 179th Olympiad. {Fasti Siculi} This Philadelphia is not far from Judea concerning which Josephus, {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 5.} {Strabo, l. 16. p. 760,763.} notes that around that area was the hang out of thieves. It was captured this year and the thieves taken away by Pompey. This may explain the reason of the first institution of this epoch.

4556. Pompey marched around the rest of Cilicia which did not acknowledge the Roman power and subdued it to Roman authority without a fight {Appian, p. 244.} except that part which was occupied by the Eleuthero-Cilices. Their town was located in the mountain Amanus and they were later conquered by Cicero, the proconsul of Syria.

4557. Pharnaces sent to Pompey the body of his father Mithridates preserved in brine. He surrendered to him both himself and his kingdom. {Dio. l. 37.} Appian wrote that he sent it to Pompey to Synope in a galley along with those that had taken Manius Aquilius and many Greek and barbarian hostages. Pharnaces desired that he might retain either his father’s kingdom or the Bosphorus only which his brother Machan had received from Mithridates. Plutarch says that when Pompey came to Amisus, he found many gifts brought from Pharnaces and many of the royal family. The corpse of Mithridates was not very well known by his face but was known by the scars by them who desired to see that sight. Pompey did not see it but sent it to Synope.

4558. Pompey thought that all hostility died with Mithridates and did no harm to the corpse but ordered it to be buried in the sepulchre of his fathers. {Dio, l. 37.} He turned the corpse over to them who would take care of it and paid for the funeral. He ordered that it should be royally interred at Synope. He commended Mithridates for the excellence of his exploits as the most famous king of his time. {Appian, p. 250.}

4559. Pompey admired the wonderful rich apparel and the arms he wore. However, Publius stole the scabbard of his sword which cost 400 talents and sold it to Ariarathes. Caius, the foster brother of Mithridates, privately gave Mithridates’ hat of wonderful workmanship, to Faustus, the son of Sulla who begged it from him. Pompey did not know about this but when Pharnaces found out later, he punished those that had done those things. {Plutarch}

4560. Pompey enrolled Pharnaces and Castor Phanagonasis among the friends and allies of the people of Rome. {Appian, p. 251.} {Dio, l. 37.} He also gave the kingdom of Bosphorus to Pharnaces because he had freed Italy from many difficulties. The Phanagorenses were not given to Pharnaces. Pompey granted them their liberty because they were the first to trouble Mithridates by revolting from him when he was again gathering up his forces and when he had an army and fleet. By their example to others, they were the cause of his downfall. {Appian, p. 250.} After Pompey left, Pharnaces attacked the Phanagorenses and their neighbours until through famine, they were forced to come out and fight with him and were defeated. He did not harm them and he received them into friendship with him and only took hostages from them. {Appian, p. 253,254.}

4561. Pompey recovered the citadels in Pontus. They were surrendered personally to Pompey by the garrisons that controlled them because they thought if they turned them over to anyone else the treasure would be looted and they would be held accountable. {Dio, l. 37.} The city of Talaura was the place where Mithridates stored his belongings. They found 2000 cups of onyx stone that were fastened together with gold. They also found many cups for hot and cold drinks as well as beds and chairs that were all most splendid. They found bridles for horses and trappings for breasts and shoulders that were all covered with gold and precious stones. The treasurer spent 30 days recording what was found. Part of the treasure came from Darius, the son of Hystaspes, and was handed down to his successors. Cleopatra had deposited part of the Ptolemy treasure at Cos which Mithridates had carried from there when the citizens handed it over to him. Some of the treasure belonged to Mithridates who was being extremely desirous to have a rich household of stuff. {Appian, p. 251, 252.}

4562. At Rome at the time when consuls are elected, Cicero, the consul, made a speech for Murena who was chosen consul for the following year. He was accused for unlawful bribery for the office. In the speech Cicero says that the army of L. Lucullus, which had come to his triumph, came to help Murena in demanding the consulship. Concerning this triumph, Cicero, {Cicero, on Lucullus} mentions this:

"When he returned the conqueror from the Mithridatic war, he triumphed three years later than he ought to have done, through the false accusations of his enemies. We that are consuls, were most honoured to bring in the chariot of that famous man into the city.’’

4563. C. Mummius had set the people of Rome against him, as if he had embeazelled much of the spoils and had protracted the war. Hence he persuaded the people that they should deny Lucullus his triumph. However, the noble men, and those that were most in authority, intermixed with the tribes and they intreated them so much by suit and persuasion that finally they persuaded them to allow Lucullus’ triumph. {Plutarch, in Lucullus}

4564. He made his triumphant entry not burdensome for its long show nor for the number of things that he brought there as many captains had done before him. Instead he outfitted the show place (called Circus Flaminius) with a large number of the enemy’s weapons and with the king’s battering engines. This was a pleasant sight to see. In their triumph there was a certain company of bravely armed men, ten chariots with scythes, and 60 friends and captains of the two kings and 110 long ships that were armed on their prows. Also displayed was a six foot high solid gold statue of Mithridates and a shield set with precious stones, the crown of Trigranes, twenty cupboards of silver plate and 32 cupboards of golden vessels and armour and coins. These were carried upon men’s shoulders. Eight mules carried golden beds, 56 carried silver bullion and 107 that carried silver coins worth a little less than 2,700,000 drachmas. Moreover, there were books of accounts carried of what he had given to his own soldiers which was 950 drachmas a piece. Then Lucullus feasted all the cities and villages around there. {Plutarch, in Lucullus}

4565. After the triumph, an account was given of the Mithridatic war. Lucullus engaged in a lifestyle that was far more magnificent than ancient temperance and behaviour of the Romans of old. He was the first of the Romans that brought in all manner of luxuries after that he had received the riches of the two kings, Tigranes and Mithridates. {Nicolaus Damascen. Historiar. l. 27.} {Athenaeus, l. 6. c. ult. & l. 12. c. 21.} Velleius Paterculus also confirms that he was the first that brought in the profuse luxury in buildings and household goods. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 33.} 3942a AM, 4651 JP, 63 BC

4566. Pompey rebuilt Eupatoria, which Mithridates Eupator had built and called after his own name and destroyed it again because it entertained the Romans. Pompey gave to it lands and inhabitants and called it Magnopolis. {Strabo. l. 12. p. 556.} {Appian. p. 251.} He built Cabira into a city and called it Diopolis. {Strabo, l. 12. p. 557.} He appointed laws and statutes for the Bithynians and those of Pontus. Pliny, the praetor of Bithynia, mentioned these in his letter to Trojan. {Pliny, l. 10.}

4567. Pompey marched from Pontus into Asia (properly so called) and wintered at Ephesus. {Dio, l. 37.} When he had finished his task on sea and land, he ordered the cities of Asia to furnish him with a fleet, equivalent to the price of L. Sulla’s imposition which he described. {Cicero, pro Flacco.}

4568. L. Valerius Flaccus, who in the previous year was praetor at Rome, was this year praetor of Asia. {Cicero, pro Flacco.} 3942b AM, 4652 JP, 62 BC

4569. About the end of winter, Pompey distributed the rewards to his conquering army. Each received 1500 Attic drachmas. (Plutarch confirms that each man received at least that much.) The tribunes and centurions received amounts according to their dignity. The total sum of money was calculated to be 16,000 talents. {Appian, p. 252.} He gave to the lieutenants and quaestors that defended the sea coast, 2000 festertium’s and to each of the soldiers, fifty, if Pliny is correct. {Pliny, l. 37. c. 2.}

4570. When D. Julius Silanus and L. Murena were consuls, Metellus had a triumph for conquering Crete {Eutrop. l. 6.} in the month of June. (For as much as we can gather from the fragments of the triumphal marbles.) This was in the Julian March. The main attraction of the triumph was the captive captains who Pompey took from him. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 40} He took Lasthenes and Panares with the help of one of the common people whom he persuaded to. {Dio, l. 36.} However, the triumph of Lucullus and Metellus were much favoured by every good man because of their merit and especially in envy to Pompey {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 34.} Appian also makes mention of the triumph of Metellus Creticus. {Appian, Legat. 30.}

4571. Cato came to Ephesus to greet Pompey as one that was older and greater in dignity than he. When Pompey saw him come, he would not allow him to come to him as he sat in his seat but went to meet him as one of the chiefest noble men. He took Cato by the hand and embraced and greeted him. He commended Cato in the presence of all men both when he was present and when he was absent. However, Pompey was glad when he was gone as though he could not command freely when he was there. He also commended to Cato the care of his wife and children. Pompey never did this to any others that sailed to Rome although indeed Cato was allied to them. {Plutarch, in Cato Minore.}

4572. Pompey had partly by war overcome many princes and kings, and partly allied them to him by firm conditions of peace. He had taken not less than 900 cities and rebuilt 39 cities that were either ruined or destroyed in war (as was Mazaca the head city of Cappadocia) and had enlarged eight cities and countries with colonies. He instructed the most of the countries through Asia that belonged to the Romans in his own laws and ordained a commonwealth for them. Finally, he sailed from Ephesus through the islands and Greece and went toward Italy in very great pomp. {Dio, l. 37.} {Appian, p. 251.} {Plutarch, in Pompey}

4573. When Pompey was come to Lesbos, he released the city of all taxes as a favour to Theophanes. {Plutarch, in Pompey} For the Mitylenians had surrendered Marius Aquilius and other prisoners. They were granted liberty by Pompey as a favour to Theophanes. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 18.} This was Balbus Cornelius Theophanes a Mitylenian, a writer of Pompey’s deeds. Pompey esteemed him as one of his most intimate friends and made him a citizen of Rome in the presence of the whole army. The Greeks bestowed divine honours on Theophanes when he died. {Cicero, pro Archia poeta} {Strabo, l. 13. p. 617.} {Valerius Maximus, l. 8. c. 14.} {Tacitus, Annals, l. 6. c. 1.} {Julius Capitolinus, in Maximo & Balbino}

4574. At Mitylene, Pompey saw the poets perform plays. The theme of all the performances was Pompey’s deeds and acts. Pompey was very delighted with the theatre and made a plan of it so that he might make a similar one at Rome only larger and more magnificent. {Plutarch, in Pompey}

4575. When he came to Rhodes, he heard the sophists dispute and gave each of them a talent. Posidonius had written the disputation he made before Pompey, against Hermagoras the rhetorician about the general question. {Plutarch, in Pompey} As Pompey was about to go into Posidonius’ house, he forbid his lictor (as the manner was) to knock on the door, and he himself laid down the lictor’s rod, at the door, to whom both the east and the west submitted. {Pliny, l. 7. c. 20.} Concerning this meeting Cicero {Cicero, Tusculine Questions, l. 2.} relates this based on Pompey’s own account:

"I have often seen Posidonius myself but I will tell you what Pompey had often said to me. As he came from Syria and arrived at Rhodes, he intended to hear Posidonius. When he heard that he was very sick and in great pain with the gout, he still wanted to see that famous philosopher. When Pompey had seen him and greeted him, he gave him very good compliments. Pompey told him that he was very sorry that he could not hear him. He replied that he may and would not allow that pain of his body to frustrate the arrival of so great a man to me. So Pompey told me that the philosopher disputed very gravely and fully concerning this subject, "That there was nothing good, but what was honest." He was all on fire as it were with pain, as if so many torches had been put to him. He often said in pain, "All that you do is nothing, although you are troublesome, yet I will never confess you are evil."’’

4576. Some also say that Pompey came to Rhodes at the time he went to the Mithridatic war. The time when he was about to march against Mithridates, was the time when he talked to Posidonius. As Pompey was leaving, he asked him if he would advise him in anything. Posidonius repeated that verse in Homer:

"Act nobly and remember to excel.’’

4577. This is recorded in Strabo. {Strabo, l. 11. p. 492.}

4578. When Valerius Flaccus was praetor, he commanded the cities of Asia to furnish him with money and sailors for a fleet. This fleet was half the size of the one Pompey used. He divided it into two squadrons. One was to sail north of Ephesus and the other south. In this fleet, M. Crassus sailed from Aenus, (in Thrace) into Asia, and Flaccus from Asia into Macedonia. Each year gold was exported (in the name of the Jews) from Italy and all the Roman provinces to Jerusalem. Therefore, Flaccus ordered that no gold should be exported from Asia. At Apamea more than an hundred pounds of gold was intercepted. It was weighed before the praetor himself in the court of Sextus Coesius, a Roman equestrian at Laodicea. More than twenty pounds of gold was weighed before L. Peducaeus at Adramirum by the lieutenant Cn. Domitius. At Pergamus not much gold was taken. (??) This gold was stored in the treasury. These things are mentioned in Flaccus’ speech for him and defended these actions. (??)

4579. Scaurus, who was left president of Syria by Pompey, marched into Arabia. Because the way was difficult, he did not go as far as Petra. However, he wasted the country around there. He endured much suffering for his army was afflicted with famine even though Hyrcanus by Antipater’s means supplied him with grain and other needs from Judea. Antipater also was sent as ambassador from Scaurus, to Aretas, because he was his very close friend. He tried to persuade him that by paying a sum of money, he might redeem his country from destruction. He paid to him 300 talents on the condition that the war was ended. Thus the war ended to the satisfaction of neither Scaurus nor Aretas. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 6. & Antiquit., l. 14. c. 3.} Scaurus had a silver coin to be stamped in his aedilship. One side showed a king wearing barbarous clothes who kneeled before Scaurus. He was wearing a loose coat and hose. He was presented a crown from him that was riding on a camel’s back. These letters were written about it, "M. SCAVRVS AED. CVR. EX. S. C." This meant "M. Scaurus aedile by the decree of the senate." Below was written "REX ARETAS", or King Aretas. {Pighius, Annals Roman, tom. 3. p. 341. 362.}

4580. When Pompey had sent his lieutenant Piso to demand the consulship for Piso, the Romans deferred the request until Piso arrived. They chose Piso as consul by the general consent. This commendation of Piso by Pompey was confirmed by both his friends and enemies for they were all afraid of Pompey before he had dismissed his army. {Dio, l. 37.} 3943a AM, 4652 JP, 62 BC

4581. About the time of Piso’s consulship, (in the Julian November) Pompey came into Italy. {Cicero, Letters to Atticus, l. 1. epist. 9. & 11.} It was feared that he would come with his army and he would order the public liberty after his own pleasure and make himself lord of all Italy and all the power of the Romans. As soon as he came to Brundusium, he voluntarily discharged all his forces, before there came to him any decree either from the senate or the people. {Velleius Paterculus l. 2. c. 40.} {Plutarch} {Appian} {Dio} Plutarch said that when Pompey had kindly discharged his soldiers, he ordered them to meet him again at his triumph. However, Dio affirmed that he did not intend to use them at his triumph. {Dio, l. 37.}

4582. In a speech at Rome, Pompey declared that he had made war in the East with 22 kings. {Oros. l. 6. c. 6.} When he received command for Asia, it was the outmost province but now when he restored it to his country again it was the middlemost. {Pliny, l. 7. c. 26.} {Florus l. 3. c. 5.}

4583. Q. Tullius Cicero, the younger brother of Marcus, was chosen to be praetor by lot over Asia and succeeded L. Valerius Flaccus. {Cicero, Pro Flacco} {Cicero, Letters to Atticus, l. 1.}

4584. When he was to go into his province, he wanted that T. Pomponius Atticus, his wife’s brother, should go with him as his lieutenant. He thought it not befitting him that if he was not to be a praetor, to be a servant of the praetor. {Cornelius Nepos, Life of Atticus} Cicero was offended by this. {Cicero, Letters to Atticus, l. 1. Epist. 14.}

4585. P. Clodius was accused of the revolt of Nisibis, of entering into a temple in woman’s clothes (which it was not lawful for a man to enter), of defiling the wife of Metellus the high priest and of C. Caesar, and unseemly behaviour with his own sister. He was acquitted by the judges who were bribed with money. {Cicero, Letters to Atticus, l. 1. epist. 13.} {Livy, l. 103.} {Plutarch, in Cicero} {Dio, l. 37.}

4586. Cicero wrote to Atticus that he had taken from the consul Piso, Syria that was promised unto him. {Cicero, Letters to Atticus, l. 1. epist. 13.} Therefore Marcius Philippus, who had been praetor, was sent as the successor to Scaurus who was left in Syria by Pompey. He had skirmished with the Arabians, who lived near there and invaded Syria. {Appian, in Syriac, p. 119, 120.}

4587. In the ninth year of the priesthood and government of Hyrcanus (that is from the death of his mother Alexandra, before Gavinius took the government from her) in the month Panemus or June, the decree of the Athenians, in the honour of Hyrcanus seemed to have been published as recorded by Josephus. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 16.} Although, Josephus refers that time to a former decree of the Roman senate. It was set out both in the time of the previous Hyrcanus, the son of Simeon, and on the ides of December. (See note on 3877a AM <<3605>>.) However, this decree made in the honour of Hyrcanus, the second son of Alexander was written on the 11th day of Munychion Attic, (about the 28th day of the Julian April), by Euclis, the son of Menander the Almusian. He was the secretary and delivered to the governors on the pemph apisntos of the Macedonian Panemus, or the 27th day, (answering to the 20th day of the Julian June) Agathocle who was the praetor at Athens. This we have shown in the first chapter of the book, "Concerning the Solar Year of the Macedonians and Athenians."

3943b AM, 4653 JP, 61 BC

4588. First, Cicero, eased the cities of Asia of the cost of providing sailors and a fleet {Cicero, Pro Flacco.} and restored many cities that were almost deserted. Two of these were Samos, a most illustrious city of Ionia and Halicarnassus, a city of Caria. {Cicero, Letter to Quintum Fratrem, l. 1 epist. 1.}

4589. Pompey deferred his triumph two days before his birthday which he celebrated on the day (??) before the month of October. (His birthday, happened either in July or June of the Julian account.) M. Messala and M. Piso were consuls when this happened as may be gathered from the "Marble Fragments of the Triumphal Records". It may be more fully deduced from the "Records of the Triumphs of Pompey". {Pliny, l. 7. c. 26. & l. 37. c. 2.} He had a most magnificent triumph of so many kings for two whole days. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 40.} {Appian. in Mithridatic.} Even though this triumph lasted for two days, Plutarch says the greatness of it was not fully seen. A great part of the preparation, which would have served to furnish another triumph was not presented.

4590. They who tried to compare Pompey in all things with Alexander the Great would have us believe he was not yet 34 years old when he was really 40 years old if we believe Plutarch’s account. Pompey, even from his youth, by the talk of his flatterers, believed that he was like Alexander and he imitated both his actions and counsels. {Sallust, Historiar. l. 3.} {Nonium Marcellum, in voc. Emulus.} However, Velleius very elegantly observed that they were too much concerned about the age of that great man. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 53.}

"who were deceived by five years. Whereas the setting right of these things was easily done from the consulships of C. Attilius and Quintus Servilius.’’

4591. Plutarch made the same mistake while he corrects others. He said that Pompey was only 40 years old when indeed he was 45.

4592. Pompey made his first triumph over Africa, the second over Europe and the third over Asia. He made the three parts of the world as monuments of his victory. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 40.} {Plutarch in Pompey} Thereupon this great triumph was called "The Triumph of the whole World". {Dio, l. 37.} By this the whole assembly greeted him by the surname of "Great". {Livy, l. 103.} He was pleased with this surname although by his famous deeds he might have received many new names. {Dio, l. 37.} 4593. The preface of the triumph (as it is described in {Pliny, l. 7. c. 26.} from his own records) was this:

"When he had freed the sea coast from pirates and had restored the command of the sea to the people of Rome, he triumphed over Asia, Pontus, Armenia. Paphlagonia, Cappadocia, Cilicia, Syria, Scythians, Jews, Albanians, Iberia, the Isle of Crete, Bastarna, and above all these, over the kings, Mithridates and Tigranes.’’

4594. Plutarch adds:

"Media, Colchis, Mesopotamia and Arabia.’’

4595. Appian adds:

"the Heniochi and Achaeans.’’

4596. Pompey brought 700 ships that were intact. There was a vast number of wagons that carried the armour and also the ramming prows of the ships. After these came a multitude of captives and pirates who were not bound but clothed in their country clothes. After them came noble men, captains or sons of the kings. Some were captives and others were hostages for a total of 324. These went before Pompey who sat on a lofty chariot. {Appian}

4597. Among these was Tigranes, the son of Tigranes, the king of Armenia, with his wife and daughters and Zosime the wife of Tigranes himself. Moreover the sister and five sons of Mithridates (Artaphernes, Cyrus, Oxathres, Darius and Xerxes) and two daughters, Orsabaris and Eupatra were in the procession. There was also Olthaces, the king of the Colchians,

Aristobulus, the king of the Jews and the tyrants of the Cilicians. There were women of the royal family of the Scythians, three commanders of the Iberians, two of the Albanians, along with Menander of Laodice, who was general of Mithridates’ cavalry. Also there were the hostages of the Albanians and Iberians and of the king of the Commagenians. He had many other trophies in the procession according to the number of battles that either he or his lieutenant had won in various places. {Appian} {Plutarch}

4598. Although Tigranes and Mithridates were not present, pictures of them were carried showing how they fought, gave ground and fled. The attacks of Mithridates were displayed and how he secretly fled away by night. Last of all came pictures showing his death and the virgins who were the companions of his death displayed. Tables were carried with the images of his sons and daughters that died before him and the figures of the barbarian gods in their own country attire. {Appian}

4599. Pompey was carried in a chariot set with precious stones, clothed, as was reported, in the armour of Alexander the Great. After his chariot came the companions of this expedition, the colonels both of the cavalry and foot soldiers. {Appian}

4600. The day before the month of October which was his birthday, Pompey brought a pair of tables with the men of two precious stones. The tables were three foot wide and four long. On them was a thirty pound golden Moon, three parlour tables, nine cupboards of gold plate and precious stones. There were three golden images of Minerva, Mars, and Apollo as well as three crowns set with pearls. There was a square golden mount, covered with stags, lions and fruits of all kinds. These were surrounded by a golden vine. (See note on 3939 AM <<3980>>) There was a bower of pearls on the top of which was a sundial. Pompey’s own image of pearl was there. {Pliny, l. 37. c. 2.} Pompey also wrote that he carried trees in the triumph, namely the elm tree and the balsam tree, which only grew in Judea. {Pliny, l. 12. c. 4. & 25.}

4601. There were also carts and other vessels laden with gold and various other ornaments. Among them was the bed of Darius the son of Hystaspes and the throne and sceptre of Mithridates Eupator and a golden image of him twelve feet to his breast. {Appian} There was a silver statue of Pharnaces who first reigned in Pontus and gold and silver chariots. {Pliny, l. 37. c. 12.} Also there were 7000 myriads of silver coins and 510 drachmas. {Appian} Moreover it was shown in the records that all the tribute of the people of Rome before this totalled only 5000 myriads but with these that Pompey had gotten for the people of Rome amounted to 8500 myriads. {Plutarch}

4602. There was also carried a table containing a summary of those things which Pompey had done in the east. It was inscribed with this title. "800 ships with prows were taken; eight cities built in Cappadocia, in Cilicia, and Coelosyria, twenty in Palestina Seleucis. Kings conquered: Tigranes the Armenian, Artoces the Iberian, Orozes the Albanian." This was the title, {Appian} and a similar one Pliny mentions {Pliny, l. 7. c. 26.} was placed in the temple of Minerva and dedicated of the spoils.

"Cn. Pompey Magnus, captain general, finished a war of thirty years. He overthrew, routed, killed and had yielded to him, 2,183,000 men, sunk and taken 846 ships, had surrendered to him 1538 towns and citadels. He conquered from the lake of Maetis to the Red Sea and deservedly offers this vow to Minerva.’’

4603. He brought into the public treasury in plate and in gold and silver coins, 20,000 talents. {Plutarch} Among the other gifts that were dedicated by him in the capitol, was the cabinet of King Mithridates as Varro and other authors of that time confirm. This first gave the Romans an appetite for pearls and jewels. {Pliny, l. 37. c. 1.} There was also dedicated all the most precious things of Mithridates that were found in the new castle {Strabo, l. 12. p. 556, 557.} as well as that golden vine that was brought from Judea. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 5.} There was also six cups of the stone of murra (fluorspar), then first brought to Rome. These were soon commonly used and popular material for plates and dishes. {Pliny. l. 37. c. 2.}

4604. When Pompey came triumphing into the capitol, he put none of the captives to death as those that had triumphed before him used to do. He paid their expenses from the public money and sent everyone home to his own country, except those that were of royal extraction. {Appian} It appears incorrect what Appian adds that Aristobulus was put to death and after him, Tigranes because Aristobulus later returned into his country. Josephus and Dio confirmed this and that Tigranes was kept in chains with Flavius, a senator, by the order of Pompey. He was released from his custody by Clodius, the tribune of the people, which Asconius Pedianus confirmed in his commentary on the Milonian Speech.

3944a AM, 4653 JP, 61 BC

4605. After the Gazenses were freed from the rule of the Jews, they began the epoch of their times from this event. {Fasti. Siculi. year 4. Olymp. 179.} The Gazenses began their year about the 27th day of the Julian October, as we gathered from Marcus, a deacon of Gaza, in the life of Porphyry, a bishop of Gaza.

4606. Cicero’s brother Marcus was the cause that no one succeeded Quintus Cicero in the praetorship of Asia. Cicero in a letter to him showed this. Among other things that were well done by him in the province, he lists this that the thieveries of the Mysians were stopped and murders in many places suppressed. Peace was settled throughout the whole province. The robberies and thieveries of travellers in the countries and the town and cities was suppressed. {Cicero, Letters to Quint. Fraer., l. 1. epist. 1.}

4607. M. Cicero had sent a commentary written in Greek about his consulship to Rhodes to Posidonius. (He was the Apamean and was a philosopher and an historian. Cicero wanted him to rewrite this in better style.) When he had read what Cicero wrote, he wrote back to him that he was not encouraged to write but that he was clearly afraid. {Cicero, Letters to Atticus, l. 2. epist. 1.}

4608. Ptolemy Auletus had a son born to him in his old age. This son succeeded him in his kingdom. Hence he was not older than 13 years when Pompey fled to him after the battle of Pharsalia. {Dio, l. 42.} 3944b AM, 4654 JP, 60 BC

4609. Pompey requested from the senate that they would confirm all the things that he had granted to kings, governors and cities. {Appian, Civil War, l. 2. p. 432.}

4610. Lucullus had spent his time in luxurious living. The senate asked him to use his authority to deal in matters of state and he presently attacked Pompey’s legislation. {Plutarch, in Pompey} He and Metellus Creticus remembered the wrongs Pompey had done to them. They and some of the nobility resisted Pompey that those things that were either promised to cities or the rewards to them that had deserved evil of him, should not be distributed according to Pompey’s own pleasure. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 40.} Lucullus requested that Pompey should propose to the senate concerning his actions in detail and not demand that they should be all approved in one measure. Otherwise it would be unjust to approve all his acts together before they knew what they were as if they had been done by some god. Since Pompey had disannulled some of Lucullus’ acts, he demanded that both of their acts should be proposed in the senate that they might confirm either of them that were worthy of approbation. Cato, Metellus Celer who was the consul, and others that were of the same opinion, earnestly defended Lucullus. {Dio, l. 37.} Lucullus bragged also that the victory over Mithridates belonged to him and drew Crasius to his side. {Appian, Civil War, l. 2. p. 432, 433.} Thereupon he obtained a confirmation of his decrees which Pompey had disannulled {Plutarch, in Pompey} and overthrew all the constitutions that Pompey had made after he had defeated the kings. Lucullus and Cato hindered Pompey’s request that lands might be divided among his soldiers. {Plutarch, in Lucullus}

4611. Pompey was thwarted in the senate and was compelled to appeal to the tribunes of the people. {Plutarch, in Pompey} He saw that L. Flavius the tribune had demanded that lands be divided among Pompey’s soldiers and that all the citizens might give their say that by this means this might be more easily granted. Also he wanted all Pompey’s acts confirmed. Metellus the consul so eagerly opposed him that he was carried to prison by the tribune. Notwithstanding, the consul resolutely persisted in his opinion as also did others, so that Pompey was forced at length to yield to his demands. He regretted that he had discharged his soldiers and exposed himself to the wrongs of his enemies. {Dio, l. 37.}

4612. Meanwhile, C. Julius Caesar came to Rome to demand the consulship. Pompey allied himself with him and promised that he would do his best to help Caesar become a consul. By this Pompey hoped that finally his acts which he had done in the provinces beyond the seas and were opposed by so many, would be confirmed by Caesar when he was consul. Pompey and Crassus were at great odds ever since the consulship that they had held together. Caesar reconciled them and entered into an alliance with both of them. Based on this contract, nothing would be done in the state which displeased any of the three. This conspiracy was destructive to the city and all the world and finally to themselves also. {Livy, l. 103.} {Velleius Paterculus l. 2. c. 44.} {Suetonius, in Julius Caesar, c. 19.} {Plutarch, in Lucullus, Crassus, Pompey, Caesar} {Appian, Civil War, l. 2.} {Dio, l. 37.}

4613. Barro who was the best writer of this time, wrote in one book about this conspiracy of the three principal men of the city. He called it tricaranon or three headed. {Appian, p. 433.} Asinius Pollio also began to write his history of the civil war from the same book which was made in the consulship of Metellus Celer. {Horace, l. 2. carm. ode. 1.} His interpreters, Acron and Porphyrie confirm this, for neither (as many thought) the dissention of Caesar and Pompey brought in the civil wars. Their agreement rather of conspiring together to root out the nobility first and then they fell at odds among themselves. {Plutarch, in Caesar}

4614. In this very year, the 180th Olympiad was solemnized and Herodes, (a different person besides that Herod of Athens of whom Pausanias and Gellius mention as the most famous man of his time) was archon in Athens. Diodorus Siculus began the history of Caesar’s affairs. In that year he showed that he travelled over Egypt in the reign of Ptolemy who was called "New Bacchus". {Bibliothec. historiar, l. 1. part. 1 & 2.} 3945a AM, 4654 JP, 60 BC

4615. There was a third year added to the praetorship of Quintus Cicero in Asia. Suetonius stated that he governed the proconsulate of Asia with little distinction. {Suetonius, in Octavian Augustus, c. 3.} In this year, there was written an excellent letter by Marcus Cicero concerning the good government of a province. This was placed first among those that were written to his brother Quintus.

4616. The senate sent Lentulus Marcellinus, one that had been praetor, to succeed Marcius Philippus in the government of Syria. {Appian, in Syriacis} Each of them spent two years in fighting with the Arabians who bordered Syria and invaded their country.

3945b AM, 4655 JP, 59 BC

4617. Julius Caesar, the consul, confirmed all Pompey’s acts as he had promised him without slandering Lucullus or anyone else. {Appian, Civil War, l. 2. p. 435.} {Dio, l. 38.}

4618. Pompey also obtained from the senate that they should not confirm those honours that Lucullus had promised to some of Pontus. He said it was unjust that the distribution of rewards and honours should be given to one who did not finish the war. {Strabo, l. 12. p. 558.} After he filled the city with arms and soldiers, he expelled Cato and Lucullus from the forum and confirmed his acts by violence and force. {Plutarch, in Pompey, Lucullus}

4619. Suetonius wrote that Caesar, in his first consulship, planned to sell societies and kingdoms. {Suetonius, c. 54.} He took from Ptolemy alone, 6,000 talents in the name of himself and Pompey. Dio related {Dio, l. 39.} that Ptolemy (Auletes) spent vast sums of money on certain Romans both of his own and what he borrowed. He hoped that through them the kingdom of Egypt might be confirmed to him and that he might be called their friend and ally. Plutarch {Plutarch, in Caesar} related that Auletes owed to Caesar 1750 myriads. A thousand of this, Caesar extracted when he came into Egypt after Pompey was killed. He forgave the rest of the debt to Auletes’ children.

4620. In this year when Caesar was first consul, he in the third commentary of the civil war, showed that Auletes, by a law and a decree of the senate, was taken into the alliance of the people of Rome. Caesar obtained this honour from the senate before the proscription of Ptolemy’s brother Ptolemy Cyprior, (which was in the next year.) Cicero confirmed in the Sectian speech. {Cicero, Letters to Atticus, l. 2. epist. 16.}

4621. C. Antony was condemned and Cicero in vain (who was his collogue in the consulship) defended him. {Dio. l. 38.} He lived as a banished man in Cephalenia and had all the island under his command as his own possession. He began to build a city but did not finish it. {Strabo, l. 10. p. 455.}

4622. It is decreed that P. Clodius should go as an ambassador to Tigranes, the king of Armenia. When he objected, he who was a patrician, was made a plebian by adoption so that by that means he was chosen as a tribune of the people. {Cicero, Letters to Atticus, l. 2. epist. 7. & Orat. pro domo sua} {Dio, l. 38.}

4623. Bruhagoras was a man of great authority among the Heraclenseus of Pontus. He and his son Propylus went to Julius Caesar and became his friend. They followed him up and down through all lands for 12 years together so that Caesar might do good to his fellow citizens. {Memnon, c. 26.} 3946a AM, 4655 JP, 59 BC

4624. P. Clodius was made tribune of the people. So that he might draw the new consuls to his side, he decreed to them large provinces. To Gabinius, he gave Syria, with Babylon and Persia. To Piso, he gave Achaia, Thessalia, Greece, Macedonia and all Boeotia. {Cicero, pro Sextrus, pro domo sua, de provincis consularibus} {Plutarch, in Cicero} 3946b AM, 4656 JP, 58 BC

4625. When Q. Cicero had governed Asia three years, he left the province. {Cicero, l. 2. Letters to his Friends, l. 2. epist. 15. & Letters to Atticus, l. 6. epist. 6.} Marcus Cicero was then in exile in Thessalonica and wrote to Atticus concerning his brother’s journey. {Cicero, l. 3. ep. 9.}

"My brother Quintus had departed from Asia, before the month of May, (about the end of the Julian February) and was come to Athens on the Ides. He was forced to hurry lest there might happen some more calamity in his absence if perchance anyone should not be content with the ills we suffer already. Therefore I had rather he should make haste to Rome, than come to me.’’

4626. By a tribunal law of P. Clodius, the priest of Cybile in Pessinus, a city of Phrygia was removed from his priesthood. Brogitarus was a Galatian. (He is thought to be that Bobodiatorus, to whom as Strabo writes, Pompey gave Mithridatium after he took it away from Pontus. {Strabo, l. 12. p. 567.}) He was a wicked man and desired the priesthood not for the reverence to the temple but for violence. He bought the office of priesthood with a great sum of money though his ambassadors to Clodius. The priests of Pessinus in ancient times had been petty kings. {Strabo, l. 12. p. 567.}, By the same tribunal law, Dejotarus was often thought worthy of that name by the senate as well as his son-in-law Brogitarus who had never asked it from the senate. He had only agreed with Clodius for so much money to be paid him by bond and was ordained to be called king. However, Dejotarus received that part of the law that agreed with the senate that he should be a king without giving any money to Clodius. He preserved Pessinus in their ancient religion and had rather that his son-in-law enjoy the title by the gift of Clodius than that the temple should lack her ancient religion. {Cicero, de Aruspicum respons. & pro Sextio.}

4627. Clodius wanted to get his revenge on Ptolemy the king of Cyprus, who was the brother of Auletes, the king of Alexandria. (If we believe Velleius Paterculus, he was most like him in all his vicious manner of life.) Ptolemy had previously neglected him when he was captured by pirates. Even though Clodius lived quietly and enjoyed his ease and without showing any reason or mentioning any wrong Ptolemy had done, he favoured a law for reducing his kingdom into the form of a province. All Ptolemy’s goods and money would be confiscated. The law would send M. Cato from the commonwealth under an honourable title to carry out the law. Although Cato was for the law also, he went unwillingly to Cyprus to command there with praetorian power and had a quaester with him also. {Cicero, pro Sextio. & prodomo sua} {Livy, l. 104.} {Florus, l. 3. c. 9.} {Plutarch, in Cato the Younger} {Strabo, l. 24. p. 684.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 45.} {Appian, Civil War, l. 2. p. 541.} {Dio. l. 38.} Cicero in his speech for Publius Sextius, speaks thus of Ptolemy:

"That miserable Cypriot, who was always an ally, was always a friend, concerning whom there was never so much as the least suspicion brought against him, either to the senate or to our generals, (as they say) lives to see himself, his very food and cloths confiscated. Behold, why should other kings think their fortune stable, since by this wicked example of that lamentable year, they may see themselves by one tribune and six hundred artificers stripped of all their fortunes and all their kingdom.’’

4628. Thereupon also Ammianus Marcellinus {Ammianus Marcellinus, l. 14.} was not ashamed to say that the people of Rome invaded that island from covetousness (from lack of money in their treasury) than justice. Sextus Rufus in his breviary said that the poverty of the people of Rome and the shortage of money in the treasury provoked them to seize that island that was so famous for its riches. They got the command of it more covetously than justly.

4629. Tigranes, the son of Tigranes, a king and an enemy, was still kept prisoner by Pompey’s command at L. Flavius’ house, who was the praetor. Clodius, the tribune of the people, was bribed to ask Flavius that he would give Tigranes permission to dine with them that he might see him. When Tigranes came, he feasted him and took him from prison and let him go free. (??) Clodius would not turn him over when Pompey demanded him. When Tigranes had escaped by ship, he was driven back by a storm. Clodius, the tribune, sent Sextius Clodius to bring Tigranes to him. As soon as Flavius heard of it, he went to apprehend Tigranes. Within four miles of the city, there was a skirmish and many were killed on both sides, however Flavius’ party fared the worse. Papirius was killed. He was a Roman equestrian, a publican and very close friend of Pompey. Flavius barely escaped to Rome by himself. Clodius, the tribune, contemtuously treated Pompey and Gabinius who did not approve of this. Clodius beat and wounded their companion and broke the fasces of Gabinius, the consul. He confiscated his goods. {Cicero, pro domo sua Ascon. Pedian. in Orat. Milonianam} {Plutarch, in Pompey} {Dio, l. 38.}

4630. Piso and Gabinius, who were the consuls, expelled Syrapis, Isis, Harpocrates and Cynocephalus. They were forbidden to come to the capitol. The consuls overthrew their altars and curtailed the vices of their filthy and idle superstitions. {Tertullian, in Apologetico}

4631. Ptolemy Auletes was told by the Egyptians to request from the Romans the island of Cyprus or to renounce their alliance. He did not agree to do this. He had incurred their hatred both for this reason and for the high taxes he imposed on the Egyptians to pay his debt that he had incurred by purchasing of the Roman alliance. Therefore, when he neither could persuade them to be quiet, nor could compel them by force, (for he had no mercenaries) he fled from Egypt and sailed to Rome. {Livy, l. 104.} {Dio. l. 39.} He wanted Caesar and Pompey to use their army to restore him again. {Plutarch, in Cato the Younger} However, Timagenes (who under Augustus’ reign, wrote some histories) from whom Seneca, {Seneca, l. 3. de Ira. c. 23.} affirmed that Ptolemy left the kingdom without any good reason or that he was compelled by any necessity. Theophanes convinced him to leave Egypt because he would give Pompey an opportunity to get money and of starting new wars. {Plutarch, in Pompey}

4632. When Cato sailed to Cyprus, Clodius the tribune would not give him any ships, soldiers or servants to go with him. He only had two secretaries. One was a notorious thief and the other a client of Clodius. If the business of Cyprus had been but a small matter, Clodius ordered him to restore the exiles of Byzantium to keep Cato away from Rome as long as he possibly could. {Plutarch, in Cato the Younger}

4633. Cato through his friend Canidius whom he sent before him to Cyprus, talked with Ptolemy and tried to persuade him to yield without fighting. He gave Ptolemy the hope that he would neither live poorly nor in contempt and that the people would give him the priesthood of Paphian Venus. Meanwhile, Cato stayed at Rhodes to make preparations and to wait for an answer. {Plutarch, in Cato the Younger} When Ptolemy knew what was decreed against him, he dared not fight against the Romans. Neither did he think he could live, if he were expelled from his kingdom. Therefore he put all his treasure into ships and sailed. He hoped to sink his ships and died as he wished with his treasure so his enemies would not get their hands on it. He could not endure to sink his gold and silver and so he returned home again and killed himself by drinking poison. Although he held the title of king, he was a slave to his money. {Plutarch, in Cato the Younger} {Florus, l. 3. c. 9.} {Strabo, l. 14. p. 684.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 45.} {Valer. Maxim. l. 9. c. 14.} {Appian, Civil War, l. 2 p. 441.} {Dio, l. 39} {Ammianus Marcellinus, l. 14.} {Sextus Rufus, in Breviario}

4634. Ptolemy Auletes sailed for Rome. When he had arrived at Rhodes, he wanted to meet Cato and sent for him and hoped that Cato would come to him. Cato replied to Ptolemy that if Ptolemy wanted to see him Ptolemy would have to come to him. After Ptolemy came, Cato neither went to meet him nor rose from his seat but greeted him as he would one of the common people and asked him to sit down. At first it amazed Ptolemy and he wondered to see such superciliousness and severity in one that had so simple and lowly a train. When they began to talk of his business, Cato accused him of folly for leaving his own country, he had subjected himself to such dishonour and such great pains only to satisfy thecovetousness of the chief men of Rome. This he could never do even if all the kingdom of Egypt were coined into silver. Therefore, he counselled him to return with his navy and toreconcile himself to his subjects. Cato offered to go along with him and to help him to be reconciled. The king was brought to his senses by this speech and when he perceived the truth and Cato’s wisdom, he intended to follow his advice. However, his friends turned him from this good advice. As soon as Ptolemy came to Rome and was forced to wait at the magistrates gates, he began to lament his inconsiderate enterprise and that he had scorned the divine oracles of such a great man. {Plutarch, in Cato the Younger} However, his coming caused so much trouble to the Romans later, that Crassus {Cicero, pro Caelius} used that speech of the tragedian, "Vtinam ne in monte Pelio." That is:

"If only not in Mount Peliom’’

4635. The Alexandrians did not know of Ptolemy’s journey to Italy and thought that he was dead. They set his legitimate daughter, Bereice, over the kingdom along with her older sister Tryphaena (who was older than Cleopatra). {Strabo, l. 17. p. 796.} {Dio, l. 39.} {Porphyrius, in Grac. Eusebian. Scaligeri., p. 226.} They sent Menelaus Lampon and Callimachus to Antiochus Pius, (or Asiaticus rather his son, whom Pompey had dispossessed of his kingdom) to ask him to reign together with the women. However, he was sick and died. {Porphyrus,in Grac. Eusebian. Scaligeri., p. 227.}

4636. Both the consuls went into the provinces as soldiers, Piso into Macedonia and Gabinius into Syria. The people followed them with their curses. {Cicero, pro Sextio. & in L. Piso} When Gabinius was about to set sail in Syria, he invited Antony (who was later in the triumvirate) to go along with him to the wars. He refused to do this as a private soldier, but when he was put in command of the cavalry then he went with him to the wars. {Plutarch, in Antony}

4637. T. Ampius, through the help of P. Clodius the tribune, obtained the province of Cilicia, which was contrary to the custom. {Cicero, pro domo sua.} {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 1. epist. 3.}

4638. Cicero mentions this about Gabinius’ journey to Syria and his first arrival. In his speech of consular provinces he said:

"His journey into the province was like this. King Ariobarzanes hired your consul to commit murders as if he had been a Thracian. When he first came into Syria, he lost many of his cavalry and later the best of his foot soldiers.’’

4639. Cicero also mentions the loss of Gabinius’ cavalry and foot soldiers in his speech for Sextus. {Cicero, pro Sextius} 3947a AM, 4656 JP, 58 BC

4640. Although it was said that the king of Cyprus left a vast sum of money behind him, yet Cato determined to go first to Byzantium. M. Brutus, his sister’s son, (the murderer of Julius Caesar later) was in Pamphylia, where he then lived to recover his health. Cato wrote to him that he should immediately come to him from there to Cyprus because he suspected that Canidius was meddling with money and would appropriate some for himself. Brutus undertook this journey much against his will. He thought Cato had slandered Canidius and that this job was too menial and unsuited for him. Brutus was a young studious man. However, he behaved himself so well that Cato commended him. {Plutarch, in Cato & Brutus} 3947b AM, 4657 JP, 57 BC

4641. Alexander the son of Aristobulus, who on the way to Rome had escaped from Pompey, bothered Judea with his raids. At that time, Hyrcanus was not able to resist him, since he was determined to rebuild the walls of Jerusalem which Pompey had thrown down. The Romans who were there, hindered the work. Alexander travelled through the country and armed many Jews. In a short time he had 10,000 foot soldiers and 1500 cavalry. He strongly fortified Alexandrion, a citadel located near Corea, Hyrcanium and Michaeron, not far from the mountains of Arabia. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1 c. 6., Antiq., l. 14. c. 10.}

4642. A. Gabinius, the governor of Syria undertook an expedition against Alexander. He sent M. Antony ahead with some commanders. These joined with some Jews who were under their command whose captains were Pitholaus and Matichus. They also took some auxiliaries from Antipater. These met with Alexander and Gabinius followed with the rest of the army. Alexander drew near Jerusalem where the battle was fought. The Romans killed 3000 of the enemy and took as many prisoners. When Gabinius came to the citadel of Alexandrium, he offered the besieged men conditions of peace and promised them pardon for all that was past. Since many of the enemy had camped outside the fort, the Romans attacked them. M. Antony behaved very valiantly and killed many of his enemies. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1 c. 6., Antiq., l. 14. c. 10.} Antony was courteously entertained by Antipater. When Antony was in the triumvirate and came into Syria 16 years later he showed toward Antipater’s sons, Phasaelus and Herod, that he remembered this courtesy. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1 c. 10., Antiq., l. 14. c. 23.}

4643. Gabinius left part of the army at the siege of Alexandrion and went to visit the rest of Judea. He ordered that what cities he found destroyed, should be rebuilt. By this means, Samaria, Azotus, Scythopolis, Anthedon, Apollonia, Jamnias, Raphia, Dora, Marissa, Gaza and many others were rebuilt. They were later peacefully inhabited, when before they had been deserted for so long.

4644. When he thus ordered these things in the country, Gabinius returned to Alexandrion. When the Romans intended to attack it, Alexander requested pardon through his ambassadors. He offered Gabinius the citadels of Hyrcanion and Machaeron and at last Alexandrion. Gabinius, by the advice of the mother of Alexander, levelled these with the ground lest they should be a reason for new wars. The woman was solicitous for her husband and children, who were carried captive to Rome and favoured the Romans. She used all her charms toward Gabinius and obtained from him whatever she desired. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1 c. 6., Antiq., l. 14. c. 10.}

4645. After Gabinius had settled his affairs, he took Hyrcanus to Jerusalem and committed the care of the temple and priesthood to him. He made others of the nobility, rulers of the Jewish state. He appointed five seats for courts and divided the whole province into so many equal parts. Some went to court at Jerusalem, some at Gadara, (otherwise Dora) some at Amathus, some at Jericho and some at Sephora. Thus the Jews were freed from the single command of one alone and they were willingly governed by an aristocracy. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1 c. 6., Antiq., l. 14. c. 10.}

4646. Philippus Euergeres, the son of Gryphus and Tryphaena the daughter of Ptolemy, the eighth king of the Egyptians, (who 35 years before was king of Syria) was sent for by the Alexandrians to take over the kingdom of Egypt. He was hindered from doing this by Gabinius, the governor of Syria. {Porphyr. in Gracis, Eusebian. Scaligeri p. 227.}

4647. At Rome, Pompey took up Ptolemy Auletes’ cause and commended it to the senate and asked for his restoration. {Strabo, l. 17. p. 796.} However, Ptolemy requested that he might be restored by Cornelius Lentulus Spinther the consul, to whom the province of Cilicia was given in charge. {Dio. l. 39.} Spinther also favoured Ptolemy’s restoration to his kingdom by himself. A decree of the senate was made to that end. (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 1. epist. 1. cum Orat. in L. Pison. & pro Rabirio Posthumo.}

4648. It was said that this advice was given by the same consul that a greater authority of providing grain through all the Roman Empire, by sea and land, might be given to Pompey. He hoped that Pompey would be occupied in this greater charge and the consul himself might be sent to help Ptolemy. {Plutarch, in Pompey}

4649. The Alexandrians sent an hundred men to Rome that they might defend their cause against the accusations of Ptolemy and also might accuse him of the wrongs he had done to them. The leader of the embassy was Dio, an academic. {Strabo, l. 17. p. 796.} {Dio, l. 39.}

4650. Ptolemy sent out certain men into all parts and laid ambushes for the ambassadors. Most were killed on their journey and some of them he killed in the very city. He bullied or bribed the rest into submission. He so arranged matters that they did not so much as dare to bring before the magistrates their cause from whom they were sent or once make any mention of them who were killed. {Dio, l. 39.} Cicero mentions the murdering of the Alexandrian ambassadors against all law and honesty. {Cicero, in the speech, de Aruspicum respons.} He also mentions the beating of the Alexandrians at Puteoh. {Cicero, pro Coeli.}

4651. This business was so commonly known, that the senate was very angry, especially Marcus Favonius who stirred them up. Many ambassadors of their allies who were sent to Rome, were violently killed. (Cicero, {Cicero, in orat. de Auruspicum responsiis}, mentions one in particular, Theodosius who was sent as an ambassador from a free city and was stabbed by the means of P. Clodius and Hermachus, a Chian.) At that time, many Romans were corrupted by bribes. Therefore, the senate called Dio, the leader of the embassy to them so that he could testify to them concerning the truth of the matter. However, Ptolemy’s money had so much prevailed that neither Dio came into the senate neither was any mention made of those who were killed, all the while that Dio was at Rome. {Dio, l. 39.}

4652. Finally, Dio was murdered. He was a very learned man who lodged with Lucceius. (He was also a most learned man, of whom Cicero requested {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 5. epist. 12.} he would write the history of his consulship.) Dio knew Lucceius from Alexandria. P. Ascitius was not found guilty of this murder nor was Ptolemy punished. Ascitius was acquitted in his trial. Pompey entertained Ptolemy at his house and helped him all he could. Although many had taken bribes and were later accused before the judges, very few were condemned since there were so many that were guilty of the same fault. Everyone for fear for himself, helped the other. Hence men committed those wicked deeds for the love of money. {Cicero. in Orat. pro Coelio} {Dio, l. 39.}

4653. After M. Cato had reconciled the banished men with the rest of the citizens and established a firm concord in Byzantium, he sailed into Cyprus. The Cypriots willingly received him and hoped that in the place of servants as they had been, they should now become friends and allies with the people of Rome. Cato found there a large and royal preparation in plates, tables, jewels, and purple. All of this was to be sold for money. Hence he gathered a little less than 7000 talents of silver. {Plutarch, in Cato the Younger, Brutus} {Strabo, l. 14. fin} {Dio, l. 39.}

4654. Cato was very careful in searching out all things and to set the highest price and account for every last penny. He did not trust the ways of the forum but suspected all apparitors, criers, appraisers and friends. He also talked with them privately that set the price and forced many to buy and sold many things by this means. By this he offended many of his friends by distrusting them and especially his most intimate friend, Munatius whom he provoked almost to an implacable offence. This gave occasion to Julius Caesar of accusing Cato in the book that Munatius wrote called Anticaron. This Munatius (who was called Rufus, {Valerius Maximus, l. 4. c. 3}) wrote a commentary about Cato and his journey to Cyprus. (Thrasias mainly followed Munatius.) In the book, Munatius did not write that this difference grew between them from any distrust of Cato’s. However, when he came later to Cyprus, Cato did not entertain him and preferred before him Canidius who was already there and had proved his fidelity to Cato. {Plutarch, in Cato the Younger}

4655. In the last month of his consulship (then happening on the Julian September) when the new tribunes of the people entered their office, P. Cornelius Spinther prepared to take his journey to his province of Cilicia. Ptolemy Auletes departed from Rome as the passage from {Annal. of Fenestella, l. 22.} as quoted by Nonius Marcellus shows.

"As soon as the tribunes entered their office, C. Cato who was troublesome and a bold young man and one that could speak reasonably well, began to stir up the people with his speeches against Ptolemy who was now departed from the city and against P. Lentulus Spinther, who was now preparing for his journey.’’

4656. However, Ptolemy’s cause was defended by Cicero, as he himself seems to show in his speech for Coelius and Fortunatianus more clearly confirmed by quoting by name that very speech of his for King Ptolemy.

3948a AM, 4657 JP, 57 BC

4657. In the beginning of the consulship of L. Marcius Philippus, and Cn. Lentulus Marcellinus, the statue of Jupiter Capitolinus was struck with lighting. This halted the restitution of Ptolemy for when the Sibyls’ books were consulted, they were reported to have foretold that a king of Egypt with crafty councils (as it is in {Cicero, in the oration pro Rabinio Posthumo}) should come to Rome. Concerning this suspicion of him (as it is in Dio) thus to have declared her sentence:

"If a king of Egypt needs your help and shall come here, you shall not deny him friendship but you shall not help him with any forces. If you shall do otherwise, you will make labours and dangers.’’

4658. The oracle was told to the people by C. Cato the tribune of the people. It was not lawful to tell any prophesies of the Sibyls to the people unless the senate had so decreed it. It seemed to be the less lawful, seeing the people took it so heavily. Therefore Cato feared that the sentence of the oracle would be suppressed and he compelled the priests to translate it into Latin and to declare it to the people before the senate had decreed anything about it. {Dio, l. 39.} Notwithstanding, this was the opinion of the people of Rome that this name of a pretended omen was brought in by those against Lentulus Spinther (the proconsul of Cilicia.) This was so much to hinder him as that no one planned to go to Alexandria but for the desire of an army, which among the rest, Pompey was most desirous. (??) {Cicero., Letters to his Friends, l. 1. epist. 4.}

4659. Ammonius Ptolemais, the ambassador, publicly opposed the subduing of the king by Spinther and used money to help convince others. The few that were for the king wanted the matter committed to Pompey. The senate approved the forgery of the religious oracle, not for religious reasons but for ill will and for hatred of the king’s large bribes. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 1. epist 2, l. 2. epist. 2.} {Appian, in Syriacis, p. 120. & Parthic. p. 134.}

4660. Pompey understood from the oracle that he demanded that Pompey might come to aid him instead of Spinther. There were little notes found that were thrown about in the forum and the senate house that indicated the same. Thereupon the king’s letter concerning this business was read publicly by Aulus Plautius, the tribune of the people. His colleague,

Caninius, (Plutarch incorrectly calls him Canidius) proposed a law that Pompey without an army and only accompanied with two lictors would bring the king into favour again with the Alexandrians. Although the law did not seem to displease Pompey, yet it was decreed by the senators partly under the pretence of the grain law that was already committed to him and of false concern about the safety of Pompey’s person (as they pretended to be afraid for him.) {Plutarch, in Pompey} {Dio, l. 39.}

4661. The senate had various opinions about this business. Bibulus thought that Ptolemy should be established in his kingdom without an army by three ambassadors who were only private citizens. Crassus thought that the three ambassadors should either be private citizens or ones holding office. When Lupus purposed this law, Volcatius, the tribune of the people thought Pompey should go. Afranius, Libo, Hypsaeus, and all the close friends of Pompey agreed. Hortensius, Cicero and Lucullus thought that it ought to be done by Lentulus Spinther. However, Servilius denied that the king ought to be established at all. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 1. epist. 1. & 2.}

4662. In the month of February (or the Julian November) C. Cato published a law to deprive Lentulus of his command. This gave his son a reason to change his garment as mentioned by Cicero. {Cicero, ad Quintum fratrem, l. 5. epist. 5.} This must mean the law of establishing Ptolemy in his kingdom again according to the decree of the senate granted to him in his consulship. It is obvious from the letters of Cicero written to him {Cicero, l. 1. epist. 7. and those that follow} that he retained after the passing of this law, the proconsulship of Cilicia with the addition also of Cyprus. (Cato had left from Cyprus already.) Cyprus was now made tributary and reduced into the form of a province by the Romans. {Strabo, l. 14. fin)

4663. When Ptolemy saw that he would not be established in his kingdom again by neither Pompey (as he most desired) nor by Lentulus, he now despaired of his return. He went to Ephesus and stayed there in the temple of Diana. {Dio, l. 39.}

4664. Aristobulus, with his son Antigonus, escaped from Rome and returned to Jerusalem. A large number of Jews came to him again. They wanted a change and he still commanded their affections. He planned to rebuild the citadel of Alexandrion that was torn down. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 6, Antiq. l. 14. c. 11.}

4665. Gabinius, the governor of Syria, sent soldiers under their captains, Sisinna (his son) Antony and Servilius to prevent Aristobulus from seizing Alexandrion and to capture him if they could. For many other Jews had resorted to him for the reputation that he had. Also Pitholaus, the governor of Jerusalem, had left the Roman party and came to him with 1000 well armed men. Since many of them that came to him were not well armed, Aristobulus dismissed them, as unsuitable for war. He took only 8000 armed men, (among whom those that Pitholaus brought) and marched to Macherus. The Romans pursued them and fought with them. Aristobulus’ side valiantly held out for a good while but after they had lost 5000 men, they were forced to flee. Nearly 2000 fled to a certain mountain. From there, they got away and provided for their own safety as well as they could. Another 1000 with Aristobulus broke through the ranks of the Romans and fled to Mathaetus and began to fortify the citadel. They were not able to hold out in the siege for more than two days. After many had been wounded, Aristobulus was taken prisoner along with his son Antigonus and brought to Gabinius. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 6, Antiq. l. 14. c. 11.} 4666. Plutarch gives more details of this event and ascribes the whole victory to the honour of Antony.

"When Antony was sent against Aristobulus, who made the Jews to rebel, he was the first man that climbed the wall of a most strong citadel of Aristobulus. Antony drove him from all his strongholds. Then he fought with a few men of his and overthrew a great army and put them all to the sword, except a few. Also Aristobulus with his son, was taken prisoner.’’

4667. Dio, {Dio, l. 39.} incorrectly wrote that Gabinius went into Palestine and captured Aristobulus (who was fled from Rome and made a rebellion.) He sent him to Pompey and imposed a tax on the Jews. He went from there into Egypt to establish Ptolemy again in his kingdom.

4668. Tyrannio who was teaching in Cicero’s house, orderly arranged his library with the help of Dionysius and Menophilus, who were two book binders that were sent him by Atticus. {Cicero, ad Quintum Fratr., l. 2. epist. 4. & ad Atticum. l. 4. epist 4. & 8.} This was Tyrannio Amisenus, who (fourteen years earlier) was taken by Lucullus and who became rich and famous in Rome and accumulated about 30,000 books. {Suidas, in Voc. Tyrannio} Tyrannio had the books of Aristotle copied from the library of Sulla. It is reported that Andronicus Rhodius received the copies and that he published the copies that we now have. {Suidas, l. 13. p. 608.} {Plutarch, in Sulla}

4669. Valerius produced witnesses of the help of M. Cato in the administration of the business of Cyprus. {Valerius, l. 4. c. 3.}

"...Epirus, Achaia, the islands Cyclades, the sea coasts of Asia, the province of Cyprus. When he undertook the charge of bringing away the money, he took no bribes and handled the matter fairly. For although he had the king’s riches in his own power and the required places of lodging on his trip were most delightful cities, he behaved most discretely. Munatius Kusus, his faithful companion in that journey indicated as much in his writings.’’

4670. Cato feared a tedious journey and prepared various coffers, each of which held two talents and 500 drachmas. He tied each of these to a long rope and fastened at the end a large piece of cork. If the ship was sunk, the cork would indicate the place. Thus was all the money, except for a very little, brought very safely. Cato had made two books, in which he had recorded the accounts of all things that he had gotten. Philargyros, a free man of Cato, carried one of these books. He sailed from Cencrea and was drowned with all his belongings. Cato took the other himself until he came to Corcyra. He stayed in the market place in his tent. The soldiers made many fires because of the cold and accidently set the tents on fire. So Cato lost that book also. Although the king’s stewards might easily silence his enemies and detractors, it bothered Cato because he had not kept these accounts to vindicate his fidelity but that he might give an example to others of diligence. {Plutarch, in Cato the Younger} 3948b AM, 4658 JP, 56 BC

4671. Cato, with great diligence, travelled up the Tiber River in light boats that carried the riches of Cyprus as if they had been spoils taken from an enemy and carried in a fleet. {Florus, l. 3. c. 4.} {Valerius Maximus, l. 4. c. 1.} {Ammianus Marcellinus, l. 14.} This brought more money to the treasury of the people of Rome than any triumph. {Florus, l. 3. c. 4.}

4672. When the news of Cato’s arrival was known, all the magistrates and priests along with the consuls, (one of which was L. Marcius Philippus, the father of Marcia, Cato’s wife) the whole senate and many of the people went to the river side to meet him. His arrival differed very little from the show and splendour of a triumph. Notwithstanding, his insolence was observed in this. He did not come ashore to the consuls and praetors that came to meet him, nor altered his course but sailed by the shore in one of the king’s galleys with six tiers of oars. He did not come ashore until he came with his fleet to the place where the money was to be landed. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 45.} Plutarch {Plutarch, Cato the Younger} stated that when he landed, the consuls and the rest of the magistrates were ready to receive him all courtesies. They were more happy to see Cato safely home again than they were to see the vast sum of gold and silver the fleet had brought. {Valer. Maxim. l. 8. c. ult.}

4673. As the money was carried through the market place, the people wondered at the treasure which was far greater than they had hoped for. {Plutarch, in Cato the Younger} Cato could not be accused by anyone because he gathered together many slaves and much money out of the king’s riches and had honestly turned over everything. Cato received no less honour than if he had returned a conqueror from the wars. For many men had allowed themselves to be corrupted with bribes but he caused it to be accounted a rarer virtue to despise money than to conquer an enemy. {Dio, l. 39.}

4674. Pliny stated that Cato brought back with him from this Cyprian expedition, a philosopher. {Pliny, l. 7. c. 30.} Cato had the senate grant Nicias, the king’s steward, his freedom. Cato testified to his fidelity and diligence. {Plutarch, in Cato the Younger} Clodius intended that those slaves who were brought from Cyprus, should be called Clodian because he had sent Cato there. Cato opposed this and Clodius was thwarted. Therefore they were called Cyprian for Cato would not allow them to be called Porcian, although some were of that opinion. {Dio, l. 39.}

4675. Clodius was angry with Cato because he had opposed him and calumniated the service that he had done and demanded an account of his deeds. He did not think he could accuse Cato of any unjust act but because he thought it would make something for him that almost all the records were lost in the shipwreck. Caesar helped Clodius in this business although he was absent and (as some report) sent accusations against Cato to Clodius by letters. {Dio, l. 39} However, Cato told them that he had brought as much money from Cyprus although he had not received so much as one horse or soldier as Pompey had brought from so many wars and triumphs when all the world was in turmoil. {Plutarch, in Cato the Younger}

4676. Cato opposed Cicero who insisted that none of those things that Clodius had done in his tribuneship should be confirmed in the senate. He did not do this as a favour for Clodius but because that among other acts that should be revoked was his commission for Cyprus because the tribune that sent him was unlawfully chosen. {Plutarch, in Cato the Younger, in Cicero}

4677. Phraates the second was wickedly put to death by his sons and Orodes succeeded him in the kingdom of the Parthians. His brother Mithridates was expelled from Media where he governed according to Dio. {Dio. l. 39.} The sons contended for the kingdom and it seems Orodes was first banished and after him Mithridates also. However, Surenas a rich man and one among the Parthians next the king in blood and authority, brought Orodes back again from banishment. It was his prerogative by birth that he should always crown the new king of the Parthians. He subdued Seleucia the great to the king’s power. Surenas was the first man that scaled the walls and defeated with his own hands those that defended it. Although he was not as yet thirty years old, he was held in esteem for his advice in council and his wisdom, for they report these things of him. {Plutarch, in Crassus} {Appian, in Parthicis, p. 140, 141.} However Appian, both in {Appian, Parthicis, p. 134, Syriacis, p. 120.} states that at another time that Mithridates was driven from his kingdom by his brother Orodes. Although Justin noted {Justin, l. 42. c. 4.} that Mithridates was deposed from his kingdom for his cruelty by the Parthian nobility and that his brother Orodes seized the kingdom when the throne was vacant. Although Justin very incorrectly there makes this Mithridates the same with Mithridates the king of the Parthians to whom his famous acts gave him the surname of "Great". Between this Mithridates the Great and he who was the brother of Orodes, there was a various succession of many kings among the Parthians. This appears from the very prologue of the 42nd book of Trogus Pompey, an epitome of which Justin has given us.

4678. Mithridates was driven from his kingdom either by the Parthian nobility or his brother Orodes, and came to Gabinius, the proconsul of Syria when he was preparing for an expedition against the Arabians. He reasoned so with Gabinus that he should let the Arabians alone and go against the Parthians and help to restore him to his kingdom. {Appian, in Syriacis, p. 120. & Parthicis, p. 134.} {Dio, l. 39.}

4679. On the ides of May (which happened in the Julian February) the letters of Gabinius were read in full to senate concerning the war that he had with the greatest countries and tyrants of Syria, (under whose name, the princes of Judea, Commagena, Chalcis, Emesa, Thrachonitis, Batanea, and Abilene, are usually called) but they were not believed. The senate denied him the triumph he wanted at Rome. {Cicero, ad Quintum, l. 1. fratr. epist. 7, Orat. de provincis consularibus, in L. Pisonem}

4680. When Gabinius had sent Aristobulus the king and his sons to Rome, the senate kept him prisoner but sent his sons immediately back again into Judea because they understood by Gabinius’ letters that he had promised his mother this for the delivery of the citadels. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 6. & Antiq. l. 14. c. 11.} Josephus further added that Aristobulus held the kingdom and priesthood for three years and six months. The Arabian collector of the Jewish History, (set forth by the same man at the end of the Parisian Bibles of many languages in c. 40.) understood it of the time of the former government until he was taken prisoner for the first time. However it seems rather to be understood of that former and this later time both taken together so that he reigned three years and three months before the former captivity, {Josephus, Antiq. l. 20. c. 8.} and before his second captivity, three months also.

4681. M. Cicero, in the speech before the senate, "de Provinciis Consularibus", advised that L. Piso and A. Gabinius (in whose consulship he was banished) might be recalled and their provinces of Macedonia and Syria would be assigned to the future consuls. He objected to these things among others against Gabinius.

"When he was governor in Syria nothing was done but some work for money with the tyrants, confiscations, plundering, thieveries and murders. As the general of the people of Rome, when his army was in battle array, he stretched out his right hand and exhorted not his soldiers to gain honour but cried that all things were by him already bought or to be bought. Now he has delivered the wretched publicans into slavery, to Jews and Syrians, countries that were themselves born to slavery. He has continued in this that he will not do justice to a publican but he had revoked all agreements made between them without any wrong done by them. He had taken away all watches, he had freed those who paid tribute and many pensioners. In whatever town he was in or wherever he went, he forbid any publican or publican’s servant to be there.’’

4682. Gabinius had afflicted Syria with many wrongs and had done more wrong to the province than the thieves who were very strong at that time. However, he accounted all this gain that he had gotten but very little and therefore planned an expedition against the Parthians and made preparation for that journey. {Dio, l. 39.}

4683. Pompey made Archelaus, the friend of Gabinius, the high priest of the Comani in Pontus. (See note on 3940 AM << >>) He was living there with Gabinius and he hoped that he should be his companion in the Parthian wars that he was preparing for but the senate would not allow it. {Strabo, l. 12. p. 558. & l. 17. p. 796.}

4684. Gabinius led his army against the Parthians and crossed the Euphrates River. Ptolemy came with letters from Pompey and promised that he would give a huge sum of money to Gabinius and his army, part to be paid now and part when he was restored to his kingdom. It was 10,000 talents that Ptolemy promised Gabinius as confirmed by Plutarch and

Cicero. {Cicero, in his Oration for Gabinius Posthumous} Cicero reckoned the sum to be 2,160,000 sestertiums. Most of the commanders were against it and Gabinius was hesitant to do it also although he would have liked to have lightened Ptolemy of those 10,000 talents. However, Antony, who was covetous of doing great matters and desirous to gratify Ptolemy’s request, was very ready to go and persuaded Gabinius to undertake this war. The law forbid any provincial governor to go beyond the bounds of their own government nor undertake any war on their own initiative. Based on the oracle of Sibyll’s verses, the people of Rome had forbidden the restoration of Ptolemy at all. The more he knew it was wrong the more he viewed the potential gains in wealth. Hence, he abandoned the Parthian expedition and he undertook the expedition against the Alexandrians. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 6. & Antiq. l. 14. c. 11.} {Plutarch, in Antony} {Appian, in Syriacis. p, 120. & Parthicis. p. 134.} {Dio, l. 39.}

4685. At that time, Bernice, the daughter of Auletes, held the kingdom of Egypt. She had sent for Seleucus from Syria, who as he said himself, was of the stock of the Syrian kings. She married him and made him a partner in the rule of the kingdom and of the war. He was a most repulsive man, (as Suetonius describes him in Vespasiano. c. 19.) and was surnamed in contempt, Ptolemy Cocces and Cybiosactes, "Changeling". He broke open the golden coffin that the body of Alexander the Great was buried in but did not profit by that thievery. When the queen saw that he was so base a man, she strangled him within a few days since she could no longer endure his sordidness and niggardliness. She looked for another husband of royal extraction. Some friends brought Archelaus, the high priest of the Comani, who was then in Syria. He pretended that he was the son of Mithridates (under whom his father Archelaus had waged war against Sulla and the Romans.) She married him and deemed him fit to rule the kingdom under the same conditions that Seleucus did. He ruled the kingdom together with her for six months. {Strabo, l. 17. p. 794, 796. & l. 12. p. 558.} {Dio, l. 39.}

4686. C. Clodius, the brother of P. Clodius, obtained the province of Asia through P. Clodius’ office as praetor (which Dio, {Dio, l. 39.} says he held this year.) {Cicero, ad Attic, l. 4. epist. 14} C. Scribonius Curio was his quaester in that province. Cicero sent many letters to him which are still extant. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 2.} 3949a AM, 4658 JP, 56 BC

4687. By a law made by C. Trebonius, the tribune of the people, provinces were assigned to the new consuls. Cn. Pompey was given Spain and Africa and M. Licinius Crassus was assigned Syria with the adjacent countries. Power was given to both of them to take as many soldiers from Italy and from their allies as they wanted and to make peace or war with whom they wished. {Livy, l. 105.} {Plutarch, in Crassus, Pompey, Cato the Younger} {Appian, Civil War, l. 2. p. 437. 438.} {Dio, l. 39.}

4688. As soon as Crassus had by lot obtained his province, he could not conceal his joy and supposed that nothing better could ever have happened to him. He would talk among his close friends so vainly and childishly so that it was not becoming his age and wisdom. He planned the conquest of Syria and Parthia and had vain hopes of even conquering the Bactrians, Indians and the eastern ocean. However, in the decree made by the people concerning his government, no mention was made of the Parthians yet all men knew that Crassus longed for that conquest. When Caesar wrote to him from Gaul, he commended his resolution and advised him to go on. {Plutarch, in Crassus}

4689. A. Gabinius left his son, Sisenna, who was very young, with very few soldiers. This exposed the province which he governed, to the actions of thieves. He went through Palestine to Egypt {Dio, l. 39.} against Archelaus whom the Egyptians had chosen to be their king. {Livy, l. 105.} In this expedition he used his friends Hyrcanus and Antipater for all the things that were necessary for the war. Antipater helped him with money, arms, men and grain. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 6. Antiq., l. 14. c. 10.}

4690. They came to cross through deep, dry, sandy places about the fens and marshes of Solonis, which the Egyptians call the breath of Tyrphon. M. Antony was sent ahead with the cavalry (whom Gabinius had made commander of the cavalry even though he was very young.) {Appian, Civil War, l. 5. p. 676.} Antony took the pass and also the very large city of Pelusium. {Plutarch, in Antony} The Jews who inhabited Pelusium and were the guards of the pass into Egypt, were drawn to his side. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 6. Antiq., l. 14. c. 10.}

4691. After the garrison of Pelusium was conquered, Antony made the way safe for the army and settled in a fair way the victory for the general. As soon as Ptolemy had gone into Pelusium, he was so inflamed with anger and hatred that he would have put all the Egyptians to the sword. Antony interceded and would not allow him to. {Plutarch, in Antony}

4692. When Gabinius had marshalled his army into two battalions, he marched from Pelusium and the same day routed the Egyptians that opposed him. {Dio, l. 39.}

4693. Cicero, in a speech that he made at Rome, extorted from the ignoble king of the Commagenians, the little town Zeugma that was located on the Euphrates River. He also spoke many things against him and he exposed him to ridicule by all men, the purple gown that he had gotten when Caesar was consul. {Cicero, ad Quintum Frat., l. 2. epist. 11.}

4694. On the ides of February (which happened on the Julian November) the Tyrians were admitted into the senate and oposite them were many of the Syrians and publicans. Gabinius was extremely upset. However, the publicans were chided by Domitius because they followed Gabinius’ horse. (??) {Cicero, ad Quintum Frat., l. 2. epist. 12.} 3949b AM, 4659 JP, 55 BC

4695. About the month of May (which happened on the Julian February) there was a great rumour at Puteoli that Ptolemy was in his kingdom. {Cicero, ad Attic. l. 4. epist. 9.} He indeed was in Egypt and Gabinius had taken Archelaus who came out against him sooner than they thought he would. So there was no more business to be done. However, Gabinius feared lest having done nothing he should receive less money from Ptolemy than was agreed upon. He also hoped that because Archelaus was a brave man and of good reputation that he would receive more money. He had received a great sum of money from Archelaus and he let him go as if he had escaped from him. {Dio, l. 39.}

4696. M. Antony had done many noble acts in the fights and battles. By this he showed himself a valiant and wise commander. He was honoured with many excellent gifts especially for his tactic of surrounding the enemy from the rear and by that means he gave the victory to them that were attacking from the front. {Plutarch, in Antony}

4697. The people of Egypt marched from the walls of the city under the command of Archelaus against Gabinius. Archelaus had ordered that the camp should be fortified with a rampart and a ditch. They all cried out that the work should be done with the public money. Therefore their minds were so engrossed with pleasure, they could not withstand the attack of the Roman army. {Valer. Maxim., l. 9. c. 1.} Gabinius again obtained a victory by sea and land. The Alexandrians were brave and daring and by nature were heady and rash to speak anything that came into their minds. However, they were most unfit for war. Although in seditions (which happened often among them, and those were very great) they soon started to murder each other. They thought it good to die in this way. {Dio, l. 59.}

4698. When Gabinius had conquered them and killed many in the fight including Archelaus, he was master of all Egypt which he turned over to Ptolemy. {Dio, l. 59.} {Livy, l. 105.} {Strabo, l. 12. p. 558. & l. 17. p. 796.} All of this Cicero mentions in a few words, in his speech against Piso and refers to the madness of Gabinius.

"That vast wealth was now spent that he had drawn from the fortunes of the publicans, from the countries and cities of the allies. Part of it was devoured by his insatiable lust, part by his new and unheard of luxury, part by the purchases that he had made in those places that he had wholly plundered, part by bartering, and all for building up this mountain of Tuseuluni. When the intolerable building was stopped for a time, he sold to the Egyptian king, his fasces, the army of the people of Rome, in spite of the power and the threatening of the immortal gods, the answer of the priests, the authority of the senate, the commands of the people for the fame and dignity of the empire. Whereas the bounds of his province were as great as he wanted, as great as he could desire, as great as he could buy with the price of my life, yet could he not contain himself within them. He brought his army from Syria. How dared he carry it from the province? He made himself a mercenary soldier to the king of Alexandria and what was more vile than this? He came into Egypt and fought with the Alexandrians. When had either the senate or the people undertaken this war? He took Alexandria. What could he expect more from his madness but that he would send letters to the senate telling of all the famous acts that he had done?’’

4699. Dio observed that he did not send the letters lest he himself might be the witness of his own villainies.

4700. M. Antony contended for the body of the dead Archelaus (who was his close friend) and gave it a royal burial. He was famous among the Alexandrians for this deed. {Plutarch, in Antony} In Pontus, the son of Archelaus received the priesthood of the Commani after his father. {Strabo, l. 12. p. 558.}

4701. Gabinius left some of his soldiers for a guard with Ptolemy at Alexandria. These later lived after the manner of the Alexandrian life and licentiousness. They forgot the name and discipline of the people of Rome and married wives by whom they had many children. {Caesar, Civil War, l. 3.} Lucan adds: {Lucan, l. 10.}

----The greater part were Latins born, But they, corrupted into foreign manners, Did so forget themselves, they did not scorn, To obey a sergeant, follow a servant’s banners, Whom the Pharian tyrants rule was much below.

4702. When Ptolemy was restored to his kingdom, he put to death his daughter, the queen Bernice. {Strabo, l. 17. p. 796.} {Dio, l. 39.} {Porphyr. in Grac. Eusebian. Scaliger. p. 226.} He also killed many of the rich noblemen because he needed much money. {Dio, l. 39.}

4703. C. Rabirius Posthumous was a Roman equestrian who had rashly trusted Ptolemy when he was in his kingdom and when he came to Rome. Ptolemy left with his money and the money of his friends. In order to recover the money, he was forced to change the Roman robe for the Greek robe at Alexandria. He had to undertake there the proctorship and stewardship for the king. He was made the king’s overseer by Auletes. Notwithstanding, he was later put in prison and saw many of his close friends put in bonds and death was always before his eyes. At last he was forced to flee from the kingdom, naked and poor. {Cicero, pro C. Rabirius}

4704. While Gabinius stayed in Egypt, Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, again seized by force the government and made many of the Jews revolt. He gathered a large army and foraged the country. He killed all the Romans he found and besieged all those that fled to Mount Gerizim. When Gabinius returned, he sent Antipater who was known for his great wisdom, to the rebellious Jews. He was able to make many submit to him in obedience. However, Alexander had with him 30,000 Jews and fought with Gabinius near the Itabyr Mountain. The Jews lost 10,000 men. After Gabinius had settled the affairs of Jerusalem by following Antipater’s advice, he went against the Nabateans whom he overcame in one battle. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 14. c. 11.}

4705. King Mithridates, the son of Phraates the second, was abandoned by Gabinius and did not recover the Parthian kingdom with the help of the Arabians. (This was commonly believed from the incorrect interpretation of the words of Appian. {Appian, in Syriacis, p. 120.}) Rather, he retired to Babylon, as is gathered from Justin. When his brother, Orodes, had long besieged and finally, because of the famine, he forced the city to surrender. Mithridates trusted on the fact that he was his brother and surrendered to him. However, Orodes took him rather for an enemy than a brother, and commanded him to be killed before his eyes. {Justin. l. 47 c. 4.}

4706. Gabinius secretly sent back Mithridates and Orsanes who were men of renown among the Parthians and who had fled to him. He spread rumours among the soldiers that they had fled. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 6., Antiq., l. 14. c. 11.}

4707. The Syrians complained very much about Gabinius. Among other things that because of his absence, they were grievously bothered with thieves. The publicans also complained, that by reason of the thieves, they could not gather the tribute and were deeply in debt. The Romans were angry and determined to have the matter judged and were prepared to condemn him. Cicero also vehemently accused Gabinius and was of the opinion that the Sibyl’s oracles should be read again. He convinced himself that there was some punishment determined for him who had violated the oracles. However, both Pompey and Crassus, who was one of the consuls, favoured Gabinius. Pompey favoured him of his own will. He did this to gratify his colleague and also for the money that Gabinius had sent. Since both of them publicly defended him, they allowed nothing to be decreed against him. They had Cicero banished. {Dio, l. 39.}

4708. In his second consulship, Pompey dedicated his theatre by exhibiting most magnificent plays and shows. {Cicero, de Offic. l. 2., Letters to his Friends, l. 7. epist. 1., Ascon. Pedian. in Orat. Pisonianam.} Although it was reported that this theatre was not built by Pompey himself, but by his freed man Demetrius, (who was a Gadarene) from the money that he had obtained when he was a soldier under him. He gave the honour of this work to Pompey lest he should be ill spoken of that a freed man of his should get so much money and that he could spend so much. {Dio. l. 39.}

4709. Gabinius did not allow the lieutenant that was sent by Crassus to succeed him in the province of Syria. He kept it as if he had received a perpetual government. {Dio, l. 39.}

4710. The tribunes of the people hindered Crassus, the consul, from raising any soldiers and endeavoured to make void the expedition that was decreed to him. Crassus took up arms. The tribunes of the people, saw that their liberty was threatened and for lack of arms were helpless to withstand his actions. They stopped their actions but cursed him to the pit of hell. As Crassus went into the capitol to make his accustomed prayers for a prosperous journey, they told him what unlucky signs and prodigies had happened. {Dio, l. 39.}

4711. Ateius, the tribune of the people, was prepared to hinder Crassus’ departure as were many others who were offended that he should plan to make war against men that were at peace with them and who were confederates. Crassus feared this and desired that Pompey would go with him from the city for Pompey was held in high esteem with the common people. Although many were prepared to hinder Crassus, yet when they saw Pompey go ahead of him with a pleasant and smiling countenance, they held their peace and made a path for them. {Plutarch, in Crassus}

4712. When Ateius, the tribune, met Crassus, he forbade him to go any farther. Then he ordered a sergeant to lay hold on him and carry him to prison. However, the rest of the tribunes would not allow it and Crassus got outside the walls. {Plutarch, in Crassus} {Dio, l. 39.} However, Ateius ran to the gate and there started a fire. As Crassus passed by, he cast in perfumes and made sprinklings over it and pronounced horrible curses and called on the terrible and strange names of the gods. The Romans thought these secret and ancient exhortations to be of such force that he that was so cursed could not escape their power nor he that cursed anyone would ever prosper. {Plutarch, in Crassus}

4713. Florus {Florus, l. 3. c. 11.} wrote that Metellus, the tribune of the people, made hostile curses on Crassus when he started his journey. Velleius Paterculus {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 46.} stated that all the tribunes of the people cursed Crassus. Appian, {Appian, Civil War, l. 2. p. 438.} and Dio {Dio, l. 39.} noted:

----The tribunes so ill befriended Crassus, with curses he his march attended.

4714. Lucan {Lucan, l. 3.} said that P. Ateius mainly pronounced those curses and set a sign before him and warned him of what would happen unless he took heed. Cicero, {Cicero, de divinatione., l. 1.} from whose house Crassus left for the province, for Cicero had dined with him in the gardens of his son-in-law Crassippes. {Cicero, Letters to His Friends, l. 1. epist. 9.} From there Cicero went to Tusculanum about the middle of November (which happened on the Julian August) and Crassus went on his journey clad in his armour. {Cicero, ad Attic, l. 4. epist. 12.} At Brundusium, Crassus shipped his army. {Cicero, de divine, l. 2.}

4715. Crassus sailed from Brundusium before the storms were over on the seas and he lost many of his ships. He landed his army from those that survived and he marched by land through Galatia. He found King Dejotarus, a very old man, building a new city and mocked him by saying:

"Do you begin to build in the afternoon?’’

4716. The king smilingly answered:

"Truly I think, O General, you do not go against the Parthians in the morning!’’

4717. Crassus was older than 60 and his face made him seem older than he was. {Plutarch, in Crassus} 3950a AM, 4659 JP, 55 BC

4718. Cicero very earnestly defended the cause of Crassus in his absence against the new consuls and many that had been consuls. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 5. epist. 8.} 3950b AM, 4660 JP, 54 BC

4719. Crassus had not much to do in Syria, for the Syrians were quiet and those that had troubled Syria were afraid of the power of Crassus and did not stir. Crassus undertook an expedition against the Parthians. There was no reason for making war upon them, only that he heard that they were rich. He hoped that Orodes, who now reigned, would easily be overcome. {Dio, l. 40.}

4720. When he heard of the riches of the temple of Jerusalem, which Pompey had left untouched, he turned aside into Palestine and came to Jerusalem and took away the riches. {Oros. l. 6. c. 13.}

4721. In the temple was a wedge of solid gold, weighing 3000 Hebrew pounds or 750 common pounds. It was enclosed in an hollow beam of wood on which they hung the hangings of the temple which were admired for their beauty and esteem. Eleazar, a priest, who was the keeper of the sacred treasure, only knew about this. When he saw Crassus so greedy in gathering up the gold, he feared lest he should take away all the ornaments of the temple. He turned over to him the golden beam as a ransom for all the rest. He first bound him by an oath that he would not take anything else. In spite of this, Crassus took this and immediately broke his oath and took from the temple 2000 talents, which Pompey had not touched as well as all the rest of the gold which tallied to 8000 Attic talents. Josephus tried to prove the existence of these vast riches for he was persuaded that it would scarcely be believed among people of other counties. He cites the historical writings of Strabo of Cappadocia which are now lost and from others that there was found there in olden times gold sent from the Jews that lived in Europe, Asia and Cyrene. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 14. c. 12.}

4722. Crassus built a bridge over the Euphrates River and easily and safely crossed the river with his army. He controlled many towns that voluntarily yielded to him. {Plutarch, in Crassus} They did not expect Crassus’ arrival so that there was scarcely any established garrisons in all of Mesopotamia. {Dio, l. 40.}

4723. Talymenus Ilaces (or Syllaces) the governor of that country, fought with Crassus with a few cavalry and was defeated. He was wounded and retired to the king and informed him of the expedition of Crassus. {Dio, l. 40.}

4724. In the meantime, Crassus recovered many cities, especially those that belonged to the Greeks including Nicephorium. For many of the inhabitants of the Macedonians and Greeks who served in the wars under the Macedonians feared the tyranny of the Parthians. They hoped for a better deal from the Romans and Crassus knew the Greeks favoured Rome and they very willingly revolted from the Parthians. {Dio, l. 40}

4725. Only the citizens of Zenodotia, where Apollonius was the ruler, killed an hundred Roman soldiers. They had allowed them within their walls as if they meant to surrender to them. Thereupon Crassus brought his whole army there and captured the city. He sacked it and sold the inhabitants because of this outrage. Although this was Crassus’ first encounter with an enemy, he allowed himself to be called "imperator" or captain general. This turned out to his disgrace and to be thought of as a lowly man as if he did not hope for any great matters since he was puffed up with so small a success. {Dio, l. 40} {Plutarch, in Crassus}

4726. Gabinius returned into Italy when Domitius and Appius were consuls. {Ascon. Pedian. in init. orat. Pisonian.} These same consuls were there again and gave judgment against Gabinius when he was absent. Although Pompey stood very earnestly for him, the opinion of many of the judges was against him. For Domitius was an enemy to Pompey, by reason of the dispute about the demanding of the consulship and because he had taken that office against his good will. Although Appias was a relative of Pompey, he planned that by flattering the people, he hoped that if he made any move, he would be bribed by Gabinius. To that end he directed all his actions. Therefore it was decreed that the Sibyl’s verses should be read over again although Pompey was much against it. In the meantime, the money that was sent by Gabinius came to Rome. The money wrought so much that Gabinius was sure not to suffer any great loss whether he was absent or present. For there was then such confusion at Rome that when Gabinius had but given part of that money to bribe the magistrates and some of the judges, they did not want to bring the matter to justice. Others had learned that they could be wicked with impunity and that money easily bought "justice" and removed the threat of punishment. {Dio, l. 39.}

4727. On the twelfth of October, (about the Julian July) Gabinius came into the city. On the fourth of October, he entered the city by night {Cicero, ad Quint. Fratr. l. 3. epist. 1.} for he was so tormented by his conscience for his ugly actions that it was late when he came into Italy. He came by night into the city and dared not go out of his own house for many days. {Dio, l. 39.}

4728. Various factions accused Gabinius. L. Lentulus, the son of the Flamen, accused him of treason. T. Nero, with various good men joined in this accusation along with C. Memmius, the tribune of the people with Lucius Capito. After he was accused of treason, he appeared by the edict of C. Alsius the praetor. He was almost trodden under foot by the great crowd and was hated by all the people. {Cicero, ad Quintum Fratr., l. 3. epist. 1.}

4729. On the tenth day after he came into the city, on which he ought to have given an account of the number of the enemies and his soldiers, he was quite astonished in the midst of a great multitude. Appius, the consul, accused him of treason. When his name was called he answered not a word. When he wanted to leave, he was detained by the consuls and the publicans were brought in. He was accused on all sides. When he was most of all wounded by the words of Cicero, he could not endure it. With a trembling voice Cicero called him a banished man. All the senate rose against him with a shout so that they came to him where he stood. Likewise the publicans did the same with the similar shout and with violence. On the sixth, the ides of October, Memmius angrily put Gabinius before the people so that Calidius could not speak for him. The next day, there was a divination of Cato, the praetor’s house, for the appointing of an accuser against Gabinius. They selected between Memmius or T. Nero or C. and L. Antony, the sons of Marcus. {Cicero, ad Quintum Fratr., l. 3. epist. 2.}

4730. There were many accusations against Gabinius and not a few accusers. The first thing that was debated concerned the crime of restoring Ptolemy to his kingdom. Almost all the people flocked to the tribunal and they had often a mind to pull him in pieces, especially because Pompey was not there. Cicero had most sharply accused him. {Dio.l. 39.} Cicero {Cicero, ad Quintum Fratr., l. 3. epist. 2, 4.} denies that he accused him. He did this from fear of having any quarrels with Pompey or because he did not doubt that justice would be done whether he was there or not, or he would be for ever disgraced if such an infamous guilty person should escape justice if he pleaded against him.

"I was much delighted (said he in epist. 4.) with this moderation, and this also pleased me that, when I had sharply spoken both according to condolence and religion, the defendant said that if he might be in the city that he would give me satisfaction. Neither did he ask me anything.’’

4731. In the ninth epistle, Cicero stated:

"All that I did, I did with much gravity and unity as all were of the same opinion. I neither urged it nor anything qualified it. I was a vehement witness. I did nothing else.’’

4732. In this trial for treason, Gabinius was very slow in answering and was hated by all kinds of men. Alsius was a sharp and good witness against him. Pompey was very earnest to beg the judges to favour him. {Cicero. ad quintuus Fratr., l. 3. epist. 3.} Gabinius said that he restored Ptolemy for the good of the state because he was afraid of the fleet of Archelaus and because he thought the sea would be filled with pirates. He said also that he might do it by law. {Cicero, in orat. pro Rabinio. Posthumo.} The friends of Caesar and Pompey were very eager to help him and said that the Sibyl referred to another king and another time. They pleaded this the most because in the oracle there was no specific punishment mentioned. {Dio, l. 39.} Lucius Lentulus was incredibly young to be a prosecutor. All said he was brought in on purpose so that Gabinius might win. In spite of this, there had been great disputes and intreaties by Pompey and a rumour of a dictatorship which caused much fear. Gabinius had not replied to Lucius Lentulus. When the judges gave their sentence, there were 32 who condemned him and 38 who absolved him. {Cicero, l. 4. epist. 1., ad Quintum Fratr. l. 3. epist. 4.}

4733. Dio {Dio, l. 39} stated that when Gabinius stood the trial for so high crimes that he gave great sums of money. When he was absolved, there wanted but little. However, the people killed the judges. Gabinius was brought to the judgment of the people by Memmius and freed by the intercession of Laelius, the tribune of the people. Valerius Maximus

{Valerius Maximus, l. 8. c. 1.} stated what happened. A. Gabinius in the midst of his infamy, was subjected to trial of the people by C. Memmius, his accuser. It seemed as if all his hopes were dashed because the accusation was fully proved and his defence was very weak. Those that judged him, through a rash anger, were very desirous to punish him. The lictor and prison were always before his eyes. All this was thwarted by the intervention of a propitious fortune. Sisenna, the son of Gabinius, through the mere impulsion of amazement, fell humbly prostrate before Memmius. From there he hoped for some assuaging of the storm at its source. Memmius, the insolent conqueror, rejected him with a stern countenance and took his ring from his finger and let it lie on the ground a great while. This spectacle was the reason that Laelius, the tribune of the people, ordered that Gabinius be dismissed. We may learn by this example, neither insolently to abuse the success of prosperity nor that anyone ought to be too much cast down by adversity.

4734. In spite of this acquittal, Gabinius was on trial again for other reasons and that he had wrongfully extorted 100,000 (either drachmas or pence) from the province. He was condemned of extortion. Pompey who was gone from the city to provide grain, (for much grain was ruined by the flooding of the Tiber River) was still in Italy. He hurried to be present at the trial but when he saw that he came too late, he did not leave the suburbs until the trial was finished. Pompey called the people together outside the walls of the city, (because it was not lawful for a proconsul to come into the city) and spoke to them on the behalf of Gabinius. He read to them the letters that he had received from Caesar concerning the safety of Gabinius. He used many intreaties with the judges. He prevented Cicero from prosecuting Gabinius and persuaded Cicero to defend him! However, all these things did not help Gabinius. The judges condemned him partly for the fear of the people and partly because they had not received any large bribes from Gabinius, (who being accused for small wrongs did not bestow much money and surely thought he would be freed.) They condemned him to banishment and Caesar later restored him and brought him back. {Dio, l. 39.}

4735. Cicero, (Cicero, pro Rabirius Posthumus) acknowledged that he did very earnestly defend Gabinius after that they became friends who were formerly great enemies. Although this favour is commended by Valerius Maximus, {Valerius Maximus, l. 4. c. 2.} Dio confirmed, that Cicero was branded with the name and crime of a renegade. Truly Marcus Cicero quite forgot what he had previously written to his brother Quintus. {Cicero, l. 3. epist. 5.} "I would be ruined if I had defended Gabinius as Pansa thought I ought to have done.’’

4736. Although he {Cicero, pro Rabirius Posthumus}, gives this account of his actions:

"The renewing of our friendship was the reason that I defended Gabinius. Neither does it ever grieve me to have a mortal hatred and immortal friendship.’’

4737. Timagenes, the Alexandrian (or the Egyptian, according to some) was the son of the king’s treasurer. He was captured in the war and brought to Rome by Gabinius. He was redeemed by Faustus, the son of Sulla, and taught rhetoric at Rome, under Pompey, Julius Caesar, and the triumvirs and wrote many books. {Suidas in Timagenhj}

4738. When Publius Cornelius Lentulus Spinther, the proconsul of Cilicia had done well in the war, his army greeted him as "imperator" or captain general. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 1. epist. 8, 9.} 3951a AM, 4660 JP, 54 BC

4739. About the end of his term as consul, Appius Claudius Pulcher, the senate decreed he was to replace to P. Cornelius Lentulus. This law was not ratified by the people and he went into Cilicia at his own expense. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 1. epist. 9., ad Quintum fratr., l. 3. epist. 2., ad Attic. l. 4. epist 56.} Lentulus went to meet him when he came into the province. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 3. epist. 7.} When Appius took over the command, he most miserably afflicted the province and almost destroyed it. {Cicero, ad Attic. l. 5. epist. 16, l. 6. epist. 1.}

4740. Crassus should have followed up his initial successes he had in first taking the places in Mesopotamia with the full force of his army and made good use of the fear the barbarians of him. He should have attacked Babylon and Seleucia which were cities that were always enemies to the Parthians. Instead he was weary of being in Mesopotamia and longing after the ease and idleness in Syria. He gave the Parthians time to prepare for war and occasions for attacking those Roman soldiers that were left in Mesopotamia. {Plutarch, in Crassus} {Dio, l. 40.}

4741. He had placed garrisons in those cities that had surrendered to him. These amounted to 7000 foot soldiers and 1000 cavalry. He returned to Syria to winter there. His son, P. Crassus, came to him from Julius Caesar from Gaul, who had bestowed upon him such gifts as generals usually do. He brought with him a 1000 choice cavalry. {Plutarch, in Crassus}

4742. Crassus spent his time in Syria more like a publican than like a general. He did not spend his time in getting arms or training his soldiers. Instead he tallied up the revenues of the cities and for many days was weighing and measuring the treasures of the goddess of Hierapolis. He also demanded soldiers from various people and then discharged them for a sum of money. These actions brought him into contempt. As they were going from the temple of the goddess of Hierapolis, the young Crassus fell on the threshold and his father fell on top of him. {Plutarch, in Crassus} Hierapolis is that city which some call Bambyce, others Edessa and the Syrians, Magog. The Syrian goddess, Atargatis, called by the Greeks, Derceto, was worshipped here. {Strabo, l. 16. p. 748.} {Pliny, l. 5. c. 23.}

4743. Rabitius Posthumus was accused before the judges of treason because he followed Ptolemy to Alexandria for the money that he owed him. {Sueton, in Claudia, c. 16.} After Gabinius was condemned of extortion and gone into banishment, C. Memmius accused Rabirius because the king made him his "dioecetes" or treasure. He had wore the clothes of Alexandria and had gathered money from the tributes which was imposed by Gabinius and himself. Cicero defended when it was very cold. This may be deduced from his speech which is still extant.

3951b AM, 4661 JP, 53 BC

4744. M. Crassus and his son Publius were killed and the army was routed and perished with shame and disgrace beyond the Euphrates River. {Cicero. de divinatione, l. 2.} Dio mentions this defeat {Dio, l. 40} but Plutarch treats it more fully. {Plutarch, in Crassus} Appian copied Plutarch word for word in his writings. {Appian, de Parthicis} Therefore it will be worth the work to record the main parts of this most famous history, taken from these accounts as Salianus has done.

4745. Orodes, the king of the Parthians, sent ambassadors to Syria to Crassus. They were find out why Mesopotamia was invaded and demand the reasons why he started this war. Orodes also sent Surana with an army to recover those places that had been taken or revolted. He personally made an expedition into Armenia, least Artabazes the son of Tigranes, who reigned there and was afraid of his own Kingdom, would send any help to the Romans. {Dio, l. 40.}

4746. The ambassadors of Orodes came to Crassus in Syria as he was drawing his forces from of their winter quarters, (although Florus relates that this was done in Mesopotamia when Crassus was camped at Nicephorium.) The reminded him of the league that they had made with Pompey and Sulla and by this declared to him that if this army was sent against the Parthians by the people of Rome that then they would have no peace with the Romans. If Crassus had brought this war against the Parthians for his own private gain and had seized his cities, then their king would use him more favourably considering Crassus’ old age and he would send back his soldiers to the people of Rome. Crassus was blinded by the king’s treasures and did not reply nor did he pretend to excuse the war. Crassus said that he would answer them at Seleucia. {Florus, l. 3. c. 11.} {Plutarch, in Crassus} {Dio, l 40.} Then Vageses, the chief of the ambassadors, smiled, and struck the palm of his right hand with the fingers of his left and said that hairs would sooner grow there then that Crassus would see Seleucia. So the ambassadors returned and told King Orodes that he must prepare for war.

4747. In the meantime, certain soldiers who had been left in garrison in Mesopotamia, barely escaped with great danger and brought Crassus news. The told of the approach formidable multitude of the Parthians, what kind of weapons they used and how they fought. They spoke from experience! This so discouraged the Romans that some of the captains were of opinion that Crassus should stay and hold a council, about the whole business. Cassius, the treasurer of Crassus was one who urged this. The soothsayers also tried to deter him but Crassus would not listen to any of them.

4748. Crassus was mainly by Artabazes, the king of the Armenians, who came into his camp with 6000 cavalry who were said to be the king’s own guard. He promised him another 10,000 men at arms, and 30,000 foot soldiers whom he would pay. He also persuaded Crassus that he should invade Parthia through Armenia and that he would abundantly supply his army. The march that way would be safer because of the unevenness of the country and so not so much in danger of the large numbers of Parthian cavalry. Crassus neglected this most wise counsel and thanked the Armenian. He sent him back and told him that he would march through Mesopotamia where he had left many good soldiers of the Romans.

4749. When he came to Zeugma, on the bank of Euphrates River, he ignored many bad prodigies which Plutarch and Dio mentioned. The main one was this, as it is noted in Julius Obsequens, in his book of prodigies. He stated that:

"A sudden wind snatched the standard from the standard bearer, and it sank in the water. A sudden darkness of the sky that fell and hindered their crossing.’’

4750. In spite of this Crassus was determined to go on. Florus, {Florus, l. 3. c. 11.} stated this:

"When the army had passed Zonguia, sudden whirlwind threw the standard into Euphrates River where it sank.’’

4751. Crassus also ignored the council of Cassius. He advised him that he should refresh his army in some of the cities where he had a garrison, until he heard some definite news of the

Parthians. Otherwise, he should march along the river to Seleucia and so the ships would supply him with food and would follow the camp. The river would keep the enemy from surrounding him.

4752. As Crassus was considering these things, Auganus or Abgarus Osroenus dissuaded him from this good advice. He is correctly named by Dio. Florus {Florus, l. 3. c. 11.} called him Mazares the Syrian and the copies of the Breviary of Sextus Rufus vary. He was called Mazarus, Marachus, Macorus and also Abgarus. In Plutarch, he was called Ariamnes, a captain of the Arabians. Although in some copies of Plutarch and in those from which the Parthica of Appian are taken, he is called Acbarus. This man was formerly in league with the Romans in Pomepy’s time but now followed the Parthians. Although he was on the Parthian’s side, he pretended that he was a good friend to Crassus and liberally gave much money to him. He found out all Crassus’ plans and told them to the Parthians. When Crassus was determined to march to Seleucia, and from there to go to the city of Ctesiphon, Auganus persuaded Crassus that he follow that plan because it would take too long. Instead, he should lead his army directly against Sillax and Surena, two of Orodes his captains. (He would leaveEuphrates River behind him which was his only supply line and fortification for him.)

4753. He then led his army through a vast sandy desert plain that lacked water and any green herb. Crassus began to suspect treason, especially when Artabazes sent ambassadors to him and told him that he could send him no forces because he was fighting a major war for Orodes had now wasted the country of the Armenians. He very earnestly advised Crassus to come into Armenia and to join forces with him that together they might fight with Orodes. If he was not pleased to do this then he should be sure to avoid those places that were most suitable for cavalry. Crassus angrily rejected this advice and did not write to the king. He told them that he had no time to think about Armenia but that on his return he would punish Armenian for its treachery. Abgarus left immediately before his treachery was discovered. He had persuaded Crassus that he might surround the enemies and rout them.

4754. They had not gone far when a few scouts returned (for the rest were killed by the enemy) and told them that there were huge forces, who courageously marched on toward them. At this Crassus was astonished and all the army was paralysed with fear. Crassus at the first followed Cassius’ advice and set his battle formation wide. Presently he changed his mind, and he contracted his forces and made it square and deep. He gave the leading of one wing to Cassius and the other to his son C. Publius. He led the battle in the middle. As soon as they came to the Balissus River, most of the commanders tried to persuade him to camp and to lodge there all night. In the meantime, they should send scouts to see what forces the enemy had and how they were armed. Crassus ignored this good advice because his son and some of his cavalry were eager for a fight. So he commanded them that would eat and drink. They should do it standing and keep their ranks. Before this could be done by all, he marched on with a disorderly march, not in formation and quietly until the enemies were seen.

4755. Surenas did not show all his forces at first nor the brilliance of their arms. He placed his troops in a convenient place to terrify the Romans. When they tried with their lances to make the Romans break rank, they could not. As soon as they saw the depth of the Roman forces and that the soldiers kept their ranks, they retired. When they seemed to be in disorder, they surrounded the Romans before the Romans realised it. After Crassus commanded his light cavalry to attack them, they had not marched very far when they were showered with arrows and were forced to retire to the main body of troops. This was the beginning of the fear and disorder of the Romans especially when they saw the force of the weapons that broke through everything and caused many nasty wounds.

4756. The Parthians left them and began to shoot with their arrows on every side at the whole body of the army. No arrow fell in vain. They hit with so great a force that it made either an horrible wound or most commonly resulted in death. The Parthians continued shooting even when they withdrew from the Romans. The Romans were encouraged that when they had shot all their arrows, then the battle would be fought by hand to hand combat. However, they soon knew that there were many camels loaded with arrows from which they that had first shot all their arrows, went to get more. Crassus began to despair and knew that there would be no end of their shooting until they were all killed with their arrows. Thereupon, he ordered his son to endeavour by all means to join battle with the enemy before they were surrounded.

4757. The young Crassus took with him 1300 cavalry (1000 of which he had received from Caesar), 500 archers, and eight ensigns of the next footmen who had bucklers. He charged the Parthians who fled on purpose to draw him a good way off from his father. Then they turned around and shot them through with their arrows on every side. Publius, (whom Orosius commended as a most famous and excellent young man, {Orosius, l. 6. c. 13., Eutropius, l. 6.}) commanded a gentleman to thrust him through the side because he could not use his hand that was shot through. Censorinus, a senator and orator is said to have died in a similar way. Magabacchus, who was valiant man both in body and mind, thrust himself through, as did the rest of the nobility. The rest fled to an hill and were killed in the fight by the spears of the Parthians. There were 500 said to be taken prisoners.

4758. They cut off Publius’ head and marched toward Crassus who was expecting the return of his son during the time the enemy did not press them so hard. However, messenger came upon messenger and said that Publius was totally defeated unless he was immediately helped with a very strong force. Crassus planned to march with the whole army when the enemies came upon him. They made a terrible noise and had become more fierce because of the victory. They brought the head of his son upon a spear. That spectacle broke the hearts of the Romans, in spite of Crassus’ endeavours to encourage his men to wipe the joy from the enemy of their victory and to revenge their cruelty. The battle was renewed but the Romans were wounded on every side again with their arrows. Many died miserably. For those who desperately thought that they might escape the arrows, charged with large lances the enemy who were forced into a small area. With one thrust, they struck through two bodies. This continued as night approached and the Parthians retired. They bragged that they would allow Crassus one night to bemoan his son.

4759. That same night Octavian and Crassus called together the centurions and soldiers. Crassus was overwhelmed with sorrow for the army’s defeat and the death of his son. He kept himself in the dark with his head covered. They feared what was yet to come and forced the rest of the army to consider fleeing. The army in all places began to break camp without any sound of trumpet. When those that were weak knew they were being abandoned, there was great tumult and confusion and all the camp was filled with howling and lamentations. Then fear and terror seized those that marched because they thought the enemy would be aroused by this noise and come and attack them. Indeed the enemy did know that they were leaving but did not pursue them. Three hundred light cavalry under their Captain Egnatius came to Carrae late in the night. He called to the watch and ordered them to tell Coponius, the governor, that Crassus had had a major battle with the Parthians. That is all he said and marched quickly to Zeugma. Coponius, assumed by the vagueness of the message that this was not good news. He presently armed his men and met Crassus who marched slowly because of his wounded men. He received him with his army into the city.

4760. As soon as it was day, the Parthians went to the Roman camp and there killed 4000 that were left there. Many also of their cavalry men were captured as they were wandering in the plain. Among these there were four cohorts who were led by Vargunteius, a lieutenant, and had lost their way in the night. These retired to an hill which the Parthians quickly surrounded. They killed them all in a fight, except twenty soldiers. These broke through the midst of the enemy and came safely to Carrae. Orosius also mentions this slaughter of Vargunteius. {Orosius, l. 6. c. 13.}

4761. Surenas was uncertain whether Crassus and Cassius were at Carrae or fled to some other place. He sent certain men to Carrae that he might know the truth under a pretence of making a league with the Romans if they would surrender Mesopotamia. The Romans approved of this because they were in a desperate condition. The Parthians demanded a time and place for the meeting of Crassus and Surenas. When Surenas knew that the enemy was shut up in Carrae, the next day he came before it with his whole army and besieged the place.He commanded the Romans that if they wanted any truce that they should deliver Crassus and Cassius as prisoners. Hereupon, the Romans were exceedingly sorrowful that they were so cheated. They gave up all hope of any help from the Armenians and they thought how they might escape by flight.

4762. This council was to be kept secret from any of the Carrenians, however, Crassus told it to Andromachus, who was the most perfidious of all men. Crassus used him for their guide on his march. Thereupon the Parthians knew all their councils because of the treachery of Andromachus. Since it was not the custom nor safe for the Parthians to fight at night, Crassus went out by night. Lest the enemy should not be able to catch up, Andromachus led them, sometimes one way and sometimes another. Finally he led them into deep bogs and places that were full of ditches. There were some who suspected Andromachus’ often turnings and would not follow him for Cassius had retired to Carrae and from there with 500 men made his way into Syria. Others, who got trustworthy guides, took the way of the Synaca Mountains and before day, they retired into a safe place. These were almost five thousand men, under Octavian, a valiant man and their commander.

4763. The day overtook Crassus, who was entangled in those difficult places and bogs because of the treachery of Andromachus. He got through those areas with much difficulty along with four cohorts of legionary soldiers, a few cavalry and five lictors. When the enemy approached, he fled to another hill, within 1.5 miles of Octavian. It was not so well fortified nor too steep for horses. It was below the Synaca Mountains and joined to it with a long neck of land that stretched through the middle of the whole plain. Hence Octavian could easily see the danger that Crassus was in. Therefore he first, with a few others came to his aid. The rest chided one another and followed him and drove the enemy from the hill. He received Crassus into the middle of them and covered him with their shields and encouraged him. No weapon of the Parthians could touch the body of their general until they had killed those who defended him to the last man.

4764. Surenas saw that the Parthians were not so courageous as they should be and that it was a dangerous thing to fight with desperate men, especially when they fought from higher ground. If night should overtake them then the Romans could not be taken. They would keep to the mountains and go to the Armenians and so might by their means, renew the war as Dio stated. Surenas plotted another treacherous deed. He let some prisoners go free who had overheard some of the barbarians say on purpose that their king was not altogether against making peace with the Romans and that he would use Crassus with all the civility that might be if he could make peace. In the meanwhile, the barbarians stopped fighting and Surenas with some noble men, came near the hill with his bow unbent. He held out his right hand and invited Crassus to make a league with him. He told him that he had experienced of the force of the Parthians but now, if he wanted, he would experience his humanity. Crassus did not go to him because he was afraid of him and saw no reason for this sudden change of heart.

4765. However, the soldiers demanded peace even with harsh words to Crassus. He tried to persuade and reason with them that if they could hold out for the rest of the day, then that night they could march through the mountainous places. They should not abandon the hope of safety that was so near them. They began to rebel and beat their harnesses and began to threaten him. He was afraid and he went toward the enemy but turned around to his own men and said:

"Yea, if Octavian and Petronius and all you Roman commanders that are here with me, see what violence is done to me, yet, if ever any of you shall get away safely, say that Crassus was deceived by his enemies and not delivered up by his own citizens.’’

4766. This he might seem to have said as he were trying by this friendly speech if he could assuage their obstinate minds, while he provided for their honour. However, Octavian and the rest did not remain on the hill but went down with him. Crassus forbid the lictors who wanted to follow him for his honour’s sake.

4767. The first who came from the barbarians were two half-breed Greeks. They dismounted from their horses and greeted him in Greek and desired that he would send some ahead to see if Surenas and the rest that came to the parley, had arrived safely. Crassus sent the two Roscii that were brothers whom Surenas detained. Surenas came on horseback but Crassus was walking. He commanded that an horse should be brought to him and that he should go to the river side to write the articles of the peace. Because the Romans were not very mindful of their covenants, Surenas gave him his right hand. When Crassus sent for an horse, Surenas told him there was no great need, for the king has given you one. Soon an horse with a golden bridle was brought to him. The grooms mounted Crassus and followed him behind and lashed the horse. First, Octavian took hold of the bridle and after him, Petronius, one of the colonels. Then the rest of the Romans came around him to steady the horse and to take him from them that pressed around Crassus on every side.

4768. At first they were jostling and thrusting one the other, at last they started fighting. Octavian drew his sword and killed a groom, one of the barbarians. Another struck Octavian from behind and killed him. Petronius had no weapon and was being hit on his coat of mail. He got off his horse and was not harmed. Promanaethros or Manarthes by name, a Parthian, killed Crassus. Others said that he cut off his head and right hand when he lay dead. Dio leaves it in doubt whether he was killed by his own men lest he fall alive into the enemies’ hands or whether he was killed by the enemies. Livy stated: {Livy, l. 106.}

"He was taken and resisted lest he be captured alive and he was killed. He was allured to a parley by a sign given by the enemy. He would have quickly fallen into their hands unless the resistance of the tribunes, had not stirred the barbarians to prevent the flight of the general.’’

4769. Florus stated {Florus, l. 3. c. 11.} and Sextus Rufus followed him, in his Breviary to Valentinian the Emperor and said:

"Crassus himself was allured to a parley and might have been taken alive except for the resistance of the tribunes, he escaped and while he fled, he was killed.’’

4770. Surenas, the general of the Parthians, took Crassus by treachery, and killed him at Sinnaca, a city of Mesopotamia {Strabo, l. 16. p. 747.} although he would rather have taken him alive. {Orosius, l. 6. c. 13.} Velleius Paterculus stated that he was killed with most of the Roman army. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 46.} Pliny stated that all the Lucanian soldiers were killed with him of which there were many in the army. {Pliny, l. 2. c. 56.} Jornandes wrote that they lost almost eleven legions and their general. {Jornandes, de regno. succession.} It is said that the number of those that were killed were 20,000. Only 10,000 were taken alive by the enemy according to Plutarch and Appian. Of the 100,000 in the army, 10,000 barely escaped into Syria. {Appian, Civil War, l. 2. p. 438.} This happened in the month of June. {Ovid, Fastorusm, l. 6.} Dio, {Dio, l. 40.} said it was in the middle of summer. He also added that at this time, the Parthians recovered all their country again that lay within the Euphrates River.

4771. The survivors of the Roman army shifted for themselves. They were scattered by flight into Armenia, Cilicia and Syria, there was scarcely a man alive to bring the news of the overthrow. {Florus, l. 3. c. 11.} As soon as this major defeat was known, many provinces of the east would have revolted from the alliance and protection of the people of Rome, unless Cassius had gathered together a few soldiers from them who fled. He went to Syria and began to grow proud with great virtue and moderation. {Orosius, l. 6. c. 13.} This is the same Cassius who would not accept the command that the soldiers offered to him at Carrae from hatred to Crassus. Crassus also willingly yielded to him when he knew the greatness of his loss. He was now compelled by necessity, to assume the government of Syria. {Dio. l. 40.} He was also the treasurer of Crassus who kept Syria under Roman control and was also the same C. Cassius who together with Brutus, later killed Julius Caesar. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 46, 56, 58.}

4772. Surenas sent the head and the right hand of Crassus to Orodes in Armenia. He spread a rumour by his messengers at Seleucia, that he had taken Crassus alive. He dressed up Caius, a captive who looked very much like him and so made a ridiculous show which in disgrace they called a triumph. {Plutarch, in Crassus}

4773. In the meantime Orodes was reconciled to Artabazes or Artarasers the Armenian, and betrothed his sister to his son, Pacoras. They made feasts and revels during which many Greek verses were sung, for Orodes understood Greek and was a scholar. Artavasdes had written tragedies and speeches and histories. Jason, the tragedian of Trallis, was there singing some verses from the Bacchis of Euripides. Agave Syllaces came into the dining room and threw the head of Crassus before them. Pomaxaethres or Maxarthes rose from supper andtook it for himself since he thought it belonged more to him than any other. {Plutarch, in Crassus}

4774. Among other indignities, some report that the Parthians poured molten gold down the mouth of Crassus and insulted him with words. Florus recorded this about what happened: {Florus, l. 3. c. 11.}

"The head and right hand of Crassus was brought to the king and they made sport of him. They poured molten gold down his open mouth so that he whose mind was on fire with the desire of gold while he was alive, his dead and bloodless carcass might be burnt with gold.’’

4775. Sextus Rufus, in his breviary and Jornandes, say similar things about this.

4776. Not long after, Surenas was punished for his perjury. He was killed by Orodes who envied his honour. {Plutarch, in Crassus}

4777. At Rome, M. Cicero was made augur in the place of young Crassus, who was killed in the Parthian war. {Plutarch, in Cicero}

4778. With the death of Crassus, one head of Varro’s triumvirate was cut off and the foundation laid for the civil wars between Pompey and Caesar. After Crassus was killed who was above them both, it remained for Caesar to eliminate Pompey who was above him so that he would be the greatest. {Plutarch, in Caesar, Pompey} Nec quenquam iam ferre potest, Casarve priorem, Pompeiusve parem. {Lucan, l. 1.} Caesar would no superior fear, Nor Pompey any equal bear.

3952a AM, 4661 JP, 53 BC

4779. During the interim the senate decreed that neither any consul nor any praetor should have by lot any foreign province until after the fifth year of his magistracy. A little later Pompey confirmed this. {Dio, l. 40.} Interrex, Servius Sulpitius, on the fifth of March in an intercalary month (about the beginning of the Julian December) appointed Pompey as consul. {Ascon. Pedian., in orat. Milonian.} 3952b AM, 4662 JP, 52 BC

4780. The Parthians invaded Syria with a small army because they thought the Romans lacked soldiers and a general. Therefore, Cassius easily repulsed them. {Dio, l. 40.}

4781. Cassius came to Tyre and arrived also in Judea. When he came the first time, he captured Tarichaea and led away about 30,000 Jewish prisoners. He executed Pitholaus because he had sided with Aristobulus’ faction at the persuasion of Antipater who could do whatever he wished with Pitholaus. For Antipater saw he was in great standing with the Idumeans and sought by courtesies and friendship of others who were in power. He especially made an alliance with the king of the Arabians, to whose custody he committed his children during the war that he had with Aristobulus. Cassius had forced Aristobulus, the son of Alexander, to be at peace. He moved his camp to the Euphrates River to keep the Parthians from crossing over. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 6., Antiq., l. 14. c. 12.} 3953 AM, 4663 JP, 51 BC

4782. When M. Marcellus and C. Sulpitius were consuls, the league was renewed with the Rhodians. It provided that one people shall not make war on the other but send mutual help to each other. The Rhodians also swore that they would have the same enemies that the senate and the people of Rome would have. {P. Lentulus with Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 15.} {Appian, Civil War, l. 4. p. 627, 630.} By this means Posidonius Apameensis, who had a school at Rhodes, seemed to have come to Rome when M. Marcellus was consul. {Suidas, in voc. poshdansos} He was a very noble philosopher, mathematician and historian. Cicero {Cicero, divination, l. 2} mentioned a globe he made.

"If anyone should carry this globe into Scythia or Britain, which was recently made by a close friend of mine, whose each turning performs the same actions of the sun and moon and the other five planets do in the heavens each day, who in that barbarous land would doubt but that this was a most exact representation?’’

4783. By the decree of the senate and by the law of Pompey which was made the year before, none could obtain either a consular or praetorian province, unless he had been consul or praetor five years before. M. Calphurnius Bibulus, who had been consul seven years earlier and M. Tullius Cicero who had been consul eleven years before and yet had never been sent into any province, where assigned provinces by lot. Bibulus was given Syria {Dio, l. 40.} and Cicero had Cilicia. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 3. epist. 2.} Cicero wrote that he was now appointed proconsul to Appius Pulcher, the captain general, whom he was to succeed. (For the army had given him the title of captain general because he had done well in the wars in Cilicia) Cicero also indicated that this happened against his will and he never desired that he should be forced to go to govern in his province by the decree of the senate. Cicero had for his lieutenants, his brother, Quintus Tullius, C. Pomponius, L. Tullius and M. Anneius. His quaesters were L. Messinius and Cn. Volusius.

4784. Plutarch, {Plutarch, in Cicero} stated that he had in his army 12,000 foot soldiers and 1600 cavalry. Cicero said that he had the command of only two legions and those were so undermanned {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 15.} that they were barely able to defend one town as M. Coelius stated. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 8. epist. 5.}

4785. Ten days before June (as the year was then accounted at Rome which happened on the sixth day of the Julian March) Cicero left for his province and came to Brundusium. There he met with Q. Fabius, the lieutenant of Appius Claudius Pulcher, whom he was to succeed. He told him that he needed a greater force to govern that province and almost all were of the opinion that the legions of Cicero and Bibulus should be supplied from Italy. The consul, Servius Sulpicius, positively denied this request but yet there was such a general consent of the senate that Cicero and Bibulus should quickly be sent, that he was forced at last to yield and so it was done. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 3. epist. 3.}

4786. Before the civil war of Caesar and Pompey (Julian March 7th), a little after noon, there was an almost total eclipse of the sun, of ten and an half digits (88%). Dio said {Dio, l. 40.} the whole sun was eclipsed. Lucan wrote: {Lucan, l. 1.}

----Titan hides (When mounted in the midst of heaven he rides) In clouds his burning chariot, to enfold The world in darkness quite: day to behold No Nation hopes.----

4787. Cicero sailed from Brundusium and came to Actium, the sixteen days before July, (the 29th day of the Julian March.) He journeyed by land and came to Athens six days before July. (Julian April 8th) {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 4. epist. 9. & 10.} The day before he came there, Memmius, who was condemned for unlawful bribery for an office and banished, had gone to Mitylene. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 4. epist. 11.}

4788. In the month of the Julian April, Ptolemy Auletes died. M. Coelius mentions this in a letter to M. Cicero written from Rome on first of August (the 15th day of the Julian May) {Cicero, Letter to his Friends, l. 8. epist. 4.} C. Marcellus was chosen consul for the next year. News was brought to Rome and it was known for certain that the king of Alexandria was dead. Of his two sons and two daughters, he left the oldest son and daughter as heirs. So that this might be so, Ptolemy in the same will, did humbly beseech the people of Rome by all the gods and by the league that he had made with them at Rome, to make sure the will was carried out. One copy of his will was sent to Rome by his ambassadors so that it might be placed in the treasury and the other was left and kept sealed up at Alexandria. {Caesar, Civil War, l. 3.}

4789. His will directed that his oldest son, Ptolemy, after the ancient custom of the Egyptians should be married to Cleopatra his oldest daughter and that both of them should rule the kingdom. However, they should be under the guardianship of the people of Rome. {Dio, l. 42.} Cleopatra speaks to Caesar concerning this: {Lucan, l. 10.} I am not the first woman that have swayed The Pharian sceptre: Egypt has obeyed A queen; not sex excepted: I desire Thee read the will of my deceased sire Who left me there a partner to enjoy My brother’s crown and marriage bed---

4790. The copy of this will was brought to Rome. Because of public practices, it could not be put in the treasury and was deposited with Pompey. {Caesar, Civil War, l. 3.} Eutropius stated Pompey was made tutor to the new king because he was so young. {Eutropius, l. 6.}

4791. M. Cicero stayed a few days at Athens, on the 6th of July {Julian April 19th) he sailed {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 2. epist. 8.} from the harbour of Piraeum. He was carried by a certain wind to Zorera which detained him there until the 7th. On the 8th of July (April 25th) he came to the village of Cios and went from there to Gyaros, Scyaros and Delos. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 12.} The 18th of July, (Julian May 5th) he came to Ephesus. He sailed slower because the Rhodian ships were frail. He was met by a very large crowd and the Greeks very willingly offered themselves to him as if he had been the praetor of Ephesus. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 13.} Q. Thermus was at Ephesus. He was the praetor of the Asian governments (which were separated from the province of Cilicia.) He met with Cicero about a matter of his lieutenant, M. Anneius, who had a dispute with the Sardineans. Cicero wrote many letters to him later. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 13. epist. 53, 54, 55, 56, 57., ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 20.} P. Silius was praetor of Bithynia at that time. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 13. epist. 61.}

4792. P. Nigidius expected Cicero at Ephesus and returned to Rome from his embassy. He was a very learned man. Cratippus also came there from Mitylene to see and greet Cicero. Cratippus was at that time the chiefest of all the peripatertics as Cicero states in the preface to Plato’s Timaeus, as he translated into Latin by himself.

4793. Cicero left Ephesus and travelled to Tralli by a very dry and dusty way. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 14.} Fives days before the month of August (Julian May 10th) he arrived at Tralli where L. Lucilius met him with letters from Appius Pulcher. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 3. epist. 5.} By these he knew that a rebellion of the soldiers was averted by Appius and that the soldiers were all payed to the ides of July. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 3. epist. 14.}

4794. The day before the month of August (Julian May 14th) when Sulpitius and Marcellus were consuls, Cicero came to Laodicea into a province which was almost destroyed by Appius. That day marked the first day of his term of office that was assigned to him by the senate. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 15. 16, 20, 21, Letters to his Friends, l. 3. epist. 6., l. 15. epist. 2, 4.} Cicero was told by the Cypriot ambassadors who came to meet him at Ephesus, that Sceptius, the governor of Appius in Cyprus, besieged the senate in their senate house in Salamine with some cavalry troops. He hoped to starve the senators out. The same day Cicero first entered the province, he sent letters that the cavalry should immediately leave the island. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 21. & l. 6. epist. 1.}

4795. He saw by the time of the year, he must soon go to the army. After he had stayed three days at Laodicea, (while the money was received which was owed him from the public treasury) on the fifth of August (Julian May 17th) he journeyed to Apamea. He stayed there four or five days, three at Synnada and five at Philomelium. At that town, there was a large gathering of people. He freed many cities from the most heavy tributes, exorbitant usuries and large debts. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 3. epist. 5. & l. 15. epist. 4., ad Attic., l. 5. epist 15, 16, 20.}

4796. Appius Claudius was allowed to stay thirty days in the province after his successor arrived. This was according to the law of Cornelius Sulla, the dictator. During those days he sat in judging at Tarsus and Cicero judged at Apamea, Synnada and Philomelium. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 3. epist. 6, 8., ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 16, 17.}

4797. M. Bibulus, the proconsul sailed from Ephesus about the 13th of August (Julian May 25th) and came to his province, Syria, by a very prosperous wind. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 15. epist. 3.} When the Senate had allowed him to raise soldiers in Asia, he did not do it. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 15. epist. 1.} The auxiliaries of the allies were through the sharpness and injustice of the government of the Romans, either so weakened that they could be of little help or so alienated from them that little could be expected from them. It did not seem wise to trust the allies for troops. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 15. epist. 1.}

4798. Before Cicero arrived in the province, the army was scattered through a rebellion. Five cohorts had no lieutenant, or colonel or centurions. He stayed at Philomelium while the rest of the army was in Lycaonia.

4799. Cicero commanded his lieutenant, M. Anneius, that he should conduct those five cohorts to the rest of the army. He should rally the whole army in one place and camp at Iconium in Lycaonia. When Anneius had exactly done this, Cicero came into the camp six days before September. (Julian June 7th) A few days before, according to the decree of the senate, he had received a good band of newly raised soldiers, a number of cavalry and voluntary auxiliaries of free people from the kings who were their allies. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 15. epist. 4.}

4800. Dejotarus, the son, who was declared king by the senate, took Cicero’s sons with him into his kingdom, while Cicero made war in the summer time. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 15. epist. 17, 18.} Plutarch stated {Plutarch, de Stoicorum repugnantiis} that Dejotarus, the father, killed all his other sons so that he might establish the kingdom on this one son. Both the Dejotari, father and son, reigned together. Cicero greatly commended both of them in the 11th Philippicho.

4801. Pacorus, the son of Orodes, the king of the Parthians, to whom was married the sister of the king of the Armenians, came with great forces of the Parthians and a great band from other countries. They crossed the Euphrates River and attacked the province of Syria. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 15. epist. 1, 2, 3, 4., ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 18.} Orsaces was the general and Pacorus only held the title of general for he was barely 15 years old. {Dio, l. 40.}

4802. The Parthians went into Syria and having subdued all places, they came as far as to Antioch. They hoped to win the rest also for the Romans held that province with a small army. The citizens barely endured the domineering Romans and were inclined to the Parthians since they were their neighbours and close friends. {Dio, l. 40} The proconsul, Bibulus, had not yet arrived in the province. For although the province was appointed to him but for year, as in Cicero’s case, it was reported that for this reason he came so late into the province so that he could leave later. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 16., 18.}

4803. Cicero, two days before September, (Julian June 11th) mustered his army at Iconium. {Cicero, ad Attic. l. 3. epist. 19.} On the first or third of September, the ambassadors that were sent from Antiochus, the king of the Commagenians, arrived at the camp at Iconium. They were the first who brought Cicero the news that large forces of the Parthians began to cross the Euphrates River. It was said, that the Armenian king would make an invasion on Cappadocia. When the news was brought to him, Cicero was troubled. Although there were some that thought that not much credit should be given to the king’s planned invasion, Cicero did not think so. He was worried about Syria, his own province and indeed for all Asia. Therefore he thought it best that the army should march through Lycaonia, the country of the Isaurians and that part of Cappadocia which bordered Cilicia. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 15. epist. 1, 2, 3, 4.}

4804. After he had stayed ten days at Iconium, he moved his army and camped at the town Cybistra in the remotest part of Cappadocia, not far from Mount Taurus. He did this to show to Artavasdes, the Armenian king, that whatever he intended to do, there was a Roman army not far from his border. Hence he and the Parthians would think themselves shut out of Cappadocia and so Cicero could defend Cilicia that bordered on them and keep Cappadocia. This would hinder any new plans of the neighbouring kings who although they were friends of the people of Rome, yet dared not be public enemies to the Parthians. {Cicero, ad. Attic., l. 5. epist. 20., Letters to his Friends, l. 15. epist. 2. & 4.}

4805. Cicero sent his cavalry from Cybistra into Cilicia so that the news of his coming would be known to the cities in that part and the citizens would be more loyal to him. This would allow him to quickly stop what was done in Syria. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 15. epist. 2.}

4806. He was careful of the charge given to him by the senate that he should defend Ariobarzanes, the king of the Cappadocians and ensure that he and his kingdom were safe. The king with his brother Ariarathes and some of his father’s old friends came to the camp to the proconsul (where he stayed three or four days.) {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 6. epist. 2.} They complained of treasons that were plotted against his life and desired that some cavalry and Roman foot soldiers come and guard him. Cicero exhorted his friends that they should protect with all care and diligence, the life of their king and learn from the sad example of his father. Cicero exhorted the king that he should learn to reign by protecting his own life from whom he was certain who plotted treason against him. Those he might do with as he wished and that he should punish those who needed punishing and free the rest from fear. He should use the guard of the Roman army more for terror to those that were in the fault then for fighting. Then it would happen that when they knew the decree of the senate, should understand that Cicero would be a guard to the king, whenever needed. Concerning the king, Cicero wrote at the end of the second letter to the consuls and senate that he was more careful to inform them. In King Ariobarzanes there were such signs of virtue, wit, fidelity and good will toward them that they were wise to give him such a charge to protect him.

4807. Cicero established into great favour and authority Mithras and Athenaeus whom Ariobarzanes had banished through the importunity of Athenaidis. (??) There would be a great war in Cappadocia if the priest of the Comaniaus was to defend himself with armies. Hirsius confirmed in his book {Hirsius, de bell. Alexandrin.} that the priest was considered second only to the king in majesty command and power by the common consent of that country. The priest was a young man and some thought he might start a war since he had cavalry, foot soldiers, money and allies also who wanted to see a revolution. Cicero brought it so to pass that he left the kingdom and so the king obtained the kingdom with honour and without any revolt or war. The authority of his court was more confirmed to him. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 6. epist. 4.} Although in another letter he thought that there was nothing more pillaged than that kingdom and nothing more poor than that king. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 6. epist. 1.}

4808. In this way, the kingdom of Ariobarzanes was preserved for the king. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 15. in epist. 5. Cato} Cappadocia was reconciled to his obedience without fighting and with much good will. {Plutarch, in Cicero} Concerning Ariobarzanes, Cicero brags of himself to Atticus: {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 20.}

"Ariobarzanes lives and reigns by my means, by the by, by my advice and authority. This happened because I kept myself away from those that lay in wait for him and free from bribes. Hence, I preserved both the king and the kingdom.’’

4809. In the meantime, Cicero knew by many letters and messages, that Cassius (Bibulus had not yet arrived into Syria) was at Antioch with an army. Large forces from the Parthians and Arabians had come to Antioch. There was a large body of cavalry who had passed into Cilicia and were all killed by those cavalry troops Cicero had sent there and by a praetorian cohort which was in a garrison at Epiphania. The Parthians were in Cynhestica, a part of Syria, that borders on Cilicia. Therefore, when he saw that the forces of the Parthians were turned from Cappadocia and were not far from the borders of Cilicia, he left Cylistra in Cappadocia, (when he had camped for five days) and led the army into Cilicia. At the borders of Lycaonia and Cappadocia twelve days before October, (Julian June 30th) he received letters from Tarcondimotus and from Jamblichus, a governor of the Arabians, who were considered friends of the Roman commonwealth. They said that Pacorus, with a large body of Parthian cavalry had crossed the Euphrates River and was camped at Tyba. Cicero shortly wrote to the consuls and senate about this. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 15. epist. 1. 2. & 4., ad Attic. l. 5. epist. 18. & 20.}

4810. A rumour of the arrival of Cicero, encouraged Cassius, who was besieged in Antioch and made the Parthians afraid. They left Antioch before the arrival of Bibulus and were driven back by Cassius. He pursued them in their retreat from the town and killed many of them. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 20. 21., Letters to his Friends, l. 2. epist. 20.} Dio gives a fuller account of this.

4811. When the Parthians were hoping to capture Antioch, Cassius drove them off (for they were very awkward at storming cities.) They marched toward Antigonia. The suburbs of that city were planted with trees and so they dared not nor were able to come near it. They intended to cut down the trees and to clear the place of the forest so that they might more boldly attack the city on that side. This did not happen because it was a lot of work and time was quickly passing. Cassius attacked any stragglers. They retreated from Antigonia and planned to attack another place. In the meantime, Cassius had placed ambushes in the way they were to pass. He showed himself to them with a few troops to draw them into pursuing him. Then he turned on them. {Dio, l. 40.} Orsaces, the great commander of the Parthians was wounded and he died a few days later. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 20.} 4812. In Justin, {Justin, l. 42. c. 4.} this story is not so accurately written:

"Pacorus was sent to pursue the remains of the Roman army, after he had achieved many things of Syria. He was recalled home through the mistrust of his father. In his absence, the army of the Parthians that was left in Syria along with all its captains were killed by Cassius, the treasurer of Crassus.’’

4813. Livy stated that C. Cassius, the treasurer of M. Crassus, killed the Parthians, who had marched into Syria. {Livy, l. 108.} Velleius said that he very successfully routed the Parthians that came into Syria. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2, c. 46.} Sextus Rufus, in Breviary, said that he valiantly fought against the Persians, (for so he calls the Parthians) who made an invasion into Syria and utterly destroyed them and drove them beyond the Euphrates River. Eutropius {Eutropius, l. 6.} said that with singular valour and great courage, he restored the state when it was even lost so that he overcame the Persians in various battles. Orosius added {Orosius, l. 6. c. 13.} concerning Cassius:

"He overcame in battle and killed Antiochus and his large forces and by war he drove out the Parthians that were sent into Syria by Orodes. They had advanced as far as Antioch. He killed their general, Orsaces.’’

4814. Cicero, {Cicero, in the 11th. Philippic} stated:

"He did many gallant things before the arrival of Bibulus, the chief commander. He utterly routed the greatest commanders and large forces of the Parthians and freed Syria from an horrible invasion of the Parthians.’’

4815. It should not be accepted what is added concerning Cassius in the 14th chapter of the Jewish History, which is written in Arabic and is entitled the second book of the Maccabees:

"He crossed over the Euphrates River and conquered the Persians and brought them under the obedience of the Romans. He also secured the obedience of those twenty two kings that Pompey had subdued and brought under their obedience whatever was in the countrys of the east.’’

4816. We saw in Orosius {Orosius, l. 6. c. 6.} how Pompey bragged that he had made war with twenty two kings.

4817. The day before the month of October (Julian July 11th) the senate was convened in the temple of Apollo. They decreed that into Cilicia and into eight other provinces should hence forth be sent propraetors who formerly had been praetors at Rome and had never had any command in any province. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 8. epist. 8.}

4818. Cicero marched with his army by the pass of the Taurus Mountains into Cilicia on October fifth (Julian July 16th) On the same day the senate read the letters of Cassius which told of his victory. He wrote that by himself, he had finished the Parthian war. Also the letters of Cicero were read telling of the Parthian uprising. Thereupon little credit was given to Crassus’ letters. {Cicero, ad Attic, l. 5. epist. 21.} The same day, Cicero went from Taurus Mountains toward Amanus. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 3. epist. 8.} This mountain belonged both to him and Bibulus and it divided Syria from Cilicia. This was a divide for the watershed and was full of perpetual enemies to both provinces. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 1. epist. 10., ad Attic. l. 5. epist. 20.}

4819. The next day {Julian, June 19th} he camped in the plain of Mopsuestia where he wrote his eighth letter {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 3. epist. 8.} to Appius Pulcher, (whom he succeeded in the proconsulship.) We read this in that letter:

"If you ask concerning the Parthians, I think there were none. Those Arabians that were here who lived like Parthians, are said to be all returned. They deny that there was any enemy in Syria.’’

4820. When Cicero came to Amanus, he knew that the enemy was returned from Antioch and that Bibulus was at Antioch. From there, he learned that Dejotarus was quickly coming to him with a large army of cavalry, foot soldiers and all his forces. Cicero saw no cause why he should leave his kingdom. Cicero immediately sent letters and messengers to him, lest any unusual matter should happen in his kingdom. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 15. epist. 4.}

4821. Cicero considered that it concerned both provinces very much to establish Amanus and eliminate the perpetual enemy from that mountain and enter some other parts of Cilicia. When he was gone about a day’s journey from Amanus, he camped at Epiphania. Three days before the month of October (Julian July, 23rd) toward evening, he marched quickly with his army so that on the next day at daybreak, he went up the Amanus Mountain. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 15. epist. 4.}

4822. He marshalled his cohorts and auxiliaries. He with his brother Quintus, his lieutenant, commanded some of these. Others were under his lieutenant, C. Pomptinus and the rest under M. Anneius and L. Tullius. They came suddenly on the enemy before they were aware and many were killed or captured and the rest were scattered. Fugerana (or rather Erana) which was more like a city than a village because it was the main place in Amanus along with Sepyra and Cerminoris (or Commoris) resisted for a long time very stoutly. Pomptinus attacked that part of Amanus from break of day till ten o’clock. It was taken and a large number of the enemy were killed. Six well fortified citadels were captured by their sudden coming and more were burnt. When they had done this, Cicero camped at the foot of the Amanus Mountain at the altars of Alexander by the Isstis River where Darius was defeated by Alexander. He stayed four days in destroying the remains of Amanus that belonged to his province and in wasting the country. For this so just a victory, he was called by the army, imperator or Captain General. After he had spoiled and wasted Amanus, he left it on the sixth day. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 2. epist. 4., ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 20.} {Plutarch, in Cicero}

4823. In the meantime, when Bibulus came to Amanus, he began to look for a laurel in a mustard tree and seek after the vain name of captain general. However, he had a great defeat. He wholly lost his first cohort, and a centurion of the vanguard who was a noble man and relative of his called Asinius Dento. He also lost all the rest of the same cohort and Sextus Lucilius, a colonel (the son of T. Gravius Coepio, a rich and renowned man.) {Cicero, ad Attic. l. 5. epist. 20.}

4824. Cicero brought his army to the most dangerous part of Cilicia which was inhabited by the Eleutherociles. They were a cruel and fierce men who were well armed. They never had obeyed their kings and hosted at this time fugitives. They were daily expecting the arrival of the Parthians. Cicero attacked their town, Pindenissa, that was located in a steep and well fortified place. This was the 57th day before the Saturnalia, (the 12th of November and on the Julian August 1st) He surrounded it with a rampart and a trench and kept them in with six citadels and very large brigades. He attacked it with a mount, engines and a most high tower. He used many archers and a large number of battering rams. Cicero wrote this in a letter to M. Caelius Rufus who was chosen aedile, which he wrote on the 25th day of the siege (Julian August 25th) {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 2. epist. 10.} This is also mentioned in his letters written after the capture of the city, to M. Cato, {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 15. epist. 4.} and to Pomponius Atticus. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 5. epist. 20.} 3954a AM, 4663 JP, 51 BC

4825. Cicero accomplished his end after much work and preparation but without any cost to the allies. Many of his men were wounded but the army was safe. On the very day of the Saturnalia (the 14th of January, or Julian September 26th) his forces had the Pindenissenses at their mercy. All the city was either beaten down or burnt. He granted the whole spoil of it to his soldiers, except for the horses. The slaves were sold on the third day of the Saturnalia. He took hostages from the Tibareni, who were the next door neighbours to the Pindenessenses and were as wicked and audacious as they. After this, he sent his army to their winter quarters under his brother Quintus. The army should be quartered in those places that were taken form the enemy or that were not well subdued. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 5. epist. 20.} So after he settled his affairs for the summer, he appointed his brother, Quintus to command in the winter quarters and to be over Cilicia. {Cicero, at Attic., l. 5. epist. 21.} He had planned to use the summer months to execute this war and the winter months to sit in judging cases. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 5. epist. 14.}

4826. Publius Lentulus Spinther triumphed at Rome for Cilicia, as is gathered from Cicero. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 21., Letters to his Friends, l. 1. epist. 9.}

4827. The son of Orodes, the king of the Parthians, came into Cyrrhestica, a country of Cilicia where the Parthians also wintered. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 21., l. 6. epist. 1.}

4828. Cicero sent Q. Volusius, who was a trusty man and uncorruptible by bribes, to Cyprus to stay there a few days. Hence, those few Roman citizens, who had business to do there, would not be able to say they had not been handled fairly. For it was not right that the Cypriots should be called to courts outside of their own island. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 21.}

4829. When Cicero was well received by the cities of Cilicia, on the fifth of January (Julian October 13th) he went from the Taurus Mountains into Asia. He crossed over the Taurus Mountains in the sixth month of his command. Wherever he went, he brought it to pass, that without any violence or reproach and only by his authority and advice, the Greek and Roman citizens, who had withheld their grain, promised to supply the people. There was a great famine which raged in much of that part of Asia since there was no harvest. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 21.}

4830. Dejotarus, (whose daughter was betrothed to the son of Artavasdes, the king of Armenia) helped Cicero greatly. He came to Laodicea to live with the Cicero’s children. He brought him news that Orodes intended to come into those parts with all the Parthian forces at the beginning of summer. {Cicero, ad Attic. l. 5. epist. 20, 21., l. 6. epist. 1.}

4831. At Laodicea, from the 13th of February, (Julian November 29th) to the first of May (Julian February 26th) Cicero held court for that part of Asia that belonged to him. He held it from the 13th of February for Cibara and Apamea and from the 15th of March for Synnada and Pamphylia. Many cities were freed from their debts and many were very much eased.All of them used their own laws and judgments after they were given permission to do so. They were all greatly restored. {Cicero, ad Attic. l. 5. epist. 21., l. 6. epist. 2.}