DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM AS FORETOLD BY CHRIST

DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM AS FORETOLD BY CHRIST
The Jews remain to this day not only the guardians of the Old Testament scriptures, but living witnesses of the truth of many prophecies, which, in the first ages of their history, unfolded their fate until the latest generations. Jewish and heathen historians fully describe the dreadful miseries which they suffered when all their cities were laid waste, when Jerusalem itself was destroyed in the seventieth year of the Christian era, and the remnant of their race, after an almost uninterrupted possession of Judea by their forefathers for fifteen hundred years, were driven from their country and scattered throughout the world. A brief detail of the unparalleled miseries which they then endured may serve to connect their former history with their subsequent alike unparalleled fate, and to show that the prophecies respecting the destruction of Jerusalem are as circumstantial and precise, and were as minutely fulfilled, as those in which their more recent and present history may be read.
The Israelites were chosen to be a peculiar people. The worship of the only living and true God was maintained among them alone for many ages, while idolatry and polytheism (or the worship of many gods) otherwise universally prevailed. But the Father of the universe is no respecter of persons. A divine law was given to the descendants of Abraham, and blessings and curses were set before them, to cleave to their race in every age, according as they would observe and obey the commandments of the Lord, or refuse to hearken unto his voice, and to do all his commandments and statutes. Their history, and their continued preservation as a people, is thus an express record and manifestation of the doings of Providence. To read of their calamities is to see the judgments of God; and to compare them with the prophecies is to witness the truth of his word. There were intermingled seasons of prosperity and triumph, or of oppression and misery, as they enjoyed or forfeited their promised blessings, throughout the long period that they dwelt in the land of Canaan. But their punishments were to rise progressively with their sins; and so awfully sinful were the inhabitants of Jerusalem after the time of their merciful visitation had passed, and when the dark unbroken era of their miseries began, that Josephus, their great historian, and the greatest of their generals in their wars with the Romans, has recorded his opinion that, had they delayed their coming, the city would have been swallowed up by an earthquake or overflowed by water, or, as it was worse than Sodom, would have been destroyed by fire from heaven.[522] The vial of wrath was not poured out till the measure of their iniquities was full.
[522] Josephus History of the Wars of the Jews. book 5, chap. 13, § 6.
Instruments are never wanting for the execution of the purposes of God; nor, when needful for the confirmation of his word, is there any want of full testimony that his declared purposes have been fulfilled. There is nothing similar in history to the siege and destruction of Jerusalem, and to the miseries which its inhabitants inflicted and brought upon themselves by their savage barbarity and unyielding obstinacy; nor was there ever any other city or country of whose destruction, devastation, and misery, there is so clear and authenticated a detail. Josephus, himself a Jew and an eye-witness of the facts he relates, gives a circumstantial account of the whole war, which furnishes complete evidence, not only of the truth of what Moses and the prophets had foretold, but also of all that in clearer vision, and to the perturbation and astonishment of his disciples, Christ had explicitly revealed concerning its then approaching fate. Heathen writers also record many of the facts.
The prophecies from the Old Testament and from the New relative to the siege and destruction of Jerusalem are so numerous, that the insertion of them at length would occupy a greater space than can here be devoted to the consideration of the subject. The reader may peruse them as they are to be found in the written word: Leviticus 26:14, etc.; Deuteronomy 28:15, etc.; Isaiah 29, etc.; Ezekiel 6:7; Jeremiah 26:18; Micah 3:12; Matthew 21:33, etc.; Matthew 22:1-7; Matthew 24; Mark 13; Luke 20:9-19. They require no other exposition of their meaning. Exclusive of literal predictions, frequent allusions are interspersed throughout the Gospels respecting the abolition of the Mosaic dispensation, and the utter subversion of the Jewish state.
A nation of fierce countenance, of an unknown tongue, and swift as the eagle flieth, were to come from a distant land against the Jews--to despoil them of all their goods--to besiege them in all their gates--to bring down their high and fenced walls. They were to be left few in number--to be slain before their enemies; the pride of their power was to be broken; their cities to be laid waste, and themselves to be destroyed--to be brought to nought--to be plucked from off their own land--to be sold into slavery, and to be so despised that none would buy them. Their high places were to be rendered desolate--their bones to be scattered about their altars; Jerusalem was to be encompassed round about--to be besieged with a mount--to have forts raised against it--to be ploughed over like a field--to become heaps, and to come to an end. The sword, the famine, and the pestilence, were to destroy them.
The Jews lived fearless of judgments like these, when they dwelt in peace, and would not listen to the voice of Jesus. They would have no king but Caesar; and they trusted in the power of the Roman empire as the security of their state. But He whom they rejected showed how God had rejected them, how they were filling up the measure of their fathers, and how all these judgments that had been denounced of old, and others of which their fathers had not heard, were to be felt by many, and to be all witnessed by some who were living then. And the Man of sorrows, whose face was set as a flint against his own unequaled sufferings, and who shed not a tear on his own account, was moved to pity, and his heart was melted into tenderness, on contemplating the great crimes and the coming calamities of the wicked, impenitent, and devoted city: “when he beheld Jerusalem, he wept over it.”
The expiration of thirty-six years from the death of Christ to the destruction of Jerusalem; the death, previous to that event, of at least two of the evangelists who record the prophecies concerning it; the manner in which the predictions and allusions respecting the fate of Jerusalem are interwoven throughout the gospel; the warning given to the disciples of Christ to escape from the impending calamities, and the annunciation of the signs whereby they would know of their approach; the dread that was cherished by some of the earliest converts to the Christian faith that the day of judgment was then at hand, and which had arisen from the prophecies concerning the destruction of Jerusalem being closely connected with those relative to the second coming of Christ and the end of the world (all of which things his disciples had asked him to reveal); the unanimous assent of antiquity to the prior publication of the gospel; and the continued truth of the prophecy still manifested in Jerusalem being yet trodden down of the Gentiles--afford as full a proof as could now be thought of that the predictions were delivered previous to the event.
No coincidence can be closer in relation to the facts than that which subsists between the predictions of Jesus and the narrative of the Jewish historian. Yet, as the reader will doubtless perceive, this coincidence is not more clear than that which subsists between the testimony of modern unbelievers and those prophecies which refer to the past and present desolation of Judea: wars, rumors of wars, and commotions; nations rising against nation, and kingdom against kingdom; famines, pestilences, and earthquakes in divers places; though the greatest of human evils that mortals fear were to be but the “beginning of sorrows”--the heralds of heavier woes. Many false Christs were to appear, and to deceive many. The disciples of Jesus were to be persecuted, afflicted, imprisoned, hated of all nations, and brought before rulers and kings for his name's sake, and many of them were to be put to death. Iniquity was to abound, and the love of many was to wax cold; but the gospel of the kingdom was to be preached in all the world. The abomination of desolation was to be seen standing in the place where it ought not. Jerusalem was to be compassed about with armies, a trench was to be cast about it, and they were to be hemmed in on every side. And there were to be fearful sights and great signs from heaven. These were to be the signs that the end of Jerusalem was at hand. And there was to be great distress upon the land, and wrath upon the people; the tribulation was to be such as had never been; and would never be. The Jews were to fall by the edge of the sword; a remnant was to be led captive into all nations; of the temple, and of Jerusalem itself, one stone was not to be left upon another; and it was to be trodden down of the Gentiles till the time of the Gentiles should be fulfilled.
OMENS OF PENDING WAR
The omens which preceded the war, as related by Josephus, are these:
COMET OVER JERUSALEM
A comet, which bore the resemblance of a sword, hung over the city of Jerusalem for the space of a whole year.
A short time before the revolt of the Jews, a most remarkable and extraordinary light was seen about the altar of the temple. It happened at the ninth hour of the night preceding the celebration of the feast of the passover; and continued about half an hour, giving a light equal to that of day. Ignorant persons considered this unusual and wonderful appearance as a happy omen; but those of superior judgment averred that it was a prediction of approaching war; and their opinion was fully confirmed by the event.
GATES OPEN OF THEMSELVES
The eastern gate of the interior part of the temple was composed of solid brass, and was of such an immense weight that it was the labor of twenty men to make it fast every night. It was secured with iron bolts and bars, which were let down into a large threshold consisting of an entire stone. About the fifth hour of the night this gate opened without any human assistance; immediate notice of which being given to the officer on duty, he lost no time in endeavoring to restore it to its former situation; but it was with the utmost difficulty that he accomplished it. There were likewise some ignorant people who deemed this to be a second good omen, insinuating that Providence had thereby set open a gate of blessings to the people; but persons of superior discernment were of a contrary opinion, and concluded that the opening of the gate predicted the success of the enemy, and destruction of the city.
CHARIOTS SEEN IN SKY
A short time after the celebration of the feast of the passover, before the setting of the sun, the appearance of chariots and armed men were seen in the air, in various parts of the country, passing round the city among the clouds.
While the priests were going to perform the duties of their function, according to custom, in the inner temple, on the feast of Pentecost, they at first heard an indistinct murmuring, which was succeeded by a voice, repeating, in the most plain and earnest manner, these words: “Let us be gone, let us depart hence.”
A SON OF ANANIAS
But the most extraordinary circumstance of the whole was this. Some time before the commencement of the war, and while the city appeared to be in the most perfect peace, and abounded in plenty, there came to the feast of tabernacles a simple countryman, a son of one Ananias, who, without any previous intimation, exclaimed as follows: “A voice from the east; a voice from the west; a voice from the four quarters of the world; a voice to Jerusalem, and a voice to the temple; a voice to men and women newly married; and a voice to the nation at large.” In this manner did he continue his exclamations, in various places through all the streets of the city; at which some persons of eminence in the city were so offended, that they ordered him to be apprehended, and severely whipped. This was accordingly done, but he bore his sufferings not only without complaint, but without saying a word in his own defence; and no sooner was his punishment ended, than he proceeded in his exclamations as before. By this time the magistrates were suspicious (and indeed not without reason) that what he had said proceeded from the divine impulse of a superior power, that influenced his words. In consequence of this, they sent him to the governor of Judea, who directed that he should be whipped with the greatest severity. This order was so strictly obeyed, that his very bones were seen; notwithstanding which, he neither wept nor supplicated, but, in a voice of mourning, between each stroke, exclaimed, “Woe, woe to Jerusalem!” From this very extraordinary behavior, the governor was induced to interrogate him with respect to his character, and the places of his birth and residence, and what could prompt him to act as he had done. He would not, however, make any answer to either of these questions; upon which the governor found himself under the necessity of dismissing him, as a man out of his senses. From this period to the commencement of the war, he was never known either to visit or speak to any of the citizens, nor was he heard to say any other words than the melancholy sentence, “Woe, woe to Jerusalem.” Those who daily punished him, received no ill language from him; nor did those who fed him receive his thanks; but what he generally said to every one was, an ominous prediction. It was remarked that on public festivals he was more vociferous than at other times; and in the manner before mentioned he continued for the space of more than three years; nor did his voice or strength appear to fail him till his predictions were verified by the siege of Jerusalem. As soon as this event took place, he went for the last time on the wall of the city, and exclaimed with a more powerful voice than usual, “Woe, woe to this city, this temple, and this people and concluded his lamentation by saying, “Woe, woe be to myself.” He had no sooner spoken these words than, in the midst of these predictions, he was destroyed by a stone thrown from an engine.
CIRCUMSTANCES CAUSING WAR
Having thus mentioned the very singular omens which preceded the destruction of Jerusalem, as related by Josephus, we shall now proceed to give an account of the circumstances which occasioned the war, together with its progress, which at length brought on the final ruin and destruction of the Jewish state.
CORRUPTION OF ALBINUS
The commencement of the war was occasioned, partly by the infamous behavior of Albinus, the Roman governor of Judea, and partly by the refractoriness of many of the principal people of Jerusalem. Albinus was a man totally abandoned to every degree of vice. Avarice, corruption, extortion, oppression, public and private, were equally familiar to him. He accepted bribes to civil and personal causes, and oppressed the nation by the weight of arbitrary taxes. If any offender, however atrocious, convicted of robbery or assault by himself, or any other magistrate, was under sentence of the law, a friend and a bribe would insure his liberty; and this governor never found any man guilty who had money to procure his innocence.
At this time there was a strong faction in Jerusalem, who, wishing for a change of government, the most opulent of them privately compounded with Albinus, in case any disturbance should happen. There was likewise a set of men who would not be easy while the state was at peace; and Albinus engaged these in his interest. The leaders of these mutineers were each attended by daring fellows of their own turn of mind; but the governor was the most abandoned villain of the whole, and had guards always ready to execute his orders. The event proved that the injured did not dare to complain; those who were in any danger of losing part of their property were glad to compound to save the rest, and the receiver proved the worst of thieves. In short, there appeared to be no sense of honor remaining; and a new slavery seemed to be predicted from the number of tyrants then in power, through the land of Judea.
THE WICKEDNESS OF FLORUS
Such was the character, and such were the manners, of Albinus, who, in a short time, was, by order of the emperor Nero, removed from his office, and Gessius Florus placed in his stead. This, however, was far from being an advantageous change for the Jews, Florus being so much more abandoned in his principles than the former as not to admit even of the least comparison. Albinus was treacherous, but observed a secrecy in his crimes that had the appearance of modesty; but Florus was so consummate in his wickedness, that he boasted of his iniquitous behavior, and declared himself the general enemy of the nation. His conduct in the province he governed was more like that of an executioner than a governor; for he treated all the people like criminals, and extended his rapine and tyranny beyond all bounds. He was equally devoid of compassion, and dead to all sense of honor; cruel to the unfortunate, and utterly abandoned in cases so enormous that impudence itself would blush at the recollection of them. He exceeded all the men of his time in making lies and impositions pass for truth; and was equally artful in discovering new modes of doing mischief. He gave such encouragement to the sons of rapine and plunder, that he might as well have proclaimed that every man was at liberty to seize whatever he could lay his hands on, provided that he himself obtained a share of the plunder. His avarice was carried to such an extravagant pitch, that the inhabitants of the province were reduced to degrees of poverty little short of starving; and many of them left the country in absolute want of the necessaries of life.
JEWISH INSURRECTION
The daily oppressions of Florus on the people throughout the province of Judea irritated them to the most violent degree, and being fearful lest they should lay a complaint against him before the emperor, Florus, to avoid the consequences of such a proceeding, resolved to continue his oppressions till they should enter into open rebellion, whereby his villainous proceedings would be greatly lessened in the eyes of his master. This had the desired effect, for the factious party in Jerusalem, who for some time had been inclined to revolt, encouraging the greater part of the people of that city to oppose the measures of Floras, an insurrection took place, and a resolution was formed to oppose the Romans with all their might.
AGRIPPA'S WARNING
It happened at this time that King Agrippa was at Jerusalem, and being fearful of the dreadful consequences that were likely to ensue, he summoned the people together, and strongly exhorted them to desist from any violent proceedings, telling them that if they did, it must inevitably prove their destruction. He advised them to a patient submission to Florus, till another governor should be appointed by the emperor, who, in all probability, would remove the grievances under which they then labored. But this, instead of subsiding, only inflamed the passions of the multitude, who not only made use of the most opprobrious language, but likewise maltreated the king. In consequence of this, Agrippa left Jerusalem; previous to which he dispatched messengers to Florus, who was then at Caesarea, informing him of the manner in which he had been treated, and requesting that he would immediately send a proper force to repel the insurgents.
JEWISH WAR AGAINST ROMANS
No sooner had Agrippa left Jerusalem than the factious Jews began to carry their design into execution. To this purpose great numbers of them got privately into the Roman garrison called Masada, where they surprised the soldiers; every one of whom they put to death, and, in their stead, substituted a guard of their own people. About this juncture there happened likewise another commotion in the temple of Jerusalem. A void and factious young man, named Eleazar (son of the then high-priest), who was at that time a military officer, persuaded a number of his friends among the priests not to accept of any offering or sacrifice but from the Jews. This circumstance laid the foundation of a war with the Romans; for, in consequence of the request of Eleazar, when the sacrifices of Nero were presented, according to custom, to be offered up for the success of the people of Rome, they were rejected. So new and extraordinary a proceeding gave great offence to the high-priest and persons of distinction, who protested against it, and earnestly recommended the continuance of so reasonable a custom as that of offering prayers for princes and governors. But the insurgents, relying on the strength of their numbers, were obstinate for obedience to their orders; every one who wished for innovation was on their side, and they considered Eleazar, who was a man of courage, and in office, as the head of their party.
HIGH PRIEST TRIES TO STOP INSURGENCE
In consequence of the great obstinacy of the insurgents, the high-priest, and most eminent of the Pharisees, assembled together in order to deliberate on the most proper mode of proceeding at so critical a juncture, being apprehensive that if the tumult was not, by some means or other, suppressed, it must be attended with the most fatal consequences. Having consulted for some time, they at length resolved to try what could be done to appease the passions of the multitude; and for this purpose they assembled the people before the brazen gate, on the inside of the temple toward the east. Here they represented to them the rashness of the enterprise in which they had engaged, and which would certainly involve their country in a ruinous war. They then adverted to the unreasonable ground of the dispute, and the evident injustice on which it was founded; they told them that their ancestors were so far from refusing or forbidding the oblations of strangers (which they would have deemed a kind of impiety) that they considered them, in some degree, as a part of their own worship. They likewise mentioned the presents which had, from time to time, been made by strangers to the temple, which were still preserved as ornaments in that sacred place, and in remembrance of those who gave them. They further told them, that the provoking a war with the Romans would be at least disgraceful, if not ruinous, to Jerusalem; that new modes of religion would certainly be adopted, as nothing less could be expected by the interdiction of every sort of people except Jews, from offering oblations and prayers to God in his holy temple. It was urged that this was such an inhuman injunction as could not be excused in the case of a private person; but that it was utterly unpardonable to extend it to the whole people of Rome, and eventually even excommunicating the emperor himself. It was asked what would be the consequence if such contempt should be returned, and those who had refused others the liberty of offering their prayers and oblations, should themselves be denied the privilege of public worship? They concluded with telling them, that if they persisted in their obstinacy, the city would be left void of discipline and every ill consequence would certainly happen, unless they repented of all the uncharitable things they had done, and made satisfaction, before the emperor should be informed of their violent proceedings.
But all these circumstances were of none effect; the insurgents, who wished for war rather than peace, were determined to prosecute their design with the utmost vigor; and in this they were further encouraged from the conduct of the Levites, who quitted the altar, and joined themselves to their party.
HIGH PRIEST ADVISE LEADERS OF REBELLION
The high-priest and people of rank, finding the populace despised all obedience to law, and that themselves would probably be the first that would be censured by the Romans, consulted together what means were the most eligible to take in order to save themselves and country from destruction. After deliberating for some time on this head, they at length resolved to send deputies to Florus and Agrippa, representing the conduct of the people in its true light, and requesting them to send forces to Jerusalem, in order to put a speedy end to the rebellion.
FLORUS SENDS TROOPS
The news of the insurrection at Jerusalem was highly agreeable to Florus, whose disposition led him to inflame rather than to endeavor to suppress the war. This was, evidently evinced by his delay in giving an answer to the deputies, knowing thereby that it would afford the rebels an opportunity of augmenting their forces. On the contrary, Agrippa consulted only the general welfare, being desirous of doing all in its power to save both parties; and by this means to secure Jerusalem in the possession of the Jews, and bind the Jews in subjection to the Romans. To effect this he dispatched two thousand auxiliary horse to Jerusalem, under the command of Darius, a very able and experienced general. On their arrival at the city they were joined by the rulers and high-priest, together with the rest of the people who wished for peace. The insurgents had already possessed themselves of the temple and lower city; and therefore the royal troops immediately seized on the upper city, being resolved, if possible, to reduce the rebels to subjection. It was not long before a skirmish took place, and the combatants on both sides made use of their bows and arrows, with which they galled each other incessantly. The insurgents made their attacks in the most desperate manner; but the royal forces appeared to have a superior knowledge of the military art. The principal operation the latter had in view was to compel the sacrilegious faction to abandon the temple; while, on the contrary, Eleazar and his adherents labored with equal zeal to get the upper town into their possession. The contest continued without intermission for some days, in all which time, though there was a great slaughter on both sides, not the least advantage was obtained by either. At length, however, the insurgents, being resolved to engage in the most hazardous enterprise, assaulted the king's troops with such violence as to throw them into the greatest confusion and disorder; and this advantage they improved to such a degree, that, equally overcome by superior numbers and more determined resolution, the royal troops were obliged to abandon the upper town, of which the rebels immediately possessed themselves, and thereby became masters of the whole city.
Elated with this success, the insurgents immediately repaired to the house of the high-priest, which they first plundered, and then reduced to ashes. This being done, they resolved, in the next place, to set fire to the offices of record, and consume both them and all their contents. As soon as this was known, the persons who had the care of those places were so terrified, that they immediately abandoned their trust, each man seeking his own security by flight; on which both offices and records were reduced to ashes.
The next day after the insurgents had committed these outrages, they made an attack on the castle of Antonia, and, after only two days' resistance, made themselves masters of it, having done which, they burnt the castle, and put all the garrison to the sword. After this they proceeded to the palace, in which were the troops sent by Agrippa to suppress the insurrection: they immediately invested the place, and having divided themselves into four bodies, made an attempt to undermine the walls; while those within were under the necessity of remaining inactive, as their strength was insufficient for them to sally forth with any hopes of success. The assailants continued their operations with great resolution for several days, till at length the besieged, finding they must either fall by the sword, or be starved into compliance, deserted the place, and fled for security to the castles of Hippon, Phasael and Marianne. But no sooner had the soldiers quitted the place, than the rebels immediately broke in, and unmercifully put to death every person they met with; having done which, they plundered the palace of all its valuable furniture, and concluded the outrage by setting fire to the camp.
CESAREAN JEWS KILLED
While these things were transacting at Jerusalem, a most dreadful massacre took place in Caesarea, not less than twenty thousand Jews being, at the instigation of Florus, put to death by the Romans in one day. This horrid slaughter so irritated the Jews, that they became universally outrageous, and, dividing themselves into distinct bodies, dispersed into different parts, with a full resolution of seeking revenge on their enemies. They first laid waste a great number of villages in Syria, and then destroyed several principal cities, among which were Philadelphia, Gibonitis, Garasea, Pella, and Scythopolis. They then proceeded to Sebaste and Askelon, both of which places surrendered without opposition. Having effectually reduced these two fortresses, they next proceeded to Gaza, which they totally destroyed; and, continuing their ravages, laid waste a great number of villages on the frontiers of Syria, putting to death all the inhabitants wherever they went.
SYRIANS KILL JEWS IN ALEXANDRIA
On the other hand the Syrians wreaked their vengeance on all the Jews they could find, not only in country places, but in many principal cities throughout Syria, all of whom they put to the sword. In short the whole country was in the most deplorable situation, there being, as it were, two armies in every city; nor was any safety to be expected for the one but in the destruction of the other. In the city of Alexandria no less than fifty thousand Jews were put to death by the Romans; and the only places in which the Jews escaped the general carnage were Sidon, Apamia, and Antioch.
SYRIANS KILLED JEWS OF ANTIOCH
Cestius, the governor of Syria, who at this time resided at Antioch, observing the contempt in which the Jews were held throughout the whole province, resolved to take advantage of this circumstance, and prosecute the war against them with the utmost vigor. For this purpose he raised a considerable army, consisting of the whole twelfth legion which he commanded at Antioch; two thousand select men from the other legions, and four divisions of horse, exclusive of the royal auxiliaries, which consisted of two thousand horse and three thousand foot, all armed with bows and arrows.
SYRIANS DESTROY ZABULON
With this formidable army Cestius left Antioch, and proceeded toward Ptolemais, in his way to which he was joined by a great number of people from different parts of the country. The first material place he came to was Zabulon, otherwise called Andron, the most defensible city of Galilee, and by which Judea was divided from Ptolemais. On his arrival at this place he found that it was amply stored with all kinds of provisions, but not a single person was to be seen in the town, the inhabitants having, on his approach, fled to the mountains for security. In consequence of this Cestius gave his soldiers permission to plunder the city; which being done, he ordered it to be burnt and leveled with the ground. He then proceeded to several other places in the neighborhood of Zabulon, all of which he served in like manner, and then repaired to Ptolemais. On this occasion the Syrians were so anxious for obtaining of plunder, that they could not be prevailed on to retire in time; but many of them remained behind, and, on the retreat of Cestius with the greater part of his forces, the Jews, taking courage, fell on the plunderers, and nearly two thousand of them were put to the sword.
ROMANS KILL ALL AT JOPPA AND CAESAREA
After staying a short time at Ptolemais, Cestius proceeded to Caesarea, whence he dispatched a division of his army to Joppa, with orders that, if they could get an easy possession of the place, they should take it; but if they found that the inhabitants made preparations to defend it, they should, in that case, wait till the arrival of the rest of the army. The Romans, however, no sooner arrived at the place than they immediately laid siege to it, and, with very little difficulty, even made themselves masters of it. The inhabitants were so far from being able to resist the attack, that they had not even an opportunity of making their escape; so that the whole, both men, women, and children, were put to the sword, the number amounting to not less than eight thousand. The Romans then plundered the city, and, having reduced it to ashes, they returned to their general at Caesarea. In the meantime a body of Roman horse made similar destruction in the neighborhood of Caesarea, where they ravaged the country, killed great numbers of the inhabitants, took possession of their effects, and then burnt their towns to the ground.
JEWS KILLED IN ANTIPATRIS
From Caesarea Cestius departed with his army to Antipatris, on his arrival at which place he was informed that a great number of Jews had got into the tower of Aphec whither he sent a number of his troops to rout them. The Jews, finding themselves totally unable to sustain the shock abandoned the place to the Romans, who first stripped it of everything that was valuable, and then set fire to it; having done; which they departed, but not without destroying several villages in its neighborhood, and putting such of the inhabitants as could not effect their escape to the sword.
JEWS OF LYDDA KILLED
Cestius proceeded with his army from Antipatris to Lydda, in which city he found no more than fifty men, all the rest being gone to Jerusalem, in order to be present at the celebration of the feast of tabernacles. The remaining fifty Cestius ordered to be put to death, which being done, he set fire to the town, and then proceeded by the way of Bethhoron, to a place named Gabaoh, about fifty furlongs from Jerusalem, where he encamped his army.
JEWS ATTACK ROMANS AT JERUSALEM
The Jews, convinced of the great danger they were in, from the appearance of formidable an army, laid aside their former scruples with regard to their sacred day and applied themselves strictly to their arms. Imagining that their force was now sufficient to cope with the Romans, they made a desperate sally on the sabbath-day regardless of their ancient prejudices, and, with a furious uproar, attacked the enemy. On the first charge they put the front of the Romans into great disorder, and penetrated so far into the main body of the army, that had it not been for a detachment of foot which remained entirely unbroken, and a party of horse that unexpectedly came to their relief, Cestius and his whole army would have been certainly cut to pieces. In this encounter four hundred of the Roman cavalry were slain, and one hundred and fifteen of the infantry; while of the Jews there fell a very small number. The main body of the Jews, retreating in good order, went back into the city; and in the meantime, the Romans retired toward Bethhoron. A strong party of the Jews however, under the command of one Gioras, pursued the enemy, several of whom they killed: they likewise seized a number of carriages, and a quantity of baggage which they found in the pursuit, all of which they conveyed safe to Jerusalem.
Cestius and his army remained in the field three days after this action, during which time a party of the Jews was stationed on the adjacent hills to watch his movements. On the fourth day Cestius advanced with his whole army, in a regular manner, to the borders of Jerusalem, where many of the people were so terrified by the faction, that they were afraid to take any step of consequence: while some of the principal promoters of the sedition were so alarmed at the conduct and discipline of the Romans on their march, that they retired from the extremities of the city, and took refuge in the temple. Cestius in his way to Jerusalem burnt Cenopolis, and a place which was denominated the wood-market. Thence he advanced to the upper town of the city, and pitched his camp at a small distance from the palace.
While Cestius was thus situated with his army, Ananus, and several other men among the Jews, called aloud to the Roman general, offering to open the gates to him; but either through diffidence or fear of their fidelity, he was so long in considering whether or not he should accept the offer, that he was at length restrained from it by the people, who were so irritated at Ananus and his companions, that, they compelled them to retreat from the walls of the city, and retire to their own houses for protection.
ROMAN ARMY REPULSED AT JERUSALEM
After this the Jews, with a view of defending the walls of the city, repaired to the different turrets, and for five successive days defended them against all the efforts of the Romans, though they pushed the attack with the utmost impetuosity. On the sixth day Cestius made an assault on the north side of the temple, with a select force chosen from his troops and bowmen; but the Jews discharged such a violent quantity of shot and stones from the porch and galleries, that the Romans were not only repeatedly compelled to retire from the severity of the charge, but, for a time, obliged to abandon the enterprise.
JERUSALEM OPENS FOR CESTIUS
Being thus repulsed, the Romans, after some time, had recourse to the following singular invention. Those in front placing their bucklers against the wall of the city, and covering their heads and shoulders with them, those who stood next closed their bucklers to the former, till the whole body was covered, and made the appearance of a tortoise. The bucklers being thus conjoined were proof against all the darts and arrows of the enemy; so that the Romans had the opportunity of undermining the walls without being exposed to danger. The first thing they did was to attempt setting fire to the gates of the temple, which circumstance so terrified the faction, that they considered themselves as ruined, and many absolutely abandoned the town; nor were the quiet party less elevated with joy than the rebels were depressed by despair.
Roman Armies approaching Jerusalem

While things were in this situation the people demanded that the gates might be opened to Cestius, whom they considered in the light of a friend and preserver. This was a most favorable opportunity for Cestius, and had he maintained the siege only a short time longer, the whole town must have submitted. But, not considering the good disposition of the people in general, or reflecting on the despair into which the rebels were thrown, as if he had been infatuated, he suddenly drew off his men, and, contrary to all sense and reason, abandoned the siege, at a time when his prospects were better than they had been at any former period. The revolters were so much encouraged at this unexpected circumstance, that they attacked the rear of Cestius's army, and destroyed great numbers both of his cavalry and infantry. On the first night after Cestius retreated from the siege, he took up his residence a camp which he had fortified at a place named Scopus; and on the following day he continued his march, but was closely pursued by the Jews, who annoyed him as he went, and destroyed a considerable number of his troops. On the whole this was a very disastrous attack to the Romans, and attended with very little loss on the part of the Jews.
CESTIUS RETREATS
Cestius having retreated as far as Gabaoh, there encamped with his army, and, during two days, employed his thoughts in what manner be should direct his future conduct. On the third day he found that the Jews were so greatly increased in numbers, that the whole face of the country was covered with them; and that should he continue any longer at Gabaoh, it must be attended with the most fatal consequences. He therefore issued orders that the army should be eased of all their encumbrances, that they might march with the greater expedition; he likewise directed that all the mules, asses, and other beasts of burden, should be killed, except only as many as were necessary to carry such weapons and machines as might afterward be wanted for their own defence.
In this situation the Roman army proceeded toward Bethhoron, Cestius marching at their head. While they continued in the open country they did not receive any interruption from the Jews; but as they advanced into hollow ways and defiles, the enemy, who closely pursued, charged them in front and rear, and discharging repeated volleys of arrows and darts, prodigious numbers of them were killed. The Romans, however, with great difficulty, got at length to Bethhoron, under cover of the night; upon which all the passes near that place were secured by the Jews, in order to prevent the retreat of their adversaries.
JEWISH VICTORY OVER CESTIUS
Cestius, finding in what a disagreeable manner he was surrounded, and that it would be impossible to retreat within sight of the enemy, devised a scheme to favor his escape. Having stationed four hundred of his troops on the tops of the houses, he ordered that they should act the part of sentinels, calling as loud as they were able to the watches and guards, as if the army was still in its encampment. While this plan was going forward Cestius collected his troops, with which he left Bethhoron, and continued to march with them during the whole course of the night. In the morning, when the Jews found that the place had been deserted by the main body of the army during the night, they were so enraged, that they immediately attacked the four hundred Romans who had acted as sentinels, slew every one of them, and then instantly marched in pursuit of Cestius; but his troops having obtained a whole night's march on them, and proceeded with the utmost rapidity on the following day, it was not possible to overtake them. Such were the hurry and confusion in which the Romans had fled, that they dropped by the way all their slings, machines, and other instruments for battery and attack; which being seized by the pursuers, they afterward turned them to their own advantage. The Jews pursued their enemies as far as Antipatris; but finding it in vain to continue the pursuit, they carefully preserved the engines, stripped the dead, collected all the booty they could, and then returned toward Jerusalem, singing songs of triumph for so important a victory. In this contest there fell, of the Romans and their auxiliaries, three hundred and eighty cavalry, and not less than four thousand of the infantry.
Elated with this distinguished success, the Jews, on their return to Jerusalem, appointed one Joseph, the son of Gorion, a man of great eminence, together with the high-priest, as governors of the city. They likewise sent commanders into the different provinces of Judea and Galilee, in order to secure those places against the power of the Romans. Among others Joseph, or Josephus, the celebrated, Jewish historian, was sent to take upon him the government of Galilee, the principal towns to which he immediately ordered to be fortified, and every necessary preparation made for attacking the enemy, should they attempt to invade that province.
NERO APPOINTS VESPASIAN
In the meantime the emperor Nero, having received intelligence of the defeat of Cestius in Judea, was thrown into the utmost consternation; but he dissembled his fears, by ostentatiously asserting that it was owing to the misconduct of his general, and not to their own valor, that the Jews were indebted for victory; for he imagined that it would be derogatory to the sovereign state of the Roman empire, and to his superiority over other princes, to discover a concern at the common occurrences of life. During this contention between his fear and his pride, he industriously sought for a man qualified to assume the important task of chastising the revolted Jews, preserving the east in tranquillity, and the allegiance of several other nations who had manifested a disposition to free themselves from the power of the Romans. On mature deliberation, Nero at length judged Vespasian to be the only man possessed of abilities adequate to the important enterprise. Vespasian was then arrived to an advanced age, and from his early years had been engaged in a continued succession of military exploits. From these considerations, together with his approved courage and fidelity, and his having sons for hostages of his loyalty, the emperor determined to appoint him to the command of his army in Syria.
In consequence of this resolution Vespasian, having received his commission from Nero, which he accompanied with the strongest professions of friendship and fidelity, commanded his son Titus to lead the fifth and tenth legions into Alexandria, while himself departed from Achaia, and, crossing the Hellespont, proceeded by land into Syria, where he assembled all the Roman forces, and the auxiliaries which the princes of the adjoining places had gathered together.
JEWS ATTACK ASKELON
In the meantime the Jews, being transported to the most excessive degree of extravagance by the conquest they had gained over the Roman army under the command of Cestius, determined to prosecute the war with the utmost vigor. Accordingly they formed their best troops into a body, and marched against the ancient city of Askelon, with a resolution of attempting the reduction of that place, against the inhabitants of which they had the most implacable enmity. The Jewish army was under the command of Niger of Perea, Silas, a Babylonian, and John, an Essene, who were men equally celebrated for valor, and skill in the management of war.
THE JEWS ARE DEFEATED
Askelon was surrounded by a wall of surprising strength; but the whole garrison consisted only of a troop of cavalry and a company of foot, under the command of an officer named Anthony. The Jews being impatient to encounter the Romans, marched with the utmost expedition, intending to attack them by surprise; but Anthony, getting intelligence of their design, stationed his cavalry without the town, in order to repulse the enemy. The Roman forces were composed of veteran troops, completely armed, well disciplined, and perfectly obedient to order. The Jews had the superiority in point of numbers; but they were indifferently equipped for, and by no means expert in, the art of war, and the army consisted entirely of infantry. Anthony's troops received the first charge with great resolution: his horse broke the first ranks of the adverse army, which were immediately put to the rout: great numbers were crushed to death by their own people, and wherever they fled they were pursued by the Romans. The Jews exerted their utmost endeavors to rally their forces; but this was prevented by the Romans, who pursued the advantage they had gained till ten thousand of the enemy were slain, among whom were the two generals, John and Silas. Niger, the surviving general, with the rest of the Jews, most of whom were wounded, escaped to a town in Idumea, named Sabis.
A RUINOUS SECOND ATTACK
The resolution of the Jews, however, was not abated by the terrible defeat they had sustained; but, founding their hopes of success on the recollection of former victories, they were animated to a more violent desire of revenge. They therefore collected together a much more numerous army than before, and determined to make a second attempt against Askelon, notwithstanding their want of military skill and discipline, the fatal effects of which they had already experienced. But all their hopes were soon vanished; for being surprised by an ambush which Anthony had stationed in the way they were to pass, they were entirely routed, without being able to form themselves into the order of battle. Eight thousand Jews were slain on the spot; and the rest, with Niger, their general, put to flight. Being closely pursued by the Romans, Niger sought refuge in a castle belonging to the village of Bezedel. This castle was supposed to be impregnable: and therefore, as the only effectual means of destroying both Niger and the castle, the Romans set fire to it, after which they departed, triumphing in the idea that the leader of the Jews must inevitably perish in the flames. Niger, being sensible that this must be the case, if he continued in his station, threw himself from the top of the castle into a vault of considerable depth, where, after three days, he was found alive by his friends, who were searching for his remains, in order to give them interment. This unexpected event transported the Jews from a state of despondency into the contrary extreme of joy; and the preservation of their general, whom they considered as an instrument essentially necessary in the prosecution of the war, they attributed to divine interposition.
GALILEE CITY WELCOMES ROMAN RULE
During these transactions, Vespasian arrived with his army at Antioch, where King Agrippa, attended by his troops, was waiting to receive him. Hence he proceeded to Ptolemais, where the inhabitants of Sepphoris, a city in Galilee, had assembled on occasion of his expected arrival. These were a well-disposed people and being conscious of the great power of the Romans, as well as desirous of provision for their own safety, they acknowledged Cestius Gallus as their governor, previous to the arrival of Vespasian, binding themselves to act in perfect obedience to his commands, even against their own countrymen, and at the same time declaring their allegiance to the state of Rome. They received a garrison from Cestius Gallus, and solicited Vespasian to grant them a number of cavalry and infantry sufficient for their defence, in case they should be attacked by the Jews. Vespasian readily complied with this request; for Sepphoris being the most extensive and strongest city in Galilee, he judged it expedient to keep so important a place in a proper state of defence.
GALILEE RAVAGED
The number of troops granted by Vespasian to the people of Sepphoris were a thousand cavalry and six thousand infantry; the whole of which were placed under the command of Placidus, the tribune. After these troops had been drawn up on the great plain, the foot, for the security of the city, were quartered within the walls, and the horse were ordered into the camp. The Roman troops made daily excursions into the neighborhood, where they committed many acts of violence, and greatly incommoded[523] Joseph (the governor of Galilee) and his friends. Not satisfied ravaging the country, they made booty of whatever they could obtain from the towns, and treated the inhabitants with so much severity that they were under the necessity of remaining within the walls.
[523] Inconvenienced
Matters being thus circumstanced, Joseph exerted his utmost efforts to make himself master of Sepphoris; but he found it so strongly fortified, that it appeared to be impregnable, and despairing of success, either by stratagem or force, he abandoned all further thoughts of the enterprise. This so irritated the Romans, that they subjected the people to the most terrible calamities of fire and sword, putting those who attempted resistance to instant death, reducing the rest to slavery, and making booty of all the property they could find.
TITUS JOINS VESPASIAN
In the meantime, Titus repaired to his father Vespasian, at Ptolemais, taking with him the fifth, tenth, and fifteenth legions, which were reckoned to be the best disciplined and most courageous of the Roman troops. These were followed by a troop of horse from Caesarea, with a great number of auxiliaries, both horse and foot, from other places. The whole army amounted to sixty thousand, exclusive of the train of baggage, and a great number of domestics, most of whom, having been trained to the practice of war, were but little inferior to the soldiers in courage and dexterity.
PLACIDUS OVERRUNS JUDEA
During the time Vespasian was with his son Titus at Ptolemais, he ordered every necessary measure to be pursued for the proper regulation and supply of his army. In the meantime, Placidus made an excursion into, and overran, the whole province of Judea, where he took a great number of prisoners, most of whom he put to death. These were people destitute of courage, but such as possessed a greater share of intrepidity made a courageous resistance, and secured themselves in the cities, and other places of strength, which had been fortified by Joseph. Placidus determined to direct his arms against those places where the Galileans had fled for sanctuary; and Jotapata being the strongest hold they possessed, he resolved that his first exploit should be to attempt the reduction of that place. The inhabitants of Jotapata, however, gaining intelligence of the design of Placidus, and that he was marching with all expedition against the place, sallied from the town, in order to give him battle. They attacked the Romans by surprise, and as the fate of their wives, children, and country, depended on the issue of the contest, they fought with the most astonishing bravery, and with such success, that they effectually repulsed the enemy; after which, Placidus drew off his army.
VESPASIAN APPROACH FRIGHTENS JEWISH SOLDIERS
Vespasian, having resolved to make an excursion into Galilee, issued marching orders to his troops, according to the military discipline of the Romans, and departing from Ptolemais, encamped his army on the frontiers of Galilee. He might, indeed, have advanced farther, but his stopping there was designed to strike a terror into the enemy by the formidable appearance of his army. In this conjecture he was not deceived, for the news of his approach threw the Jews into the greatest consternation; and Joseph's followers, who were encamped at some distance from Sepphoris, deserted their leader, even before the enemy came in sight. Being thus abandoned, and finding that the spirits of the Jews were entirely depressed, that the majority of his people had already joined the enemy, and that the rest seemed inclined to follow their example, he retreated to Tiberias, accompanied by a few of his people whom he could trust, and who still maintained their fidelity.
GADARA AREA DESTROYED
The first place Vespasian laid siege to after his arrival in Galilee, was the city of Gadara, which, not having a sufficient number of inhabitants to defend it, he subdued, with very little difficulty, on the first assault. The natural enmity of the Romans against the Jews, together with a principle of revenge for their having defeated Cestius, induced them to put the inhabitants of the town promiscuously to the sword; and, not satisfied with setting fire to the conquered city, they burnt and utterly laid waste the neighboring small towns and villages, and subjected the inhabitants to slavery.
JOTAPATA BATTTLE
In the meantime, Joseph (the leader of the Jews in Galilee) left Tiberias, and retired to the strong city of Jotapata, which gave great encouragement to the Jews of that place. Joseph's retreat was soon made known to Vespasian by a deserter, who advised the besieging of Jotapata, observing that, if Joseph could be taken, the war must inevitably terminate to the disadvantage of the Jews. Pleased with this information, and hoping to get into his power the person whom he considered as the most formidable of his enemies, Vespasian dispatched Placidus and Aebutius (the latter of whom was one of the most celebrated men of the army for bravery and military skill) with a thousand cavalry, commanding them to environ the city with the greatest expedition, and, if possible, prevent the escape of Joseph.
The next morning Vespasian issued orders for his whole army to march, and, in the afternoon of the same day, encamped about seven furlongs to the north of the city. The Romans being greatly fatigued by their march, did not attempt anything till the next morning, when they began to assault the city, which was defended with great bravery. Vespasian ordered the bowmen and slingers to compel the Jews to desert the walls, while himself, with a body of infantry, began an assault from an eminence convenient for battering the place; but Joseph, at the head of the Jews, made so furious an attack on the enemy, that he compelled them to retreat.
The next day the besiegers renewed the assault, and in this action both parties displayed the most distinguished instances of valor. The Jews were encouraged by the undaunted firmness and resolution with which, contrary to the most sanguine expectations, they had sustained the first assault; and the shame of having been repulsed invigorated the spirits of the Romans. Notwithstanding the great danger and difficulty of the enterprise, the latter continued to pursue their attacks with the utmost vigor, while the Jews, regardless of their great numbers and strength, made frequent sallies against them with considerable advantage.
The city of Jotapata was situated on a rock, and utterly inaccessible, except on the north, where a part of it stood on the brow of a mountain. This quarter Joseph caused to be strongly fortified, thereby precluding the enemy from taking advantage of another mountain by which it was overlooked, and which, with the other mountains adjoining, so entirely enclosed the place, that it could only be seen at a very small distance.
After several days' fruitless attempts, Vespasian, finding the place so admirably situated for defence, and that he had to contend with an intrepid and determined enemy, assembled a council of his principal officers, in order to debate on the most proper means of obtaining a victory. The issue of this deliberation was, that a large terrace should be raised on that side of the city which appeared to be the least capable of resistance. Accordingly, the whole army was employed in the work, which they pursued with surprising rapidity, and the utmost efforts of the Jews to oppose them proved ineffectual.
In the meantime Joseph ordered the wall of the city to be raised in proportion to the advancement of the enemy's works. The Jews at first declined the undertaking urging the impossibility of pursuing their business, as they should be continually exposed to the enemy. To remove these fears, Joseph suggested the following invention, as a defence against fire, stones, and other weapons. He caused large stakes to be fixed in the ground, and raw hides of beasts to be stretched upon them, the yielding quality of which would prevent any material effect from the lances and stones, and at the same time their moisture would damp the fire of the enemy. The Jews, thinking themselves secure through Joseph's contrivance, continued indefatigably industrious in the work both night and day; and they soon erected a wall several cubits high, on which were formed towers and strong embattlements.
Vespasian now relinquished all hopes of subduing the place by storm; he therefore blocked it up, flattering himself with the expectation, that by cutting off all communication, the consequent necessities of the people would perform the business of the sword, or at least render them incapable of making any advantageous resistance. There was an abundant supply of corn and all other necessaries in the town, excepting water, which latter article they only received from the clouds, there being neither spring nor fountain within the walls of the city. The prospect of a scarcity of water induced Joseph, who was determined not to abandon himself to despair, to limit each man to a daily allowance, in consequence of which a universal discontent prevailed among the people, This circumstance could not be concealed from the Romans, who, from an adjacent hill, observed the people assembled to receive their respective portions, and were otherwise informed of the general discontent which had taken place on that occasion. Vespasian was in continual expectation of making himself master of the town; but Joseph, to convince him that he was not likely to succeed from their distress for want of water, hit upon the following stratagem: he caused great numbers of wet cloths to be hung upon the battlements, which were no sooner observed by the Romans, than they concluded a scarcity of water could not prevail in the town, as in that case they would hardly make use of such an article in so profuse a manner. In consequence of this, Vespasian no longer entertaining hopes that the enemy would surrender through want of the necessaries of life, had again recourse to arms. This proved a circumstance highly agreeable to the Jews, who, being reduced to the greatest distress, entertained the most terrible apprehensions of falling miserable sacrifices to famine, to which they infinitely preferred a glorious death in the field.
In the midst of this distress, Joseph recollected that on the west side of the city there was a hollow or gutter in a place so little frequented, that it was not likely to have been observed by the enemy. In consequence of this, he sent messengers to the Jews without the city, requesting them to cause water and other necessaries to be conveyed to him through this passage and, as a proper security to the messengers, he ordered them to be covered with hides of beasts, and to go on their hands and feet, that, in case of being observed by the watch, they might be mistaken for dogs and other animals.
This scheme had for some time the desired effect, and an intercourse was maintained between those without the city and those within, to the great satisfaction of the latter. But at length the Romans discovered the project, which they effectually destroyed by closely blocking up the passage, and thereby cutting off all communication whatever.
Joseph now perceived that it would be fruitless to attempt a longer defence of the city, and therefore he joined with several of the principal men in suggesting the means of escape. The people, suspecting on what subject they were met to deliberate, repaired in great multitudes to Joseph, earnestly supplicating, that as he was the only man from whom they could expect relief, he would not desert them in their then extremity; observing, that while he was secure they could not despair of success, and declaring that they could not die more honorably than while acting in obedience to his commands, They told him that if it should prove their misfortune to fall into the power of the Romans, he would acquire the immortal fame of having equally scorned to fly from the enemy, or desert the people under his protection: that by leaving them he would manifest a conduct similar to that of a man taking upon him the command of a ship in temperate weather, and abandoning it in a storm; they likewise added, that after losing the only man in whom they could place a confidence of success, they could no longer cherish the hope of relieving their country.
Joseph, who was unwilling to have it believed that his intention was engrossed on the means of providing for his own safety, told them, that if they were compelled to surrender, his remaining with them could not possibly operate in their favor; whereas, if he obtained his liberty, he might be able to draw an army out of Galilee sufficiently early to raise the siege; and that his continuing in the city would be productive of unfortunate instead of happy consequences, since the expectation of making him a prisoner would induce the Romans to continue a vigorous prosecution of the siege, which they might probably decline if he could effect an escape.
But these arguments, instead of reconciling the multitude, rendered them still more importunate, and with the most bitter lamentations they urgently supplicated that he would still continue his protection to them. Impressed with tenderness and gratitude toward the people, Joseph considered that if he remained in the town, they would attribute his compliance with their request to the influence they had over him, and that if he persisted to a refusal, they might probably detain him by force; and therefore resolved to share the common danger, he addressed them as follows: “My dear friends and faithful countrymen, the period is arrived when we are required to exert our utmost bravery, since in that alone we can place our hopes of safety. If we lose our lives our reward will be a large share of honor, and our names will be endeared to the latest posterity.”
This address was received with universal satisfaction by the people, immediately after which Joseph, at the head of the most courageous of the Jews, assaulted the enemy's guards, whom he compelled to desert their trenches and retreat to the camp.
Joseph and his army now defended themselves against the power of the Romans with the most astonishing power and resolution. This they continued to do for the space of forty days, when a deserter represented to Vespasian the state of the town, informing him that through the loss of men, and the hard duty which the survivors were obliged incessantly to perform, the garrison was so reduced that it must necessarily surrender to a vigorous attack, and more especially if advantage was to be taken of a favorable opportunity for making the assault by surprise. He likewise strongly advised the Roman general to attempt the enterprise before daylight, when the Jews would not be apprehensive of danger, and the vigilance of the guard abated by fatigue and an inclination to sleep.
Vespasian, being sensible that the Jews possessed a remarkable fidelity to each other, which the most excruciating torments could not force them to violate, was unwilling at first to put any confidence in what the deserter had related. He had been witness to a recent instance of the amazing constancy and resolution of the Jews, in the case of one of Joseph's people, who being made a prisoner, and interrogated respecting the state of the city, refused to divulge a single circumstance, and persisted in that resolution during the most excessive torments, and while he was undergoing the sentence of crucifixion. Considering, however, that the information of the deserter might possibly be founded in truth, and that no ill consequences were likely to ensue from his appearing to believe that to be the case, Vespasian ordered the man to be secured, and every necessary preparation to be made for the attack.
The Roman array began a silent march at an appointed hour of the night, which had been previously agreed upon according to the plan laid down by the deserter. On their arrival at the walls of the town, finding the sentinels asleep, they immediately dispatched them, and without the least molestation entered the city, followed by a large body of troops under the command of the tribune Placidus. Notwithstanding it was open day before the Romans gained possession of the fort and made themselves masters of the town, the Jewish army was so exhausted and fatigued by incessant labor and watching, that they did not entertain the least idea of their danger till the enemy had actually gained their point; and even those who were awake were almost equal strangers to the misfortune, as they could not clearly distinguish objects on account of a thick fog which then prevailed, and continued till the whole Roman army had gained admittance into the city.
The Romans, recollecting the sufferings they had undergone during the course of the siege, laid aside every sentiment of humanity and compassion toward the besieged. They threw many of the Jews from the top of the fort who were instantly killed by the fall, and others, who had courage enough to make resistance, were either pressed to death by the immense crowds of the enemy, or forced down precipices, and killed by the ruins which fell from above. Such of the guards as first observed the city to be taken fled to a turret on the walls, where they were attacked by the enemy, against whom, for some time, they made a resolute defence. Being oppressed by numbers, they offered to capitulate; but their proposals were rejected and the whole put to the sword. Every Jew who was met by the Romans on that day was put to instant death; and during some following days they carefully searched for such as had concealed themselves in private places, all of whom, except women and children, they destroyed. Having thus obtained a complete victory, Vespasian, withdrawing his forces from the town, ordered the fortress to be burnt, which accordingly done, and the whole city laid in ruins.
JOSEPH'S CAPTURE
The Romans, induced partly by personal enmity, and partly by an officious zeal to ingratiate themselves into the favor of their general, assiduously employed themselves in searching every part of the adjoining country, in order to find out the leader of the Jews. It was Joseph's fortune to escape through the midst of his enemies, and to find a deep pit, having a passage leading to a spacious cavern, in which he discovered forty distinguished Jews who had there taken sanctuary, and were supplied with sufficient necessaries to last them several days. The enemy being in possession of the whole adjacent country, Joseph judged it unsafe to venture abroad by day, and therefore he left his retreat only by night, with a view of discovering if there remained any probability of effecting an escape; but finding the enemy exceedingly vigilant, he repeatedly returned to the cavern despairing of success. On the third day he was betrayed by a woman; in consequence of which, Vespasian dispatched Paulinus and Gallanicus, two tribunes, to the place where he was secreted, authorizing them to assure Joseph, that, on condition of leaving his retreat, he should meet with a kind and honorable reception. Joseph, conscious that the injuries the Romans had sustained at his hands entitled him to punishment rather than reward, thought it unsafe to rely on Vespasian's word of honor, and therefore he declined the proposal. In consequence of this, Vespasian sent another tribune, named Nicanor, who had long been intimately acquainted with Joseph, and was in fact his most sincere friend. Nicanor forcibly expostulated with him on the impropriety of refusing to comply with Vespasian's request; he represented to him the generosity and benevolence of the Romans toward those they conquered: that, so far from Vespasian's entertaining an enmity against him, he highly esteemed him as being a man of singular intrepidity, and possessed of other eminent virtues; and that the Roman general must indisputably have favorable views, since he condescended to propose terms to a man who was already subject to his power. “Can you imagine,” said Nicanor, “that Vespasian would employ a friend in an office of treachery, or that I would accept from him so dishonorable a commission?”
Notwithstanding these remonstrances, Joseph, for some time, declined a compliance; but at length, from the very forcible arguments and advice of Nicanor, he agreed to submit. In consequence of this, his companions instantly drew their swords, and threatened, if he surrendered, to put him to death. Joseph, being apprehensive that they might carry their designs into execution, was desirous of avoiding so horrid an intention; to effect which he addressed them as follows: “Why, my good friends, do you suffer yourselves to be so far transported by the violence of passion as to cherish the idea of separating the soul and body, which are so intimately united by nature? To fall by the hand of a victor in a war maintained according to the laws of arms, is without dispute a glorious fate. I should make no greater difficulty of taking away my own life than of requesting a Roman to perform that office; but if the Romans are inclined to show mercy to an enemy, will reason justify that enemy in having no mercy on himself? No death can be more honorable than of the man who yields his life to the superior power of an adversary that means to deprive him of the inestimable blessing of liberty. But the Romans wish not our deaths and all animosity should now cease, for the cause of our contention is at an end. The man who rejects life when his duty requires him to preserve it, is as pusillanimous as he who, in opposition to the dictates of honor, trembles to meet fate. Is it not from the fear of death alone that we hesitate to yield to the Romans? Shall we precipitate ourselves into certain destruction for the purpose of avoiding a threatened danger, which probably may not arrive? If you conceive that we ought to die to avoid slavery, I must request you to recollect that we enjoy not liberty in the miserable situation to which we are now reduced. If you suppose him to be a brave man who deprives himself of life, I would ask what opinion you would form of the commander of a vessel who during a calm should sink his ship from an apprehension that a tempest might arise? The desire of preserving life is a principle implanted in the whole animal creation; and therefore to deprive ourselves of existence is to violate the order of nature, and offer a sacrilegious insult to God. If we desire to live, may we not indulge that desire, since we have given exemplary proofs of our courage and virtue? But if we are resolved to die, let us fall by the hands of our conquerors. We shall have no cause for regret if the Romans prove treacherous; but, on the contrary, we shall resign our lives with pleasure, since we shall enjoy the satisfaction of knowing that the perfidy of the enemy must necessarily diminish the glory of their victory, and render them infamous to the latest posterity.”
Joseph imagined that these arguments would have induced the Jews to relinquish the determination of putting an end to his life; but in this he found himself mistaken, for instead of appeasing, his address provoked them to the utmost extravagance of rage; they approached him with their swords drawn, upbraided him in the most severe terms as being of a contemptibly irresolute disposition, and threatened him with instant death. Thus situated, Joseph addressed his companions in the most soothing manner, which seldom fails to gain respect from those who have been accustomed to obey; he called one by his name, took another by the hand, and endeavored to engage the attention of the rest by arguments and such other means as he conceived to be best adapted for obtaining the end he had in view. Thus, by a singular address in applying to the various humors and dispositions of his companions, Joseph averted the danger that threatened him. The rage of the Jews subsided, their esteem and veneration for their general revived, and they freely gave him his liberty to act as he should think proper. Being thus relieved from the extremity to which he was reduced by the Romans on one hand, and by his own countrymen on the other, Joseph surrendered himself to Nicanor, who immediately conducted him to Vespasian.
The desire of seeing Joseph appear before the Roman general caused prodigious numbers of people to assemble, some of whom rejoiced to see that he was alive, while others vented menaces and the most bitter execrations against him. Those who were sufficiently near to observe his person, recollected the many extraordinary incidents of his life, and reflecting on his then situation, were greatly astonished on the comparison. Notwithstanding the inveteracy which the Roman general had entertained against Joseph, they tenderly compassionated him in his captivity; but Titus was most particularly affected, for on account of his advanced age, and the unconquerable dignity of his mind in the most extreme dangers and distresses, he entertained a great veneration for Joseph, whose former elevated station and great exploits, together with the humiliating condition to which he was now reduced, he most seriously considered, and then proceeded to make some reflections on the chance of war, and the mutability of human affairs. Those who heard Titus adopted his sentiments; and he greatly contributed toward the preservation of Joseph, by influencing Vespasian in his favor.
JOSEPH'S PROPHECY
Vespasian intimated his intentions of sending Joseph to Nero, and ordered him to be kept a close prisoner. In consequence of this Joseph requested to have an audience with Vespasian, which being granted, he was conducted to the general's apartment, whence every person was dismissed, except Titus and two of his friends. In the presence of these Joseph, addressing himself to Vespasian, spoke as follows: “You see me here, sir, your prisoner, and perhaps you consider me in no other character; but believe me, I am no less than a messenger sent by Providence to impart to you a matter of the highest importance.[524] Had I not been charged with this commission, I should have acted consistent with the character of a Jewish general, and have died rather than have submitted to be made a prisoner. It is unnecessary to send me to Nero, since Vespasian is so near succeeding to the empire, which, upon his decease, will devolve on his son Titus. Let me be kept a prisoner, and guarded with unremitting circumspection; I only request to remain the prisoner of Vespasian, who the right of conquest, is become the master of my life and liberty, and will, in a short time, be advanced to the sovereignty of the Roman empire. If it shall hereafter appear that I have made use of any artifice to induce you to repose confidence in an impostor, you will perform an act of justice in subjecting me to the most severe exemplary punishment.”
[524] While Joseph was with his companions in the cavern, he had a most remarkable vision, in which were communicated to him the success and grandeur which the Romans should experience, and the miseries which should attend the Jews. It was likewise revealed to him that Vespasian should become emperor, and that himself should be the messenger of that intelligence; and this it was that made him so strenuous in requesting his companions to spare his life.
At first Vespasian considered Joseph's address as a mere fiction, contrived for the purpose of obtaining his favor; but experiencing certain indications, and finding them to exactly correspond with what Joseph had related, his doubts gradually subsided, he gave full confidence to the prediction. One of the persons who was permitted to be present at the interview, observed to Joseph, that since he pretended to a knowledge of future events, he requested to be informed by what means it happened that he remained ignorant of the destruction of Jotapata, and of his own captivity. To which Joseph replied, he had predicted to the inhabitants that the town would be conquered, and himself made a prisoner by the enemy. In consequence of this reply, Vespasian ordered a secret inquiry to be made among the Jewish prisoners relative to the truth of what he had asserted; this was accordingly done, and the Jews confirming every particular related by Joseph, the general was induced to judge more favorably of what he had foretold respecting himself.
Joseph continued to be guarded with the greatest circumspection; but the irksomeness of confinement was in a great degree mitigated, by his being allowed every accommodation and convenience, together with the particular respect and kindness which he received from Titus.
VESPASIAN WINTERS IN CAESAREA
After the conquest of Jotapata, and the total destruction of that city, Vespasian repaired with his army to Caesarea, where he took up his winter quarters; but that he might not overburden the inhabitants of that city, he sent the fifth and tenth legions to Scythopolis.
JUDEA CONQUERED
Early in the ensuing spring Vespasian renewed his operations against the Jews. He sent his son Titus at the head of a considerable army into one part of Judea, while himself went into another; and between them they reduced the most principal places in that country, the inhabitants of some of which quietly submitted: but others, after holding out with the utmost resistance in their power, were conquered, and great numbers put to the sword.
VESPASIAN BECOMES EMPEROR
After these conquests Vespasian returned to Caesarea, where he formed the resolution of laying siege to Jerusalem; but while he was making the necessary preparations for this purpose, he received an account of the death of Nero, after a reign of thirteen years and eight days. In consequence of this intelligence, Vespasian suspended his preparations for the expedition toward Jerusalem. Finding that Galba was destined to succeed to the empire, he thought it would not be a prudent measure to take so important a step without express orders for so doing. He therefore dispatched his son Titus to wait on Galba, at once to congratulate him on the succession to the empire, and to take his directions how to act in the then emergency of affairs. King Agrippa (who was at this time in Caesarea) being desirous to embark with Titus on this interesting occasion, they set sail in the same vessel; but while they were on their voyage (which was exceedingly tedious owing to the contrariety of the wind) and near to Achaia, they received intelligence that Galba was slain, after having governed only seven months, and that Otho succeeded him, who reigned only three months. This change in affairs did not prevent Agrippa from prosecuting his journey from Achaia to Rome; but Titus sailed thence to Syria, and proceeded with all expedition to his father at Caesarea.
A short time after the return of Titus to Caesarea, Vespasian received intelligence that a civil war had broke out in Rome, occasioned by Vitellius; a daring and enterprising man, who, on the death of Otho, had, with the assistance of a great body of German soldiers, possessed himself of the sovereignty of the empire. Vespasian was a man who had a just opinion of the respect that should be shown to superiors, and was as well calculated to obey as to command; but notwithstanding this, he was greatly chagrined to acknowledge the supreme authority of him who rather seized the empire as a plunder, than became possessed of it as an honor. In a word, this astonishing change in the public affairs affected him to such a degree, that he could no longer entertain any idea of prosecuting foreign wars, when his country at home was distracted by the most disagreeable circumstances. Yet, though his indignation on the one hand urged him to a speedy revenge, yet on the other he was deterred from putting his design into execution, by the consideration of the difficulties and hazards that would attend so long a journey in the midst of winter, beside the probability of many unexpected incidents which might happen before he could arrive in Italy.
While Vespasian was debating this subject in his mind, the officers of his army (all of whom were thoroughly acquainted with the revolutions which had taken place in Rome) associated together, and discoursed with the utmost freedom on the affairs of the state and government. Among other things they exclaimed most violently against the German soldiers, who were the protectors of Vitellius, ridiculing them as a band of dissolute and effeminate creatures, who would be afraid to face even the usual terrors of war. “What,” said they, “shall people like these dispose of armies, or rather sell them to the highest bidder? Is it possible for them to imagine that we who have undergone all the fatigue attending excessive labor, till we are grown old in the use of arms--that we will ever submit to be governed by an emperor chosen by them, when we have a prince of our own who is much more worthy of the government? Besides, if we omit the present opportunity of testifying our gratitude for the numerous obligations we owe to the generosity of Vespasian, it is not very probable that a similar prospect of paying him the proper compliment will ever again offer. Exclusive of these considerations, the personal merit of Vespasian hath as much better qualified him for the dignity of emperor, than that of Vitellius, as our merits have qualified us for the choice, beyond that of those who have elected him. With regard to Vespasian, there can be no debate or competition; for the senate and people of Rome are entirely in his interest; nor would they even listen to an insinuation of the licentiousness and debauches of Vitellius being put in competition with the modest and temperate behavior of Vespasian; for this, in fact, would be to prefer an abandoned tyrant to an humane prince. After all we have said, let it be considered what a ridiculous figure we should make, and how egregiously we should be duped; we, who of all men living, have the greatest obligations to Vespasian, if the senate themselves should elect him emperor, and thus take out of our hands the merit of so distinguished an action, while we are idly debating on the method of proceeding in such an exigency.”
SOLDIERS ENDORSE VESPASIAN
To this purpose was the conversation of the officers under Vespasian. Their first meetings were held in a secret manner; but having publicly declared their sentiments to the soldiers, all of whom agreed with them in opinion, they resolved to make choice of Vespasian as emperor, and entreated him to take under his protection an empire that was shaken to its foundation. Vespasian had for a long time been the support of the empire; but he was so far from being ambitious of the dignity of emperor, that he absolutely declined it, declaring that he chose rather to continue in that line of life to which he had been accustomed, than accept of the pomp and dignity to which he was invited. But the more desirous Vespasian was to avoid this compliment, the more earnestly did the people press his acceptance of it; till at length, on his repeated refusal, they advanced to him with drawn swords, and threatened his destruction if he any longer refused accepting an honor of which he was so deserving. Still, however, for a time, he refused; but at length yielded to an importunity that was not to be resisted.
ALEXANDRIA ENDORSES VESPASIAN
The government of the empire was no sooner accepted by Vespasian, than Mucianus and the other officers joined with the whole body of the army in requesting that he would immediately march his forces against Vitellius; but Vespasian thought it would be most prudent first to bring over to his interest the people of Alexandria, by means of which he should obtain such advantages as would not only secure himself, but, in all probability, crown his enterprise with success. Egypt, on account of the prodigious quantity of corn which it produced, was deemed one of the most important branches of the empire: wherefore Vespasian was of opinion, that if he could but possess himself of that country, the people of Rome might be induced rather to expel Vitellius, than run the risk of starving if they refused so to do, which would be the natural consequence if they could not obtain proper assistance from Egypt.
These observations being highly approved of by the officers, Vespasian immediately wrote a letter to Tiberius, the then governor of Alexandria, informing him that, at the importunity of his soldiers, he had been prevailed on to take the government into his own hands, and that he thought he could not act more prudently than to request the favor of his advice and assistance in the office of administration. Tiberius had no sooner read this letter than, with the utmost freedom and goodwill, he took an oath of fidelity to Vespasian, and caused the like to be done by all the inhabitants of the city. This oath was taken with every possible demonstration of joy and esteem; for they were previously informed of the good intentions of the new emperor, and confided in his virtue and honor. Tiberius made a generous use of the power entrusted to him for the public welfare, and immediately began to make the necessary preparations for receiving Vespasian.
EASTERN EMPIRE SWEARS ALLEGIENCE
Intelligence of Vespasian's being advanced to the dignity of ruling the empire was propagated with the utmost speed through every part of the eastern country; and wherever this news arrived, it was so grateful to the people, that the inhabitants of the several cities kept a holyday on the occasion, and offered up their prayers that the reign of Vespasian might be long and happy. Several ambassadors from Syria and other provinces, waited on Vespasian, with congratulatory addresses on his being appointed to the government of the empire. Among the rest was Mucianus, the governor of Syria, who gave him the utmost assurance of the loyalty and affection of the people in general, which they had testified by cheerfully taking the oath of fidelity to his person and authority.
JOSEPH SET FREE
These favorable circumstances struck a deep impression on the mind of Vespasian, who could not help seriously reflecting that they had less the appearance of being the work of chance than the immediate effect of a disposing Providence; and he thought it appeared that he had not been raised to so distinguished an elevation by the power of fortune, but by divine interposition. Reflecting on this subject there occurred to his mind several prophetical hints which had happened in the course of his life, all tending to the same end. Among the rest he could not but recur to the circumstance of Joseph having, while he remained a prisoner, and during the life of Nero, called him by the title of emperor. This singular prediction had great influence on the mind of Vespasian, and the greater, because the party was still a prisoner: wherefore sending for Mucianus and others of his officers, he spoke to them of the singular courage and bravery of Joseph, and how gallantly he had behaved himself at the siege of Jotapata. After this he mentioned several other particulars respecting him, and at length adverted to the subject of his predictions: “Those,” said he, “I at first imagined to be nothing more than contrivances for his own preservation; but the event has proved that they were actually the result of divine providence; wherefore, my friends, it would be an indelible disgrace in me longer to detain, in the abject condition of a prisoner, the person who first declared to me the news of my advancement.”
Having said this Vespasian instantly sent for Joseph, and, in the presence of the company, restored him to his liberty. From this instance of gratitude in Vespasian, his officers formed the most favorable idea of their own situation, thinking that they, who were his faithful friends and servants, should experience every indulgence under so kind a master. During this scene Titus was present, who, in a most submissive manner, hinted to his father, that the single granting of liberty to Joseph was leaving the generosity of his plan incomplete: that his chains ought not only to be taken off, but broken, for if that was not done the dishonor of his imprisonment would remain with him, though his person was restored to liberty. Vespasian, coinciding in this opinion, gave immediate orders that his chains should be cut to pieces; which circumstance not only gave the most extensive freedom to Joseph, but so raised his reputation as a prophet, that every person was disposed to give credit to any of his future predictions in as full and ample a manner as they had done to what he had already foretold.
VESPASIAN'S TAKING OF EMPIRE
A general council was now held to consider the most proper measures to be taken in the then exigency of affairs, in which it was resolved that Titus should prosecute the war against the Jews, and that Vespasian should go to Alexandria, and use such methods as he thought advisable for suppressing the disturbances at Rome, occasioned by the usurper Vitellius.
On Vespasian's arrival at Alexandria he was received by the people of that city with the utmost demonstrations of joy; and measures were instantly concerted for reducing Vitellius, and quieting the disturbances which then took place at Rome. For this purpose he dispatched a considerable army of cavalry and foot, under the command of Mucianus, through Cappadocia and Phrygia, into Italy, being afraid to trust his troops by sea during the winter season.
In the meantime Antonius Primus (an excellent soldier who had been banished by Nero, but restored by Galba, a friend to Vespasian) marched at the head of the third legion to give battle to Vitellius, the latter of whom being informed of his intentions, sent a strong army under the command of Caecinna to oppose him. As soon as Caecinna met Antonius (which was on the confines of Italy), he was struck with terror at the numbers, order, and discipline of his army. He was totally at a loss how to act: he did not dare to risk a battle, nor could he think of running away from them; and therefore he chose rather to be considered as a deserter than a coward. Having assembled his centurions, tribunes, and all the rest of his officers, he exerted the utmost power of his oratory in a declaration of the different degrees of merit between Vespasian and Vitellius. The one he extolled to the highest degree, and depreciated the character of the other; and all this with a fixed design to prevail on the soldiers of Vitellius to take part with Vespasian. The speech he made on this occasion was to this effect: “Vitellius possesses nothing more than the name of an emperor whereas the claim of Vespasian is not only founded on the strictest equity, but his person is stamped with the indubitable marks of the imperial character. Besides, the troops of Vespasian are so numerous and well-chosen, that it will be in vain for us to think of entering into a contest with him. This being the case, had we not better now act the same part, as of our own choice and free will, that we shall other wise be compelled to do through the force of mere necessity? While I say this, I am certain that Vespasian is able to carry his design into execution without our aid or assistance; but Vitellius, so far from being able to protect his adherents, is by no means in a condition to defend himself.”
These arguments were urged with so much zeal that Caecinna obtained the point at which he labored, and prevailed on his troops to go over to Antonius. But on the following night Caecinna's people, partly repenting of what they had done, and partly in fear of the consequence, in case Vitellius should prove successful in the contest, advanced in a rage, with drawn swords, to dispatch Caecinna, which they would have certainly done, had not the tribunes strongly interposed in his favor. Hereupon they desisted from taking away his life, but insisted that, as a traitor, he should be immediately sent in chains to Vitellius.
As soon as Antonius was informed of this event, he immediately went with a party to attack them as deserters. For some time they made a faint resistance, but receded on the first violent attack, and fled toward Cremona. Antonius interposing with his cavalry between the fugitives and the town, and entirely surrounding them, destroyed great numbers on the spot, and, pursuing the rest, put the whole to the sword, except their general Caecinna, whom he set at liberty, and dispatched to Vespasian with an account of the victory.
After this defeat, Antonius marched with his army toward Rome; information of which being made known to Sabinus, the brother of Vespasian, he that same night assembled the city guards, and possessed himself of the capital. On the following day great numbers of persons of distinguished rank joined his party, among whom was Domitian, brother to Titus, and younger son to Vespasian.
Vitellius paid little regard to the proceedings of Antonius, the principal view of his resentment being directed toward Sabinus, and the other persons who had joined with him in the revolt; and being by nature of a savage and ferocious disposition, but particularly so to those of distinguished rank, he dispatched a body of his own troops to attack them. In this enterprise the most singular instances of bravery were displayed on both sides; but in the end, the troops of Vitellius became victorious. Domitian, and other Romans of the first rank, made their escape; but the greater part of the people were destroyed, and the victors, after plundering the temple of Janus, burnt it to the ground. With respect to Sabinus, he was made prisoner, and conducted to Vitellius, who ordered him immediately to be put to death.
The next day Antonius arrived with his army, when a desperate battle ensued between him and the troops of Vitellius. The forces of Antonius being divided, they engaged in three different parts of the city at the same time, and the contest was continued for that day without any material advantage on either side. Early the next morning Mucianus with his army entered Rome, and joining that of Antonius, the attack was renewed with the utmost vigor, and the troops of Vitellius being defeated, were all put to the sword.
VITELLIUS EXECUTED
Thus was this mighty city taken by her own natural subjects; and as it was fatal to many thousands, so likewise was it to Vitellius himself, whom the soldiers dragged out of his palace and (without hearkening to any entreaties, binding his hands behind him, and throwing a halter about his neck) drew him into the public Forum, through the main street, called Via Sacra. As he went along, they used the most opprobrious language, and treated him with the greatest indignity they could project; they pelted him with dung and filth, and held the point of a sword under his chin to prevent his concealing his face. At length they conducted him to the common place of execution, where, with many blows and wounds, they dispatched him in the 56th year of his age, and after a short reign of only eight months. Having wreaked their vengeance thus, they dragged his body from the spot where they had killed him, and threw it into the river Tiber; after which, they not only made his brother, and only son, but likewise all whom they met with of his party, victims to their resentment.
VESPASIAN ACCEPTED AS EMPEROR
As soon as the fury of this carnage was over, the Roman senate assembled, and, with unanimous consent, not only declared Vespasian emperor, but conferred the title of Caesar upon his two sons, Titus and Domitian; nominating the former to be consul with his father for the ensuing year, and the latter to be praetor with consular power. They likewise rewarded Mucianus and Antonius, with several others, for contributing to this happy revolution; and dispatched couriers to Vespasian, at Alexandria, to tender him their homage and obedience, and to desire his speedy return to Rome. On this occasion the people made two festivals, one for their deliverance from the tyranny of Vitellius, and the other for the happy advancement of Vespasian to the government of the empire. But it is now time to return to Titus.
TITUS GIVEN WAR AGAINST JEWS
Before Vespasian left Judea, he, by the advice of his council, committed the management of the war against the Jews to his son Titus, well knowing his extraordinary valor and skill for such an undertaking. Himself had reduced most of the country, except Jerusalem; but Jerusalem was the capital city, fortified with three walls on every side, except where it was fenced with deep valleys, having the castle of Antonia, the temple, the palace of Acra, the towers on Mount Sion, and several other places almost impregnable; so that great consultation, and a preparation of many materials, were required to carry on such a siege.
TITUS BEGINS SIEGE AT PASSOVER
The inhabitants of Jerusalem had been for a long time in the most distressed situation, owing to the several parties and factions which had taken possession of different parts of the city, and were not only murdering each other, but, in their rage and madness, destroyed such a quantity of provisions as might have served the city for several months.
Jerusalem was involved to these sad circumstances, when Titus, with a powerful army, and all kinds of warlike engines, approached, and sat down within six or seven furlongs of the city, a little before the feast of the passover. By these means he shut up an infinite number of people who had come from all parts to that solemnity, which, in a short time, occasioned a great consumption of their provisions.
On the first appearance of so formidable an army, the several factions unanimously agreed to oppose it; in consequence of which, they sallied out with great resolution and fury, and putting the Romans to disorder, obliged them to abandon their camp, and fly to the mountains. But the Jews were at last repulsed, and driven into the city by Titus, who particularly distinguished himself as a courageous and expert warrior.
TITUS BREACHES WALLS
When Titus had properly placed his engines (which was not done without great opposition), he battered the outward walls, and, on the third day of May, making a breach, entered and took possession of the northern quarter of the city, as far as the castle of Antonia, and the valley of Kidron. Having done this, he gave the besieged all possible assurances of pardon and civil treatment if they would but submit: but they, judging his order to be the effect of cowardice, refused to accept of any terms or conditions whatever.
On the fifth day after this Titus broke through the second wall, and though the besieged made several sallies, and drove him out again, yet he recovered the place, and possessed himself of the lower city.
The Forum, Rome

JOSEPH OFFERS PEACE ON SURRENDER
Though Titus was now thoroughly convinced, in his own mind, that he could by force of arms easily make a complete conquest of the city, yet he was willing, if possible, to effect it without any further loss of blood. He therefore, in the first place, sent a messenger to the Jews, requesting that they would have so much regard to their own interest as to surrender a place, of which he could, at any time, make himself master. But this not answering his wishes, he dispatched Joseph to them, thinking that when they were addressed by their own countryman, and in a language familiar to them, it might probably be attended with success. In conformity to the directions given by Titus, Joseph first walked through several parts of the city, after which, stopping on an elevated spot, within the hearing of the enemy, he addressed them in words to this effect: “Countrymen and friends, it is my earnest request, that if you have any esteem for your lives and liberties, any veneration for your city, your temple, and your country, you will, on the present occasion, give a proper testimony of your sensibility, and learn, even from strangers and enemies, to have a proper regard to your own interest. You may have observed, that the Romans entertain so great a veneration for sacred things, that they make a scruple of seizing anything that is holy; and this they do, though they never presumed to have any share, concern, or interest, in your communion; whereas you, on the contrary, instead of protecting the religion in which you were educated, seem conspiring to complete its destruction. Are you not by this time convinced that, your fortresses being beaten down, and a great part of your walls left in a defenseless condition, your weakness is sufficiently exposed, and that it is an absolute impossibility to support yourselves much longer against so formidable a power as that with which you have to contend? It is true, that engaging in the cause of liberty is a glorious task, provided it be undertaken before that liberty is likely to be lost or forfeited; but when the latter is the case, it is idle to think of attempting to throw it off, and all further endeavors will rather tend to produce a disgraceful death, than give the opportunity of preserving a life of honorable freedom. A state of bondage to a master whom a man of honor would blush to acknowledge his superior, is indeed a scandalous state; but submission to a people whose authority is acknowledged by the whole world, is by no means disgraceful. Conscious of this truth, your ancestors, who were more wise and powerful than you are, were induced to pay allegiance to the Romans, which they certainly would not have done had they not been fully convinced that it was the will of Providence they should submit. But wherefore would you any longer continue a contest that is, in effect, already decided? For if your walls were yet perfect, and the siege actually raised, so long as the Romans resolved not to quit the place, you must soon be starved into submission. Famine has already made great havoc among you, and the calamity will daily increase, as there is no guarding against the consequence of the severities of hunger. It will therefore well become you to recollect yourselves, and take advice while it maybe serviceable to you. The Romans are of a liberal disposition, and will be ready to forgive all that is past, if you do not continue to exasperate them till forgiveness would look like weakness. But if you resist till they storm the city, instead of mercy, you will fatally experience their resentment from the point of the sword.”
These friendly admonitions made not the least impression on the perverse Jews, who, instead of paying attention to them, treated Joseph with the utmost contempt, and, had he not been properly guarded, would have put him to death. In consequence of this, Titus resolved to proceed with the utmost severity against them. Accordingly, when any fled from the city (which great numbers were constrained to do on account of the want of provisions), they were no sooner taken than Titus ordered them to be scourged and crucified. This, however, he did not do from motives of cruelty, but with a view of striking terror in the multitude, in hopes that they would the sooner give up all opposition, and surrender themselves to the superior force of his arms.
BATTERING RAMS DESTROYED
Finding every method ineffectual to bring the Jews to submission, Titus, on the 12th of May, began four mounts for his battering-rams, two near the castle of Antonia, where he was in hopes of taking the temple, and two near the monument of John, the high-priest, were he supposed he might, without much difficulty, break into the upper city. But in two bold sallies, the besieged ruined and destroyed the mounts, and, having burnt several battering-rams, and other engines, pressed forward, and broke into the very camp of the Romans. At length they were repulsed by Titus, who (in a council of war) resolved to surround the whole city with a wall, or entrenchment, to hinder the flight of the besieged, and to prevent all relief from coming into the city, thereby strictly verifying the words of our blessed Redeemer: “The days shall come upon thee, that thine enemies shall cast a trench about thee and compass thee around, and keep thee in on every side.” Luke 19:43.
MULTITUDES DIE IN FAMINE
This work was executed with such astonishing celerity, that the whole was finished within the space of a few days. But it made no impression on the besieged, notwithstanding the famine began to rage with the most horrid violence, and such a mortality ensued, that within the space of three months no less than 115,080 carcasses of the poorer sort were carried to be buried at the public charge, 600,000 were thrown out at the gates; and when the number of dead bodies increased to such a degree that they had no place to bury them, they gathered them together in the largest houses adjoining, and there shut them up.
All this time the famine increased to such a degree, that wives took the meat out of their husbands' mouths, children from their parents, and mothers from their children; old men were driven from their meat as persons of no use, and young men tortured to confess where their provisions lay; sinks and holes were continually raked to find offal for food, and the very soldiers (who were the last that would want) began to eat girdles, shoes, hay, and other articles; and, what was worst of all, and the most shocking to human nature, a woman of quality even boiled her own child with an intent to eat it. This act appeared so detestable in the eyes of Titus, that (after having repeatedly offered peace and pardon to the Jews if they would submit, and as often received a denial) he publicly declared that “he would bury the abominable crime in the ruins of their country, and not suffer the sun to shine upon that city, whose mothers eat their own children, and whose fathers, no less culpable, did, by their obstinacy, reduce them to such an extremity.”
CASTLE BREACHED
With this resolution he ordered all the groves to be cut down within a considerable distance of the city, and, causing more mounts to be raised, on the first of July he began to batter the wall of Antonia, and, on the fifth, entered the castle by force, and pursued the flying Jews even to the temple. Both Titus and Josephus again exhorted them to surrender, but all to no purpose: they absolutely refused every accommodation, and even boasted that rather than submit they would glory in enduring the worst of miseries. Titus, hearing this, in order to make an easy ascent to the temple, ordered the fortress of Antonia to be razed to the ground, and having seized the north and west porticoes, or cloisters of the outward range of the temple, he set them on fire, as the Jews did other porticoes, to hinder the Romans from making their approaches.
TEMPLE IS BURNED
On the eighth day of August Titus, perceiving that the walls of the inner temple were too strong for the battering-rams, and that the foundation of the gates could not be undermined, was obliged to set fire to them, yet still with an intent, if possible, to save the temple itself; but it so fell out that, on the tenth, a certain soldier, contrary to the command of the general, cast a flaming firebrand through the golden window into the chambers and buildings on the north side, which immediately set them on fire. The utmost endeavors were used to prevent the fatal effects of this proceeding, but to no purpose. The flames spread throughout the whole fabric, and soon consumed the most beautiful structure that ever was erected; while the Roman soldiers, pursuing their victory with the most imaginable fury and revenge, cut to pieces every person they found about the temple, and then set fire to the rest of the buildings.
JERUSALEM COMPLETELY DESTROYED
During this state of general confusion, those who were the chiefs in the sedition, found means to retire to the upper and strongest part of the city, called Sion, situated upon a steep rock, where they endeavored to defend themselves to the last. But, Titus having raised his batteries and made a breach in the wall, they lost all their courage, abandoned the towers, which were their only strength, and in vain sought to escape by hiding themselves in vaults and privies, whence both John[525] and Simon (two principal ringleaders of their different factions) were dragged out, and the former condemned to perpetual imprisonment, while the latter was preserved to grace the victor's triumph.
[525] This John was the son of one Levi, and one of the principal men belonging to the city of Grichala. When Titus laid siege to that place, John, under pretence of surrendering it, made his escape, and went, with a party of men to Jerusalem, where, joining with the zealots, and being naturally a crafty man, eloquent in speech, and ambitious beyond measure, he soon began to assume a sovereign power over the rest, and became the commander of one faction, as Simon, the son of Gioras did of another. Simon, having gathered together a great number of robbers and murderers, went into the mountainous parts of the country, reduced all Idumea, and some places in Judea, after which he encamped near Jerusalem, and was at length let in by the citizens to defend them against John, who, at the head of the zealots, did many cruel and tyrannical actions. So that Simon and his army were in the city, while John and his adherents were in the temple, fighting and destroying one another, even while the enemy was at the walls.
The Romans, having now gained the walls, and with shouts of joy placed the colors upon the towers, broke loose all over the city, and ranged up and down the streets, killing all that fell in their way without distinction, till the passages were filled up with the carcasses, and the channels of the city ran down with blood, as if it had been to quench the fire, which was become, as it were, one general conflagration.
To this fatal end was the famous city of Jerusalem, after a siege of above five months, reduced, in the second year of Vespasian's reign, and thirty-eight years of our Lord's crucifixion. In this siege it was computed that 1,100,000 perished, 97,000 were taken captives, beside 237,490 (according to Josephus) who fell in the wars which preceded it.
The greater part of the buildings in the city being consumed by fire, and the soldiers having neither rapine nor object left for their rage and indignation to work upon, Titus ordered them to lay the remaining parts of the city and temple level with the ground: which order was so punctually executed that (except three towers, which, for their strength and beauty, were left as monuments to posterity of the once magnificence of the city) the whole was laid so flat that, when the Romans left the place, it looked as if it had never been inhabited.
While these things were transacting at Jerusalem, Vespasian, who entered upon, the government in the fifty-ninth year of his age, was received at Rome with all imaginable joy and triumph by the people. They considered him as the only person whose virtues and excellences could recover the languishing state of the empire: nor were they mistaken, for he began immediately to act in conformity to what they had expected, by administering justice, and reforming the laws and customs of Rome, honorably rewarding those who had served him, and pardoning his adversaries with the most singular clemency.
In the meantime the news of the conquest of Jerusalem reached Rome, which occasioned the greatest rejoicings in that city, the people universally proclaiming the praises of Titus, who had shown himself so expert a soldier and commander; and in consequence of this a triumph was decreed both for him and his father, the latter having conducted the beginning of the war with no less eclat[526] than the former had finished it.
[526] Brilliance.
When Titus returned to Rome he was received with the universal applause of the people, and within a few days after both the father and son entered upon their triumph, which was more solemn and magnificent than had ever before been seen in Rome. Among other rich and glorious spoils were great quantities of gold taken out of the temple, and the body of the Jewish law, which were exhibited to the view of the people. This was the first time that Rome ever saw the father and son triumph together; and as Vespasian built a new temple to Peace, wherein he deposited most of the Jewish spoils, so Titus had a triumphal arch of great beauty and magnificence erected to his honor, whereon were inscribed all his noble exploits against the Jews, and which, as a lasting monument of the impiety and perverseness of that nation, remains almost entire to this day.
Such was the end of the once famous city of Jerusalem, and such the end of the Jewish polity; from which time those obstinate and perverse people were no longer a nation, but have ever since been dispersed and despised throughout the whole face of the earth.