26 3969a AM

3969a AM, 4678 JP, 36 BC

5526. Sextus Pompeius heard that Antony was in Media and made war with the Medes and Parthians. He intended to commit himself to his protection when he returned. In the mean time, he wintered in Lesbos and the people of Lesbos most willingly entertained him for the good memory they had of his father. {Dio, l. 49. p. 402.} {Appian. l. 5. p. 747.}

5527. As Antony prolonged the siege of Praaspa, the war was very troublesome to both sides. Antony could not get any supplies without having his men killed or wounded. Phraates knew that the Parthians would endure anything except winter in the camp in a strange country.

Therefore he was afraid that if the Romans continued the war, his men would leave him since the weather grew very cold after the autumnal equinox. {Plutarch, in Antony} He was also afraid that if the siege were continued Antony either by himself or else with outside help, would seriously weaken the city. Therefore, he secretly bribed some men that should promote the idea of a peace between them in the hope that it would be easily granted. {Dio, l. 49. p. 408.}

5528. Therefore, the Parthian commanded his men that when they met with the foragers, to treat them more courteously and to talk to them about peace. By this, Antony was persuaded to send a friend to request the restitution of his ensigns and prisoners lest he should seem to be content only to depart with safety. They replied that he should forget about those things. If he desired peace and security, he should leave suddenl (Plutarch.) Phraates was sitting on his golden throne and twanging a bow string. After that he had in many words railed against the Romans, he promised Antony’s ambassadors peace on this condition if he should immediately withdraw his army. {Dio, l. 49. p. 408.}

5529. Antony received this reply. Although he was very eloquent in both civil and military speeches, yet at that time from shame and sorrow, he did not speak to his soldiers. He had Domitius Aenobarbus speak for him to the soldiers and to encourage them. Within a few days after they had packed the baggage, he departed (Plutarch.) and left his works that he had raised for the assault of Praaspa intact as if he had been in a friend’s country. The Medes burnt everything and cast down the mount. {Dio, l. 49. p. 408.}

5530. They were to return by the same plain country where there were no forests. A certain Mardian who knew the customs of the Parthians and had fought well for the Romans at the battle where the engines were taken, persuaded Antony that he should march with his army by the mountains on the right hand. He should not hazard the plain and open fields. The Romans were heavily armed and good targets for the number of Parthian cavalry who were all archers. The Parthians used this occasion by good words to draw him from the siege so that he would show Antony a shorter way with more plentiful supplies for his soldiers. Antony told these things to his council and confessed that he trusted little in the peace with the Parthians. However he commended the shorter way, especially since the journey would be through a plentiful country. He asked for some assurance of the Mardian who surrendered himself to be bound until he had brought the army into Armenia. After he was bound, he led them without problems for two days. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5531. On the third day, Antony thought little of the Parthians and marched securely in confidence of the peace. The Mardian saw the dam of the river was recently broken and that all the way they were to go was flooded. He knew that this was done by the Parthians to force the Roman army to halt. He warned Antony of this and told him to prepare for the arrival of the enemy. Antony ordered his battle and set distances between the ranks. With this, those that used arrows and slings might make an attack on the enemies when the Parthians opened their ranks to surround and disorder the army. When the light horsemen attacked them, they were beaten back after the giving and receiving of many wounds. They came on again until the calvary from Gaul who were held in reserve, gave them a fierce charge and routed them so that they attempted nothing more that day. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5532. Antony learned from this what was to be done. He made his army march in a square body and had a strong guard of archers and slingers in the rear and in the flanks. He ordered his calvary that if the enemy attacked them, they should drive them back. If they fled, they should not follow the chase too far. For four days, the Parthans received as many casualties as they made. They began to ease off and thought of returning since it was winter. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5533. On the fifth day, Flavius Gallus, one of the captains, a valiant and industrious man, asked Antony that he would give him permission to take some lightly armed men from the rear and some cavalry from the front. He planned to do some gallant act. By his rash attempt, he broke in on the enemy with much risk. The Romans sent him help in small companies. They were too weak and were cut off by the enemy until Antony came with the whole strength of the army and rescued the rest from obvious danger. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5534. Florus stated {Florus, l. 4. c. 10.} that there were two legions lost to the Parthian arrows. Plutarch stated at least 3000 were killed and that there were 5000 wounded men brought back into the tents. Gallus was shot in four places and later died from his wounds. Antony was very much troubled to see this and went and comforted them that were wounded. They cheerfully took him by the right hand and desired him that he would take care of himself and trouble himself no more for them. They called him their emperor and told himthat if he were well then they were all safe and in health. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5535. This victory made the Parthians so proud who were before weary and in despair, that they lodged all night near the Roman camp. They hoped that they would soon be able to plunder all their money and ransack their tents. {Plutarch, in Antony} On that night, a certain Roman whose life was spared in Crassus’ defeat, came in Parthian clothes to the Roman trenches and greeted them in Latin. After they trusted him, he informed them what danger was at hand and that the king would come with all his forces. He advised them that they should not march that way they intended but that they should go back again and take the way by the woods and the mountains. He told them that they might meet with the enemy that way also. {Florus, l. 4. c. 10.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 82.}

5536. As soon as it was day, many enemies came together with at least 4000 cavalry. The king also sent there his bodyguard because they were so confident of victory. The king was never at any previous fight. Then Antony lifted up his hands to heaven and made his prayers to the gods that if there were any god offended with his former good fortune that he would lay all the adversity on his own head but give health and victory to the rest of the army. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5537. The next day the army marched on in a more secure guard. The Parthians attacked them and were very much deceived in their expectations. They thought that they came to pillage and plunder and not to fight. They lost heart when they were greeted by the Roman arrows. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5538. As they were going down a certain hill, the Parthians laid in ambush for them and overwhelmed them with their arrows as thick as hail. Then the soldiers who carried large shields, took in the lightly harnessed men under their shields. They kneeled down on their left knee and held their shields over their heads and made a roof over them, (a testudo.) By this, they defended themselves and their friends from the enemies’ arrows which fell on the convex shields and slid off the slippery surfaces. {Florus, l. 4. c. 10.} {Frontino, Stratagem, l. 2. c. 3.} {Dio, l. 49. p. 409.}

5539. The Parthians had never seen such a thing before and thought that they had all fallen down by reason of their wounds or that they would soon all fall. Therefore they cast away their bows and leaped off their horses and took their spears and came to kill them with their naked swords. Then the Romans rose up again and at the signal, widened their army and made a shout. They attacked their enemies in the front and with their darts they slew the foremost of them and made them all flee. This thing struck such amazement in the barbarians that one among them said:

"Go Romans and farewell, fame with good reason calls you the conquerors of nations, who can outstand the Parthian’s shot.’’ {Florus, l. 4. c. 10.} {Plutarch, in Antony} {Dio, l. 49. p. 409}

5540. There were continual skirmishes between them which slowed the Roman march down greatly. {Plutarch, in Antony} When they marched by break of day, they were always bothered with the Parthian arrows. Thereupon, Antony deferred his march until the fifth hour and so made his own soldiers more confident. The Persians left them and they marched without any trouble for that day. {Frontinus, Stratagem, l. 2. c. ult.}

5541. The army then began to be troubled with food shortages because they were hindered from foraging by their often skirmishes. They also lacked grinding mills which were mainly left behind. The beasts were either dead or else used to carry the sick and wounded men. It was reported that little more than a quart of wheat was sold for fifty drachmas and barley loaves for their weight in silver. Then they were forced to eat roots and herbs. By chance they found one that when eaten, made them mad. Those that ate it only dug up stones and removed them and thought they were doing some great business. At last they vomited up a great deal of choler and died because they lacked wine, which was the only remedy. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5542. The famine raged in the camp and they began to flee to the enemy. However, the Parthians slew these runaways in the sight of the rest. All had planned to defect but the cruelty of the Parthians stopped the revolt. {Dio, l. 5. p. 409.}

5543. Antony saw so many of his own soldiers dying and the Parthians continually attacking them. It is reported he often cried out w mieioi wondering at those 10,000 men who under the conduct of Xenophon marched a far longer march from Babylon and often fought with their enemies and yet came home safely. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5544. The Parthians could neither break the spirit of the Romans nor their ranks but were often defeated themselves and repulsed. They began again to talk peaceably with those who went to fetch water and forage. They showed them their unbent bows and told them that they were departing and that they would follow them no more. However, they might have some Medes follow them a day or two but that they would not do them any great harm and only secure some of the remoter villages. They won them over with this talk and they gently took their leave of them. The Romans were very joyful and when Antony desired rather to march by the plain than the mountains because it was said that way lacked water.{Plutarch, in Antony}

5545. While he was in this mind, Mithridates came to him from the enemy camp. He was a cousin of Moneses to whom Antony had given the three cities. Antony asked that some might be sent to him who understood the Syriac or Parthian language. When Alexander, from Antioch and a good friend of Antigonus came, he was told by Mithridates that the Parthians with all their forces lay in ambush in those mountains which he saw. They were waiting to attack them as they passed by the plains. He advised them to travel through the mountains which had no other inconvenience than lack of water for one day. Antony took his advice and the Mardian guided them by night through the mountains. He ordered his soldiers to carry water with them which many did in their helmets and leather bags{Plutarch, in Antony}

5546. The Parthians found out about this and contrary to their custom, pursued them by night. At sunrise, they overtook the rear guard of the Romans who were tired with the hard march and watching. That night, they had gone 30 miles and did not think the enemy would attack them so soon. This made them more dejected and their thirst also was increased by their fighting. They were forced to march while fighting. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5547. In the interim, the advance guard found a cool, clear river but it was salty. The water from it just increased the thirst of those who drank it. Although the Mardian forewarned them of this, yet they thrust away those who would have kept them from drinking of it and drank freely from it. Antony also was very urgent with them and begged them to stop. Only a short way off there was one that they might drink from and that the rest of the way was so rough and uneven that the enemy could not possibly follow them. He sounded a retreat also so that at least the soldiers might refresh themselves in the shade. {Plutarch, in Antony} {Florus, l. 4. c. 10.}

5548. As soon as the tents were pitched, the Parthians according to their custom departed and Mithridates returned. Alexander came to him. He told Alexander that after they had refreshed themselves for a while they should all arise and hurry over the river. The Parthians would not pursue them beyond that point. For this, Antony gave him a large store of gold plate. He took as much as he could hide in his clothes and departed. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5549. They were not bothered on the next day’s journey. The following night they became their own worst enemies. Those who had any gold or silver were killed and robbed. The pack animals (sumpters) which carried the treasure were plundered. Finally, all the household belongings of Antony, like his plate and precious tables, they broke and divided among themselves. Therefore because of this tumult and uproar in the army, they thought that the enemy had attacked the sumpters to rob them. Antony called a free man and ordered him to kill him and to cut off his head so that neither he may not be taken alive by the enemy nor known when he was dead. {Plutarch, in Antony} {Florus, l. 4. c. 10.} {Sextus Rufus, in Breviario.}

5550. As his friends were weeping about him, the Mardian encouraged Antony for he knew there was a river nearby. Others told Antony that this tumult arose from their own covetousness and doing wrong one to the other. Therefore Antony gave the signal to make camp in order to quell these tumults and disturbances in the army. It began to grow light and the army fell into good order again. When as the rearguard was hit by enemy arrows, the light cavalry were signalled to fight. The men who carried the large shields came together as they did before and defended them from the Parthian arrows. The Parthians did not dare come too close. As they marched a little distance the river was seen by the advance guard. Antony interposed his cavalry between the enemy and the army. He made all the sick men to cross over first. The men that fought were now braver and strengthened. As soon as the Parthians saw the river, they unbent their bows and bid them in god’s name and highly commended their valour. So they crossed leisurely over the river and were glad they did not trust the promises of the Parthians. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5551. After Caesar Octavian had settled his affairs in Sicily, on November 13th (ides) he entered Rome from Sicily and made a speech. This is shown in the marble triumphal records. {Gruter, Inscript., p. 297.} {Suetonis, in Octavian, c. 22.} {Dio, l. 49. p. 400.} {Orosius, l. 6. c. 18.} He had a gold statue erected for him in the rostrum which showed his image with this inscription:

"For peace restored after continual wars both by sea and land.’’ {Appian, l. 5. p. 746.}

5552. He was 28 years old, after which manner those words of Appian are to be taken. gu Caioar itan is tste dktai kn eikqsi.

5553. He received also the tribunal power for ever by a decree of the senate who invited him by this honour to lay down the triumvirate. Concerning this, he wrote privately to Antony by Bibulus. {Appian, l. 5. p. 747.} {Orosius, l. 6. c. 18.}

5554. Antony’s men came to the Araxes River on the sixth day after the battle. It divides Media (Atropatena) from Armenia. The crossing was very difficult because of the depth and swiftness of the river. There was a report that the enemy lay in ambush to attack them in their crossing. After they were safely crossed over and entered Armenia, it was as if they had recently landed from sea. They kissed the earth and embraced one another with tears of joy. When they marched through a fruitful country, they so gorged themselves with food after so long a famine that many began to be sick with dropsies and fluxes. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5555. Antony numbered his army and found that he had lost 20,000 foot soldiers and 4000 cavalry. Half of these died of diseases and not from fighting against the enemy. {Plutarch, in Antony} In the whole army, at least a quarter of the men were dead or missing. The grooms and slaves lost about a third of there staff. Hardly anything remained of the baggage. However, Antony called this flight his victory because he was still alive. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 82.}

5556. In 21 days, he had fled 300 miles. {Livy, l. 130.} The march continued for 27 days all together from Phraata (or Phraaspa). In that time the Parthians were repelled in battle 18 times. The 16,000 cavalry, who were armed after the Parthian custom and were used to fighting with the Parthians did not help the Romans. Artavasdes had brought them from Armenia. The Parthians could not so often rally after their battle since they were so often beaten by the Romans if the Romans had the Arminian cavalry to pursue the Parthians. Therefore all men egged on Antony to punish the Armenians. He did not do this neither did he upbraid him with his treachery but used him with the same honour and courtesy that he had always done. He did this because he knew the army was weak and lacked provisions. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5557. Now that Antony was no longer more troubled with enemies, he hurried to Cleopatra and was unwilling to winter in Armenia. He took a quick journey in cold winter weather and continual snows. He hurried his soldiers on and he lost 8000 men by extremities of the weather. {Livy, l. 130.} {Plutarch, in Antony} As they crossed over the mountains of Armenia which were covered with snow, the many wounds they had received, greatly bothered them. Therefore many died or became unfit for service. Antony could not endure to hear of these things and forbid that anyone should speak to him about it. Although Antony was angry with the king of Armenia and wished for revenge because the king had deserted him, he tried to endear the king to him so that he might get provisions from him. Finally, the soldiers could not endure this journey in winter any longer. Antony persuaded the king by flatteries and promises that if he would let his army winter in his country, he planned the next spring to have his army attack the Parthians again. {Dio, l. 49. p. 410.} 3969b AM, 4679 JP, 35 BC

5558. Finally, Antony came to Syria with barely a third of the original sixteen legions. He returned to Antioch. {Orosius, l. 6. c. 19.} Here he foolishly began to brag as if he had gotten the victory because he had gotten away. {Florus, l. 4. c. 10.}

5559. He came down to the sea side with a few of his company and stayed in a citadel between Berytus and Sidon, called Leucocome. He awaited Cleopatra’s arrival for whose absence he pined away. To pass the time, he started feasting and drinking excessively. During this time, he would arise and run to see if she were coming until at last she finally came. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5560. Cleopatra brought for the soldiers a great amount of money and apparel. Some reported that Antony took the apparel which she had brought and gave it to the soldiers. He gave the money to the soldiers that she had given him. {Plutarch, in Antony} Concerning this matter Dio wrote this. The money which was brought to him by Cleopatra he gave to the soldiers. He divided to every soldier of the legions, 35 drachmas (or denarii) and to others proportionably. When that money ran out, he made up the rest from his own treasure and gave satisfaction for what he had received from Cleopatra. He also received much money from his friends and exacted much from his allies. When he had done this, he went into Egypt. {Dio, l. 49. p. 410.}

5561. Herod was continually pestered with the nagging of his wife Mariamme. She wanted him to restore the high priesthood to her brother Aristobulus according to his due. Therefore he called a council of his friends, he bitterly complained against his mother-in-law Alexandra, as if she had secretly done treason against his kingdom and had endeavoured, by Cleopatra’s means, to make her son the new king. However, lest he should seem to be disrespectful to her and the rest of the family, he said that he would now restore the priesthood to her son. Ananelus had before this been preferred because Aristobulus was so young. Alexandra was almost beside herself for joy and grieved that she was suspected of treason. She wept and cleared herself of these accusations. She thanked Herod many times for her son’s honour and promised that after this she would be most obedient to the king. Thus Herod gave the priesthood to Aristobulus in the lifetime of Ananelus. He was only seventeen years old. {Josephus, l. 15. c. 2, 3.}

5562. Sextus Pompeius learned of Antony’s ill fortune in Media. Caius Furnius, who at that time was governor of Asia, was not friendly toward Sextus, so he did not stay in Lesbos. He started to hope that he should either succeed Antony (if he died) in all his power or at least should receive some part of it. He was especially encouraged since from Sicily and from other places, many came to him. Some came from the reputation his father had and others came because they did not know where else to live. So that he took the trappings of the general and prepared to capture Asia. He always remembered the recent example of Labienus who had quickly overrun it. {Appian, l. 5. p. 747.} {Dio, l. 49. p. 402.}

5563. When Antony came into the country of his friends, he knew what Pompeius had done. He promised that if he would lay down his arms he would pardon him and make him his friend. Pompeius promised he would and so wrote him back. He condemned Antony for the disastrous defeat he had received and that he was so soon gone into Egypt. Pompeius carried on his plans. {Dio, l. 49. p. 402.} Not wishing to burn his bridges, he sent messengers to Antony and offered to be his friend and ally. The real purpose was to spy on Antony. In the meantime, he sent ambassadors to the governors of Thracia and Pontus. He thought that if he failed to take Asia, he could flee through Pontus into Armenia. He sent ambassadors also to the Parthians and hoped that they would willingly use him for their captain in the war that was not yet ended against Antony. Pompeius was a Roman and also the son of Pompey the Great. He also provided for ships and exercised the mariners. He let on that he was afraid of Caesar and that this preparation was for the service of Antony. {Appian, l. 5. p. 747}

5564. As soon as Antony heard what Pompeius was up to, he kept on his journey but sent Marcus Tiotius, who formerly had revolted from Sextus Pompeius to him, as general against him. He had received a fleet and army from Syria. He was to use all his power to resist Pompeius if he made any war. If Pompeius would submit himself, he should receive him with all honour. {Appian, l. 5. p. 747} {Dio, l. 49. p. 402.}

5565. Pompeius’ ambassadors who were sent to the Parthians, were captured by Antony’s captains and brought to Alexandria. When Antony had learned all these things from these ambassadors, he called the other ambassadors who were sent to him and brought them face to face. They excused Pompeius as being a young man in a desperate situation and feared he should not be accepted by Antony and was forced to try the good will even of counties that were the greatest enemies of the Romans. If he had known Antony’s mind, there had been no need of all the solicitations and craft. This he believed, since he was not a malicious man but well meaning and generous. {Appian, l. 5. p. 749.}

5566. When Octavia was at Rome, she intended to sail to Antony, and Caesar agreed. The reason was not as most have written from any respect to Antony but that he might have an honest pretence for war against him if he slighted or harmed her. {Plutarch, in Antony} She went to Athens and wintered there. {Appian, l. 5. p. 750.}

5567. At this time war broke out between the king of the Mede (Artarasdes) against Phraates, the king of the Parthians and Artabazes or Artaraseds king of the Armenians. Artarasdes was angry with the Armenians because by their means, the Romans were brought in upon him and with the Parthians because he neither received any great amount of the spoils of the Romans nor any honour at all. Artarasdes was afraid also that he would take away his kingdom from him. He sent Polemo, the king of Pontus, as an ambassador to Antony and desired his friendship and alliance. He wanted Antony to come to him and promised him the help of all his forces. Antony was pleased for the only thing which seemed to prevent the overthrowing of the Parthians, was his lack of cavalry and archers. He thought now he should have and do more good in the receiving them than the king did to him in giving them. Thereupon, Antony had great expectation and he departed again to go through Armenia. He called the king of the Medes to the river Araxes and then started the war with Parthia. {Plutarch, in Antony} {Dio, l. 49. p. 411.}

5568. Antony wrote to Octavia who was now at Athens and told her to stay there and informed her of an expedition that he was about to take. She took this badly and thought this was just an excuse. However, she wrote to him to know what he would have her do with those things sent that she brought for him. She had brought much apparel for the soldiers, many cavalry, much money and presents for his captains and friends. In addition she had 2000 choice men all armed like the praetorian cohorts. Niger, a friend of Antony, was sent by Octavia to tell Antony this. He added the deserved commendations for Octavia. Antony accepted both her own and others gifts and also the soldiers that she had begged from her brother for this purpose. {Plutarch, in Antony} {Dio, l. 49. p. 411.}

5569. Cleopatra, feared lest Octavia should draw Antony from her and seemed to languish for the love of him. She made her body so weak by her feminine tricks as though she could not live if she were deprived of him. Antony was overcome and abandoned his journey to the king of the Medes although he received news that the Parthians were in civil wars. He returned again into Alexandria. {Plutarch, in Antony} From that time on, he give himself over to the love and wishes of Cleopatra. {Dio, l. 49. p. 411.}

5570. Antony summoned Artavasdes, king of Armenia into Egypt as a friend. He hoped to get him into his power so that he might more easily kill him. Since the king did not come, he suspected some deceit. He then found other means to deceive him. He did not publicly show his anger against him lest he should provoke him to war. {Dio, l. 49. p. 411.}

5571. C. Furnius, the governor of Asia, (whom we read in Plutarch’s Antony, and Jerome’s Chronicle, to be a man of great authority and to be the most eloquent among the Romans,) entertained Pompeius who came to him presently. Furnius was not strong enough to drive him out neither did he know want Antony wanted to do. When he saw Pompeius’ soldiers exercising, he also mustered them that were of his province and sent for Aenobarbus who commanded the army and was next him. He called quickly for Amyntas to help him. When they came immediately, Pompeius complained that he was counted for an enemy at the time when he was expecting an answer from Antony by the ambassadors whom he had sent to him. However, Pompeius planned to take Aenobarbus by the treachery of Curius, a close friend of his. He hoped that it would be a great matter if anything happened. The treason was discovered and Curius was put to death after he was condemned in the council chambers of the Romans. Pompeius also killed Theodorus, a freed man of his who only knew of this business, as if he had been the one to tell his secret. {Appian, l. 5. p. 749.}

5572. Pompeius gave up hope that Furnius would receive him and seized Lampsacus by treachery. Many Italians lived here and were brought as a colony by C. Caesar. He paid the Italians large wages to entice them to serve under him. He now had 200 cavalry and three legions. He attacked Cyzicum by sea and land and he was repulsed in both fronts. There was a very large band of soldiers to guard the walls who were brought there for Antony. Pompeius returned to the harbour of the Achaeans and planned to provide grain for his troops. {Appian, l. 5. p. 749.}

5573. Furnius would not fight and always stayed near his camp with many cavalry. He would not allow Pompeius to get any grain nor seize any cities. Pompeius attacked his camp in front and sent some around who attacked from the rear. Therefore when Furnius went out against him, he had his camp at his back. Pompeius slew many as they fled by the fields of Scamander. The field was very wet because of much rain that fell. Those who escaped, retreated into a safe place but were unable to prepare for a new war. Pompeius received men from Mysia, Propontis and other places. These were poor men who were exhausted with taxes and served under Pompeius for money. He was now famous for the victory he had at the harbour of the Achaeans. {Appian, l. 5. p. 750.}

5574. Since Pompeius lacked cavalry and therefore could not go very far to forage. He heard that a squadron of Italian cavalry were sent to Antony from Octavia who wintered in Athens. Therefore he presently sent to bribe them with gold. Antony’s governor of Macedonia apprehended them and divided the money among the soldiers. {Appian, l. 5. p. 750.}

5575. Pompeius captured Nicaea and Nicomedia. He gathered money together in abundance because of his great and unexpected successes. {Appian, l. 5. p. 750.}

5576. When Furnius was camped near him, as soon as it was spring, there came to him a fleet of 70 ships from Sicily. This was the remainder of the fleet which Antony had lent Caesar against Pompeius. When the Sicilian war was ended, Caesar dismissed them. Titius also came from Syria with 120 ships and a large army. They all arrived at Proconesus. {Appian, l. 5. p. 750.}

5577. Pompeius was very afraid because he was not fully prepared. He selected those places which were most convenient for his flight. He was apprehended in Nicomedia and he asked for peace through his ambassadors and hoped the favours he had done previously for Titius would make him agreeable. Titius absolutely denied to grant any peace unless he surrendered to him all his ships and forces. {Dio, l. 49. p. 402, 403.}

5578. Therefore Pompeius, gave up any hope of safety by sea. He put all his provisions of any weight into his ships and set them on fire. He armed his sailors who would be of more use to him on land with the others. {Dio, l. 49. p. 403.} {Appian, l. 5. p. 750.}

5579. Herod feared lest his mother-in-law Alexandra would seek opportunities to create new problems and ordered to have her kept within the palace and to do nothing by her own authority. She was kept so strictly that nothing was concealed from him of all that she did, even to the expenses of her food. She took this captivity very badly and sent letters to Cleopatra and complained of her harsh treatment. She wanted her help. Therefore Cleopatra said that she with her son should flee into Egypt to her. She provided two coffins for her and her son that are used when men die. She ordered those servants that knew the plot that they should carry them out by night, and go to a ship which was ready provided to carry them into Egypt. Aesopus, a servant, told this to Sabbation, a friend of Alexander’s because he thought he had known all this before. As Sabbation who was considered an enemy of Herod’s since he was suspected to be in on the plot in the poisoning of Antipater, took this opportunity of being reconciled to the king’s favour by telling this matter. Herod played along in this until it was being done and surprised her in flight and brought her back. However, he pardoned her and did not dare to punish her. He feared that Cleopatra would not be so contented but would seek any occasion of hatred against him. Therefore under the pretence of a magnanimous spirit, he made show as if he pardoned her out of mere clemency. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 3.}

5580. Cassius Parmensis, Nasidius, Saturninus, Antistius and other honourable friends of Sextus Pompeius and his dear friend Fannius and his father-in-law Libo could not persuade Pompeius to abandon the war against one who was more powerful than himself especially when Titius came whom Antony had sent. They began to despair and decided to defect to Antony. {Appian, l. 5. p. 750, 751.}

5581. After Pompeius was forsaken by his friends, he departed into the midland country of Bithynia and intending to go (as was reported) into Armenia. He stole away secretly by night from the camp. Furnius, Titius and Amyntas pursued him and marching excessively fast. They overtook him about evening and they both camped around an hill but without either a ditch or trench. It was late at night and they were weary. In this condition, Pompeius sent by night 3000 targateers who attacked them either in their beds or running out from their lodgings who all fled naked most cowardly. If Pompeius had attacked them with all his forces or pursued them as they fled, he might have had an absolute victory. He did not do this and gained nothing by all this. He went on where he was going into the midland country. {Appian, l. 5. p. 751.}

5582. His enemies joined together and kept him from foraging so that he was very short of food. He was forced to demand a parlay with Furnius, who in previous times was a friend of Pompey the Great. He was a man of honour and gravity above the rest. Therefore he stood on the bank of a river that ran between them and he told him that he would commit himself to his protection on the condition that he might be brought to Antony. Furnius answered that this business did not belong to him, but to Titius. Pompeius suspected Titius’ faithfulness and offered again to yield himself and entreated that he might be accepted. When this could not be obtained, he desired that he might be received by Amyntas. He told him that Amyntas would do nothing that might be a wrong to him that was to execute the commands of Antony. So the parlay broke off. {Appian, l. 5. p. 751, 752.}

5583. Furnius’ soldiers thought that for very want of food, he would on the next day yield himself to Titius. He according to the custom in camps, made many fires in the night and by trumpeters distinguished the watches of the night. He secretly withdrew himself with his army without any baggage not so much as telling them where they were going. He thought to return to the sea and to burn Titius’ fleet. He might have been able to do this had not Scaurus ran from him and told of his departure and the way he went, although he did not know what he intended to do. Then Amyntas pursued him with 1500 cavalry and Sextius had none. As soon as he overtook him, Pompeius’ soldiers went over to him, some privately and some publicly. Pompeius was now almost desolate and was afraid of his own soldiers and surrendered himself without any conditions when he had previously refused the conditions of Titius. {Appian, l. 5. p. 752.}

5584. Dio wrote that he was surprised, surrounded and taken by Titius and Furnius at Miletum, which is a town of Phrygia. {Dio, l. 49. p. 403.} Appian said that his army was compelled by Titius to take a solemn oath to Antony. {Appian, l. 5. p. 753.}

5585. When Antony knew what happened, he immediately sent letters and ordered Pompeius to be executed. A little later, he repented and ordered that he be spared. However, the carrier of the last letters came before the one that brought the first. Titius then received the letters concerning his death later. He supposed they were indeed written last or knowing the truth would not believe it. He followed the orders of the letters as they were delivered and not what Antony intended. {Dio, l. 49. p. 403.}

5586. There are some who report that it was not Antony who ordered the death of Pompeius, but Plancus. He was the governor of Syria and was accustomed to signing for Antony in letters of importance. He also used Antony’s seal either with the knowledge of Antony. (Yet he himself would not write, either because of the fame of Pompeius or because Cleopatra favoured him for the memory of his father, the Great Pompey.) If Antony did not know then Plancus may have done it himself because he was afraid that Pompeius might be some cause of difference between Caesar and Antony, or lest Cleopatra should favour Pompeius and not him. {Appian, l. 5. p. 753.}

5587. Sextus Pompeius was executed at Miletum {Appian, l. 5. p. 753.} {Strabo, l. 3. p. 141.} when L. Cornificius and another Sextus Pompeius were consuls. {Dio, l. 49. p. 403.} Livy has this note about him: {Livy, l. 132}

"When Sextus Pompeius had surrendered to Antony while still making war against him in Asia. He was overcome by his lieutenants.’’

5588. We read in Orosius: {Orosius, l. 6. c. 19.}

"Pompeius fled after being often defeated on sea and land. He was taken and a little later put to death.’’

5589. Velleius Paterculus wrote that Antony: {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 87.} "When he had promised that he would preserve the dignity of Sextus Pompeius then he killed him.’’

5590. He wrote in more detail: {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 97.}

"Pompeius fled into Asia and was killed by the order of Antony whose help he implored. Pompeius was undecided whether to be a general or a petitioner and now would retain his dignity and beg for his life. Antony had his throat cut by Titius. By this act, Antony was unpopular for a long time. When he exhibited plays in Pompeius’ theatre, he was driven out from it with the curses of the people from the shows that he put on.’’

5591. Caesar Octavian held plays on horseback because of the death of Sextus Pompeius. He set up a chariot for the honour of Antony before the rostrum and statues in the temple of Concorde. He gave Antony permission to banquet there with his wife and children as it was formerly decreed to himself. For as yet he pretended to be his friend and comforted Antony concerning the Parthian expedition. Antony told him what envy there was risen against him by reason of the Sicilian victory and the honours decreed to him for it. (??) {Dio, l. 49. p. 403.} 3970a AM, 4679 JP, 35 BC

5592. In the feast of tabernacles, the new high priest, Aristobulus who had just turned seventeen years old, offered the sacrifice according to the law. He was clothed in the priestly attire and came to the altar and performed the ceremony with all decency. He was quite handsome and taller than usual for one that old. He bore in his countenance the honour of his lineage and won the affection of all the multitude. Everyone recalled the worthy and memorable actions of his grandfather Aristobulus. They were overcome with affection for him and were so overjoyed that they could not contain themselves. They publicly prayed for him and wished him all joy and that more freely than was fit under such a king, proclaimed publicly the memory and thanks they owed to that family for all their benefits. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 3.} 5593. As soon as the feast was ended, he was entertained at a banquet by his mother Alexandra. King Herod courteously enticing the young man into a convenient place and pretended to jest with him after the manner of young men. Because that place was too hot and they were quickly weary, they left their games and went to the fish pools that were near the court to take in the fresh air at noon. At first they saw some of their friends and servants as they were swimming. At length the young man also, by the persuasion of Herod, went in among them. Then those to whom this charge was given, dunked him as he was swimming, as it were in sport and jest. They held him under water and did not stop until he drowned. This was the end of Aristobulus in the eighteenth year of his age and the first of his high priesthood which immediately reverted to Ananelus. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 3.}

5594. Now when this accident was reported to the women, they were all in an uproar and did nothing but weep and howl over the dead body of the young man. Sorrow seized the whole city, as soon as the rumour was spread abroad and every house bewailed the calamity as if it had been their own. Herod endeavoured by all means to make people believe, that this accident happened without his knowledge. He pretended to be sorrowful but also tears and grief very like to true grief. So that he might comfort the women more, he buried the body with a most magnificent funeral. He was extremely liberal in adorning his monument and in perfumes and other precious things. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 3.}

5595. His mother Alexandra, although she was often ready to commit suicide since she knew all what happened yet she repressed her passion. She behaved as if she was not suspicious as if she had thought that her son had not been killed on purpose until some occasion of revenge might offer itself. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 3.} 3970b AM, 4680 JP, 34 BC

5596. Antony sought some way how he might the more easily be revenged of Artavasdes, the king of Armenia. He sent Q. Dellius to him and he asked and added many promises also that there might be a marriage between his daughter and Antony’s son Alexander (whom he had by Cleopatra.) Finally, he suddenly came in the beginning of the spring to Nicopolis, a city in the lesser Armenia that was built by Pompey. From there he sent for him to come, as though he would make use of both his advise and help in the Parthian war. Artavasdes suspected treachery and did not come. {Dio, l. 49. p. 475.}

5597. Alexandria was incensed by her grief to a desire of revenge, and told Cleopatra by letters of the treachery of Herod and also of the lamentable death of her son. Cleopatra who for a long time was desirous to help her and then pitying the woman’s misfortune, took particular care of this business herself. She never stopped nagging Antony to revenge the young man’s death and told him it was an unpardonable act that he that by his help had enjoyed a kingdom that rightfully belonged to another and behaved with such insolent rage against the lawful family of the kings. Antony was persuaded by these words. After he came into Laodicea in Syria, he sent for Herod to come before him, to answer to the crime against him about the death of Aristobulus. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 15. c. 4.}

5598. Herod committed the care of the kingdom to his Uncle Joseph and ordered him secretly that if Antony should do any harm to him then Joseph should execute his wife Mariamme. He told Joseph that he loved her so much, that he should esteem it a wrong done to himself, if any one should enjoy her beauty even after his death. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 15. c. 4.}

5599. Herod went to Antony and so appeased him with his presents which he had brought from Jerusalem for this purpose and so appeased his anger by with many conferences that after this Cleopatra’s charges carried less weight with him. Antony denied that it was fitting that a king should give an account of his actions otherwise he would cease to be a king. For having once given him the honour of being a king he should have the free power to do as he wished. He also said that Cleopatra should not meddle too much with other men’s governments. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 15. c. 4.}

5600. When Joseph governed the kingdom that was committed to him, he talked at various times with Mariamme. Sometimes it was about business and partly to honour her. He often mentioned how much Herod loved her which made the other ladies laugh, especially Alexandra. He was so trying to vindicate the king’s love to them that he told them the secret command the king had given him. He thought that this was the best argument of his love because he could neither endure to live without her nor in death be parted from her. The ladies did not interpret it as an indubitable sign of Herod’s love but abhorred his tyrannical mind, who though he were dead would yet seek their life. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 15. c. 4.}

5601. In the interim, a rumour spread in the city that the king was put to death by Antony. This disturbed all the court especially the ladies. Alexandra also persuaded Joseph that he should take them with him and he should flee to the ensigns of the Roman legions. They were around the city, Joseph should seek the protection of the tribune, Julius so that if at first there should be any troubles about the court, they would be safe and in the favour of the Romans. Moreover it was hoped that Mariamme could obtain anything, if she should ever see Antony and might also recover the kingdom and whatever belonged to the royal family. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 4}

5602. As they were holding this meeting, Herod’s letters arrived that quashed the rumour. He wrote of what honours Antony had shown for him in public assemblies and by inviting him to feasts. He said that Antony did this even during the accusations of Cleopatra, who was desirous of that country and fought by all means to destroy him that she might usurp that kingdom. However, since Antony had showed himself just, no great danger was expected and he should shortly return after he had his kingdom and alliance confirmed by Antony. There was no hope left now for the covetousness of Cleopatra, since Antony had granted her Coelosyria, instead of what she had demanded. It was given on the condition that she would never again demand Judah or mention this matter to him. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 4}

5603. As soon as these letters were received, the reason for fleeing to the Romans vanished but their resolution to do so was not hidden. As soon as Herod had brought Antony some part of the way against the Parthians, (for so he pretended) he returned into Judea. Immediately his sister, Salome and his mother Salome, told him what Alexandra intended to do with her friends. Salome was not content with this but accused her husband Joseph, as if he had been too familiar with Mariamme. She did this from an old grudge, because the queen was a woman of a high spirit and among other women’s chatter, she had upbraided her for her lowly birth. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 4}

5604. Mariamme had testified to Herod by oath to her chastity and Herod had told her again how much he loved her. She denied that it was wrong for a lover to order that if he should die that also his wife should be put to death. Herod thought this secret could never be known unless she had committed adultery with Joseph. He wanted to kill her for this but he was overcome with love and he barely restrained himself from doing this. However, he ordered Joseph to be put to death and did not so much as allow him to come into his presence. He also put Alexandra into prison since she was the cause of all these evils. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 4.}

5605. In the meanwhile the affairs of Syria were unsettled. Cleopatra never failed to bias Antony against all men and persuaded him to take everyone’s government from him and to give it to her. She wanted Judea and Arabia to be given to her and taken from the two kings, Herod and Malchus. She plotted their destruction. However, Antony thought it was unjust to put two such great kings to death as a favour to an importunate woman. In spite of this he no more counted them as his friends and took part of their country from them and gave it to Cleopatra. Moreover, he gave her all the cities which lie between the Eleutherus River and Egypt except for Tyre and Sidon. He knew these were always free cities although by her earnest intreaties she tried to get them also. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 13. l. 7. c. 28. Antiq. l. 15. c. 4.}

5606. Thus Cleopatra, by the bounty of Antony, enjoyed a large part of Cilicia, the country of Judea where the balsam grows, Arabia, Nabatea which was Malchus’ country, (that is all that bordered the sea) Ituraea, Phoenicia, Coelosyria, Cyprus and some part of Crete. Antony greatly offended the people of Rome with his large gifts. They were upset by the immorality of Cleopatra from whom he had twins previously, Alexandra and Cleopatra, (whom he named one the Sun, and the other the Moon) and also Ptolemy, whom she named Philadelphus. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 36. 9:219 c. 54. 9:263} {*Dio, l. 50. 5:425} {Livy, l. 132.} Cleopatra is said to have understood many languages so that she did not need an interpreter but could speak either Ethiopian, Troglodita, Hebrew, Arabian, Syrian, Mede and Parthian. Her predecessors, the kings of Egypt, scarcely understood the Egyptian languages and some also of them had forgotten the Macedonian language. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 27. 9:197}

5607. Cleopatra accompanied Antony, who was going with his army into Armenia, as far as the Euphrates River. She returned and on the way she visited Apamea and Damascus. Then she came into Judea. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 5.}

5608. The third summer after Lepidus was put out of office by Caesar Octavian in Silicia, Antony undertook his expedition into Armenia {*Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 82. 1:223} after the death of Sextus Pompeius. {*Appian, l. 5. 4:617} He again sent Q. Dellius to the king of Armenia to confer with him while he quickly went to Artaxata, {*Dio, l. 49. b. 5:421}

5609. Cleopatra was entertained by Herod in Judea and he assured her of that part of Arabia that was granted to her by Antony and the revenues of Jericho also were hers. This country bears balsam which was the most precious of all ointments and only grows there. Also there is a large supply of dates. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 5.} The balsam is grown only in the land of Judea and is only in two gardens both of which belonged to the king. One was 20 acres large and the other was smaller. {*Pliny, l. 12. c. 54. 4:79}

5610. By this, Herod became good friends with Cleopatra. She tried to allure him by her wiles either through the intemperance of her lust or else seeking an occasion too by this for her treachery. She only pretended love and Herod refused her. He had a meeting with his friends about killing her but was restrained from this attempt by them. He appeased Cleopatra by generous presents and all manner of attentive service. He accompanied her as far as Pelusium. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 13. Antiq. l. 15. c. 5.} He was afraid of her and also of the Jewish people. He made that castle as a refuge for himself and stored as many arms there as would be needed for 10,000 men. {Josephus, Wars, l. 7. c. 28.}

5611. In Armenia, Antony induced King Artavasdes to come to him. He had his friends persuade him as well he frightened him with the size of his forces. The king was deceived by his many promises since Antony always behaved like his friend in his letters and deeds. He come into his camp upon his assurance and was apprehended. {*Dio, l. 49. 5:421} {Livy, l. 131.} {*Strabo. l. 11. 5:339} {*Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 82. 1:255} {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 50. 9:255} {Orosius, l. 6. c. 19.}

5612. As soon as Antony had taken him, he carried him about the citadels where his treasure was stored. He did not put him in fetters and hoped to get the treasure without any fighting. He pretended that he took him captive only to get his money from the Armenians for their freedom and his kingdom. This was all in vain since those who kept the treasure, would not obey him. {*Dio, l. 49. 5:421}

5613. Those Armenians who bore arms, made his oldest son Artaxias the king instead of Artavasdes or Artabazes who was taken prisoner. {*Dio, l. 49. 5:421} {Josephus, Antiq., l. 15. c. 5.} Antony bound Artavasdes with silver chains as if it were a lowly thing for a king to be tied with iron fetters. {*Dio, l. 49. 5:423} By his silver chains he compelled him to confess where the royal treasure was. When he captured the town where he told him the treasure was stored, he took from there a large amount of gold and silver. {Orosius, l. 6. c. 11.}

5614. After these things, Antony subdued all Armenia either by force or voluntary surrender. {*Dio, l. 49. 5:423} {Josephus, Antiq., l. 15. c. 5.} When Artaxias engaged him in a battle, he was defeated and fled to the Parthians. {*Dio, l. 49. 5:423} Antony led Artavasdes bound with his sons, who were princes, into Egypt as a present to Cleopatra along with whatever was valuable in that kingdom. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 13. Antiq., l. 15. c. 5.}

5615. At Rome on the 13th (ides) of September, C. Sosius the proconsul triumphed for Judea. This appears in the marble triumphal records. {Gruter, Inscript. p. 297.} 3971a AM, 4680 JP, 34 BC

5616. Antony obtained for a stricter tie of friendship, the daughter of Artarasdes, the king of Media for a marriage with his son. He left his army in Armenia and he returned into Egypt with his enormous plunder. When he entered Alexandria in a chariot, he led before him among other captives, Artavasdes or Artabazes, the king of Armenia with his wife and children. {*Dio. l. 49. 5:423} The Romans were discontented by this as if the best possessions of their country, should be shared with the Egyptians as a favour to Cleopatra. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 54. 9:261}

5617. Antony presented Artavasdes, with his family in chains of gold, before Cleopatra, in an assembly of the people. She was on silver plated platform and sat in a chair of gold. The barbarians neither reverenced her, nor fell on their knees, (although they were often ordered to do so by threats and promises.) They only called her by her own name and for this they were thought to be high spirited and suffered all the more. {*Dio, l. 49. 5:425}

5618. Antony feasted the Alexandrians and assembled the people into the show place where the young men exercise themselves. On the high silver platform, he placed two golden chairs, one for himself and another for Cleopatra and smaller chairs for his children. He then made a speech to the people and decreed that Cleopatra should be called Queen of Kings and her son and partner in the kingdom, namely, Ptolemy Caesarion, King of Kings. He gave them Egypt and Cyprus in a different division which he had previously made. He told them also that Cleopatra was the wife of Caesar the dictator and that Caesarion was his lawful son. He pretended that he spoke this in love for Caesar so that he might make Octavian hated. Octavian was not Caesar’s son but only an adopted son. Antony allocated lands to the children whom he had by Cleopatra. He gave Lybia Cyreniaca to their daughter, Cleopatra. He gave Armenia to her brother, Alexander and promised also Media and Parthia and all those countries that lie beyond the Euphrates River even to India after he had conquered them. He also gave to Ptolemy (surnamed Philadelphus) Phoenicia, Syria, Cilicia, and all the country on this side of the Euphrates River to the Hellespont. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 54. 9:263} {*Dio, l. 49. 5:425}

5619. Antony also brought out his other sons, Alexander in the clothes of the Medes and wearing the Persian clothes and a turban. Ptolemy came in slippers and cloak with a crown about it. These were the clothes of Alexander the Great’s successors and the other of the Medes and Armenians. And as soon as the lads had greeted their parents, the Macedonians were to guard the one and the Armenians the other. Whenever Cleopatra appeared in public, she wore the clothes of the goddess Isis and so spoke to all her subjects in the name of the new Isis. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 54. 9:263} She also ordered that she should be called Isis and the Selene and Antony, the new Osiris and Father Bacchus (Liber) since he was crowned with ivy and wore buskins. He was carried at Alexandria in a chariot like Father Liber. {*Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 82. 1:225} {*Dio, l. 50. 5:445} &&& Antony, Mark - Called new Osiris and the Father Bacchus 3971b AM, 4681 JP, 33 BC

5620. Antony went as far as the Araxis River as if he intended to make war on the Parthians. He thought he had accomplished enough by making an alliance with Artarasdes, the king of the Medes. Antony and the Mede promised each other mutual assistance, the one against the Parthians and the other against Caesar. To seal the pact, they exchanged some soldiers. Antony also gave the Mede, part of Armenia that he had recently seized and received from him his daughter Iotape who was very young, to be in time a wife for his son Alexander (born of Cleopatra,) to whom he had given the kingdom of Armenia, which also Livy also confirmed. {Livy, l. 131.} The Mede also gave him the ensigns that were taken from Statianus. {*Dio. l. 49. 5:431,433} {*Plutarch, in Antony, c. 52. 9:255,257}

5621. After peace was made with the Medes, Antony gave to Polemon the Lesser Armenia. He also gave the consulship to L. Cluavius (or Cluvius) who was with him and he took him with him. {*Dio, l. 49. 5:432,433}

5622. Caesar Octavian in the senate and before the people, frequently accused Antony and incensed the people against him. Antony also sent recriminations against him. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 55. 9:263} Caesar among other things, complained that Antony held Egypt that was not assigned to him. He had killed Sextus Pompeius, whom (as he said) he had willingly let escape. He had treacherously taken Artavasdes and put him in prison. He had brought great infamy upon the people of Rome. Caesar demanded also some of the spoils. Above all Caesar upbraided him for his conduct with Cleopatra and the children that he had by her and the countries that he had given to her. He was especially upset because he had brought Caesarion, the son of Cleopatra, into the family of Caesar. {*Dio, l. 50. 5:437} Antony affirmed to the senate that he was acknowledged so by Julius Caesar and that C. Marius, C. Oppius, and the other friends of Julius Caesar knew this. Caius Oppius, as if the business needed a defence wrote a book, and said that Caesarion was not Caesar’s son whom Cleopatra said was. {Suetonius, in Julius, c. 52.}

5623. When Antony was in Armenia, he ordered Canidius to go to the sea with 16 legions. However, he took Cleopatra with him and went to Ephesus where his fleets were all to meet. There were 800 ships of which Cleopatra promised 200 ships, 20,000 talents and provisions for all the army during the war. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 56. 9:265}

5624. Antony by the advice of Domitius and some others, ordered Cleopatra to return to Egypt and there to wait the result of the war. However, she feared that Antony and Octavia may be reconciled and she persuaded Canidius with large bribes that he would speak to Antony for her. He was to say that it was not fair that she should be sent back when she had brought so much for the war effort. It would not be good that the Egyptians should be discouraged who made up a large part of the naval forces. Antony was convinced and they assembled their forces and sailed to Samos where they gave themselves over to pleasure. Just as it was ordered that all kings, governors, tetrarchs, countries and cities that were between Syria, Meotis, Armenia and Lauria should help in the war, likewise it was ordered that all the dramatic artists meet at Samos. Whereas almost all the world was filled with weeping and wailing, this one island alone resounded with piping and singing for many days. All the theatre was full of these common players. Every city sent over for sacrifices and the kings strove among themselves who should make the greatest feast and give the greatest presents so that it was normally said:

"What will they do when they are conquerors in a triumph, when for the very preparation for the war is made with such sumptuousness?’’ {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 66. 9:267}

5625. From here Antony sailed to Athens and there gave himself wholly over to see plays and shows. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 67. 9:267} He went with a staff of gold, and a Persian sword by his side, a purple robe buttoned with precious stones and a crown so that a king might enjoy a queen. {*Florus, l. 2. c. 21. 1:325}

5626. The king of Media used the help of the Romans that Antony had left with him and defeated the Parthians and Artaxes (or Artaxias the Armenian) that came against him. {*Dio, l. 49. 9:433} 3972a AM, 4681 JP, 33 BC

5627. Herod duly paid the tributes of the countries of Judea and Arabia which Cleopatra had received from Antony. He thought it was not safe to give her any reason for ill will against him. Herod had undertaken to collect the tribute from Arabia and for some time paid 200 talents yearly. Later he was slow and negligent and scarcely paid her half and that very negligently. {Joseph. l. 15. c. 5.}

5628. Caesar and Antony mutually accused each other and mutually defended themselves. This was sometimes done with private letters sent between them. (Among those which Antony sent Caesar was most petulant, {Suetonius, in Octavian} where Suetonius said that he began to live with Queen Cleopatra, whom he affirms to have been his wife for nine years.) Some letters were sent publicly. Caesar publicly pleaded his case and Antony through his letters. On these occasions, they often sent ambassadors one to another so that they might more fully show their cause to be just and spy on the affairs of the adversary. In the mean while, they got money together, as if it had been for some other purpose and prepared for war as if it had been against other enemies. {*Dio, l. 50. 5:437,439} 3972b AM, 4682 JP, 32 BC

5629. The new consul at Rome, Caius Sosius (who had triumphed for Judea) on the first day of January made a long speech in the senate praising Antony and criticising Caesar. (Gnaeus Domitius, his colleague because he had endured many calamities previous, did not get involved.) Sosius was ready to make an edict against Caesar who had purposefully left the city, had not Nonius Balbus, the tribune of the people, opposed it. {*Dio, l. 50. 5:439}

5630. Antony wrote to Rome to confirm that the allocation of lands that he had made at Alexandria of the country between Cleopatra and her children. In spite of this, these letters were not read publicly. Domitius and Sosius, the consuls who most favoured Antony forbid it. Caesar desired that all things might be made public. Since their opinion prevailed, Caesar had the senate agree that none of those that were written would be read concerning Artavasdes with whom Caesar had privately consulted with against Antony and he also begrudged Antony a triumph. {*Dio, l. 49. 5:425,427}

5631. The senate convened and Caesar sat between the consuls in the curule chair, surrounded by his friends and soldiers. They carried concealed weapons. When he at length defended himself and accused Sosius and Antony and saw that neither any other nor the consuls themselves dared say a word, he ordered them to meet again on a certain day. He would show them the wrongs of Antony in writing. The consuls did not dare to oppose him nor were they able to hold their peace. They left the city privately before the day came and went to Antony. Many of the senators followed them. When Caesar knew of this, he said that any one his side was also free to go to Antony in safety lest he should seem to have been forsaken by them for some wrong he had done them. {*Dio, l. 50. 5:439,441} {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 17.}

5632. After the consuls left, Caesar convened a senate and did and said what he wanted to. When Antony heard this, he called a council of his friends and after many arguments on both sides, he declared war. {*Dio, l. 50. 5:441} He ordered a divorce to be declared to his wife, Octavia, the sister of Caesar. {*Dio, l. 50. 5:441} {Livy, l. 132.} {Eutropius, l. 7.} {Orosius, l. 6. c. 19.}

5633. Later he sent some men to Rome, to put Octavia out of his house. She went and took with her all Antony’s children whom he had by Fulvia except the oldest who lived with his father. She wept and wailed exceedingly because she seemed to be one cause of the civil war. The people of Rome did not so much pity her as Antony and much more those that had seen Cleopatra who was not superior to Octavia in beauty nor youth. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 57. 9:267,269}

5634. When Caesar heard of the sudden and large preparations of Antony, he was very astonished and feared he should be forced to fight that summer. Caesar was very short of money and vexed the people of Italy with his exactions. It was Antony’s most serious fault for delaying the battle. This gave Caesar time to prepare and to settle the uproar over his extractions. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 58. 9:269}

5635. After King Herod had settled the troubles of Judea and had taken Hyrcanium, (a town which the sister of Antigonus had kept), the war at Actium started in the 187th Olympiad (which was this summer.) Herod made large preparations for the helping of Antony however Antony relieved him of this by saying he did not require them. After Antony heard from Cleopatra and others of the wrong doings of the Arabians that refused to pay the tribute Antony imposed, Antony ordered Herod to make war on the Arabians. Cleopatra also persuaded Antony that it would be for her profit. She hoped that if Herod would defeat the Arabians then she would be the mistress of Arabia. If the Arabians defeated Herod then she would be the mistress of Judea. Therefore Herod returned home by Antony’s orders and kept his army there. Soon he invaded Arabia with a good army of foot soldiers and cavalry. He went to Diospolis where the Arabians met him and after a fierce battle, the Jews got the victory. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 14. Antiq. l. 15. c. 6.}

5636. Titius and Plancus were the best friends to Antony and had previously been consuls. They knew all Antony’s plans and were secretly envied by Cleopatra because they were much against her presence in this war. They fled to Caesar who willingly entertained them. Caesar learned all Antony’s actions and counsels as well as the contents of his will and its location. They were witnesses to it and knew the contents. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 58. 9:269} {*Dio, l. 50. 5:441} Concerning Plancus’ actions (who was formerly secretary to Antony and later Antony made him proconsul of Asia and then of Syria) and of his and Titius’ flight, see Velleius. {*Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 83. 1:225}

5637. Antony’s will was deposited with the vestal virgins who refused to turn it over to Caesar. However, if he came and took it, they said they would not stop him. Therefore he went and took it. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 58. 9:269} At first he read it privately and noted some places that were objectionable. Later, he read it publicly in the senate and then to the people. Many were offended that while a man was alive, he should give an account of things to be done after his death. Although it was considered very unjust to do this, yet those things which were contained in the will were of such a nature, that they removed all envy from Caesar for his actions. Antony’s will stated that Caesarion was indeed the very son of Caesar the dictator. He counted the children whom he had by Cleopatra among his heirs and bestowed large gifts on them. Concerning his funeral, it said that even if he had died at Rome, he should be carried through the forum and sent to Alexandria to Cleopatra. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 58. 9:271} {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 17.} {*Dio, l. 50. 5:441,443}

5638. These things so enraged everyone against Antony, that they believed all things to be true that were reported of him. They thought that Antony, if he should get the power into his hands, would give Rome itself to Cleopatra and move the empire to Egypt. Moreover, all men were so angry with him, that not only his enemies but also his friends blamed him very much. They were astonished at the reading of the will and come to the same conclusion Caesar did about Antony. {*Dio. l. 50. 5:423}

5639. The recent runaway Plancus stated many horrible things against Antony in the senate. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 1. c. 83. 1:227} Calvius, or Clavisius, a friend of Caesar’s upbraided Antony also as actions done as a favour to Cleopatra. Most of his charges were thought to be false. However, Antony’s friends were intercessors to the people for him. They sent Geminius into Greece to Antony to desire that he would take heed that the empire should not be taken from him and that he should not be declared an enemy to the state. At supper time Geminius was provoked by Cleopatra and told her that all things would go well if she went to Egypt. However, he feared the queen’s anger and he was forced to flee as fast as he could to Rome. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 59. 9:273}

5640. As soon as Caesar was sufficiently prepared, he proclaimed open war against Cleopatra. The consulship also (for Antony was appointed consul for the next year) was taken from him as well as all his other power which he had committed to the pleasure of a woman. It is said also that Cleopatra by her charms had so besotted Antony that he was not his own man. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 60. 9:275} {*Dio, l. 50, 5:443} She had so enthralled him that she made him the overseer of the exercises of the Alexandrians and she was called by him queen and lady. She had Roman soldiers in her guard and all of them had written on their shields the name of Cleopatra. She went also into the forum with Antony and helped him put on plays; she sat with him in judgment; she rode horseback with him; she rode in a chariot in the cities while Antony followed her on foot with the eunuchs. In short, she was so bold as to hope for the government over the Romans as if she did at any time. She always swore by a great oath as she hoped to make laws in the capitol. (*Dio, p. 421. 422.) She also, through her womanish desire, wished to reign in Rome. {Eutropius, l. 7.} Horace wrote about this: {Horace, l. 1, Ode. 37.} This Queen did to The Capitol provide, And Empire, ruin, Joining to her side The dregs of the World, being above hope now, Ravished with madam fortune’s pleasing brow.

5641. Ovid stated: {Ovid, Metamorphos, l. 15.} ------The Egyptian spouse shall fall, Ill trusting to her Roman General, To make our stately Capitol obey Of proud Canopus shall in vain assay.

5642. If Antony had been declared an enemy, those who were with him, except those who had defected from him, would likewise have been accounted enemies. Lest it should happen, (for the power of his friends was to be feared) he was not in word declared an enemy though he was an enemy indeed. Impunity and commendations were propounded to those who should forsake Antony. However war was publicly proclaimed against Cleopatra whom they knew would never forsake him. It sufficed that this crime might be objected against him that he of his own accord had undertaken a war against his own country by whom he was never offended on the behalf of an Egyptian woman and as if there had now been an actual war. They took their soldiers’ coats and went to the temple of Bellona. There Caesar, as if he had been an herald, performed all those things by their orders that were accustomed to be done after the manner of the Romans before the war was started. {*Dio, l. 50. 5:443,445} They added moreover that now those that were to make war with the Romans were Macedonian eunuchs and Pothinus and Iras that trimmed Cleopatra’s hair and Charmium (Nairas and Carmio, Gala says were Cleopatra’s Maids, {Gala, de Theriaca ad Posonim}) by whom the greatest affairs of Antony’s empire were managed. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 60. 9:273,275}

5643. After this, the youth were called earnestly to arms by both sides. Money was coined and all things which were necessary for the war were provided. The preparation for this war was far greater than all the former wars because so many countries sent help to each side. Caesar got help from all Italy, France, Spain, Illyricum, both the Aricks, Sardinia, Sicily, and other islands that lay near the previously mentioned continents. {*Dio, l. 50. 5:447} He had 250 warships, 80,000 foot soldiers and 12,000 cavalry. Antony had more than 500 warships of which some had eight or ten tiers of oars. They were furnished sumptuously and fit for a triumph. He had 100,000 foot soldiers and as many cavalry as Caesar had, 12,000 cavalry. Antony got help from the kings who were his subjects: Bocchus, king of Africa, (that was ousted of his kingdom by the Romans) Tarcondemus, (or Tarcondimotus) of the Upper Cilicia, Archelaus of Cappadocia, Philadelphus of Paphlagonia, Mithridates of Commagena, and Adallas, king of Thracia. These were personally present in the war. Polemon sent help from Pontus, Malchus, from Arabia and Herod from Judea as well as Amyntas, King of Lyconia and Galatia. Antony also commanded all from the Euphrates River and Armenia, even to the Ionian Sea and Illyricum and from Cyrene to Ethiopia, {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 61. 9:275,277} Thereupon all the countries of the continent of Asia who obeyed the Romans, namely, Thracia, Greece, Macedonia, Egypt, Cyrene, with the borders and all the neighbouring islands and almost all kings and princes and all who only bordered on that part of the Roman Empire. These obeyed Antony. Some came in person, others sent their generals (as it is said) and helped Antony. {*Dio, l. 50. 5:449}

5644. Supplies also were sent to him from the king of the Medes. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 61. 9:277} When Antony saw this he sent them back and recalled his own soldiers whom he had lent to the Medes. That king defeated Phraates, King of the Parthians, and Artaxes (or Artaxias) King of the Armenians. By this Armenia (which Antony had recently conquered) was lost together with Media from the Romans. {*Dio, l. 49. 5:433}

5645. Antony feared even the over attentiveness of Cleopatra herself when he was preparing for the war at Actium. He would not eat anything that had not been previously tasted. She is said by this means to have purged him of this fear. She dipped the uppermost flowers of her garland in poison and put the garland on her own head. Immediately, in the height of their mirth, she invited Antony to drink their garlands. When Antony took it from his head and he put it into the cup and began to drink. She, with her hand, stopped him and said:

"I am she, my dear Antony, who you provide by this new craze for tasters. Do you think that either occasion or invention is lacking, if I could live without you?’’

5646. Then she called for a prisoner and ordered him to drink it. He soon died. {*Pliny, l. 21. c. 9. 6:169}

5647. Herod had routed the largest part of the Arabian army at Cana in Coelosyria. Athenio, the general of Queen Cleopatra in that country, hated Herod and assembled a number of the natives and joined with the Arabians. They made a large slaughter of the Jews in the rough and difficult places (with which the enemy was better acquainted.) When the king saw that his men were put to the worse, he sent men on horseback, to bring new troops. However, he hurried as fast as possible to the Jew’s camp only to find the enemy had taken it. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 6.} 3973a AM, 4682 JP, 32 BC

5648. From that time on, Herod began to make incursions and to prey on the Arabians. He always camped on the mountains and always avoided to come to a set battle. He was successful by this in that he accustomed his men to labour and continual exercise. He prepared himself to blot out the infamy of his former defeat. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 6}

5649. Antony, intended to go into Italy and to carry on the war there before his enemies were aware. When he came to Coreyra, he heard that some light ships which were sent out for spies were anchored by the Ceraunian Mountains. He suspected that Caesar was come with his whole fleet and went back again into Peloponesus, (for it was now at the end of Autumn) and wintered at Patara. He sent his soldiers into all places that they might guard them better and that there might be a better supply of food for them. {*Dio, l. 50. p. 5:453} 3973b AM, 4683 JP, 31 BC

5650. Caesar sailed from Brundusium and went as far as Corcyra. He thought to attack by surprise the enemy as they were on the way to Actium. He was thwarted by a storm and forced to return. Thus he missed his chance. {*Dio, l. 50. 5:457}

5651. While Herod made inroads on the land of Arabia in the seventh year of his reign (calculated here and hereafter from the death of Antigonus in the month of August 38 BC.) The war at Actium had now begun. In the beginning of the spring, Judea was shaken with an earthquake like it never had before. In the ruins of the houses, 10,000 men were killed. The soldiers were unharmed because they were in the open fields. This calamity was made much worse when the Arabians who were their enemies found out about it. They became quite proud as if all the cities of the Jews were overthrown and all the men were dead so that there were no enemies left. For this reason they laid hold of the ambassadors of the Jews, who in this affliction, came to ask for peace. They slew them and soon prepared for war with all earnestness. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 14. Antiq. l. 15. c. 7.)

5652. Herod encouraged his men and offered sacrifices according to the custom. He quickly marched with his army over Jordan and camped at Philadelphia. The battle started over the citadel that was located between him and the Arabians. The Jews won and forced the dismayed enemy to another battle. There, after continual skirmishes, the Arabians were put to flight. In the rout, they trod under foot their own men when the Jews pursued them. They lost 5000 men and the rest were besieged in their camp and very short of water. They sent ambassadors to Herod whom he despised. They were more earnest and offered 50 talents for their freedom because they were so short of water. Finally, they came out in companies and surrendered to the Jews. Thus 4000 captives were taken in five days. On the fifth day the rest that were in the camp came out to fight, but they were defeated and 7000 men died. By this defeat the courage of the Arabians was subdued and Herod was declared governor of that country by them. He returned home with great glory. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 8, 9.}

5653. Hillel, a Babylonian of the family of David, lived at Jerusalem 100 years before the Jewish account of the destruction of the temple. This is taken from the Gemora Babylonic. tractat. tbf c. 1. He had a large number of disciples of which one was Jonathan, the son of Uzziel, the famous author of the Chaldee Paraphrase of the prophets. The Pharisees were divided into two sects from a difference arising between Hillel and Sammaius (or Sameas concerning whom was formerly spoken from Josephus.) the Pharisees Jerome, {Jerome l. 3.} commentary on Isaiah 8:14 stated this:

"The Nazarites (such are those who received Christ and yet observed the old law) interpret the two houses of Sammaius and Hillel as two families from whom sprung the scribes and Pharisees.’’

5654. He adds moreover:

"Sammaius and Hillel, (or their two houses, of which there is so often mention made in the Talmud) sprang not up long before the Lord was born.’’

5655. Phraates, the king of the Parthians, became more insolent by the victory he had over Antony. He dealt more cruelly than before and was driven into exile by his own subjects. Tiridates was made the new king. {Justin, l. 42. c. 5.} {*Dio. l. 51 6:51}

5656. A certain Midian persuaded the Mysians of Asia to revolt from Antony and with their help they made war there against Antony. {*Dio, l. 51. 6:7}

5657. Antony went to Actium where he had appointed to meet his fleet and was not disturbed when he found that almost a third of his sailors had starved to death. He said:

"Well the oars are safe, for I will not lack rowers, as long as Greece has any men.’’ {Orosius, l. 6. c. 19.}

5658. Thereupon the captains conscripted the travellers, mule drivers, harvesters and young men. In spite of this the ships were not fully manned and many were empty. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 62. 9:277}

5659. Asinius Pollio stayed in Italy all the while after the peace was concluded at Brundusium and had never seen Cleopatra or after that, when Antony was so taken with the love of her, was he active on Antony’s side. When Caesar asked if he would go with him to the war at Actium, he replied:

"My services to Antony are too great, his favours to me are more known, therefore I will have nothing to do with your difference with him but will be the prize of the conqueror.’’ {*Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 86. 1:233}

5660. M. Agrippa was sent ahead by Caesar, and captured many cargo ships loaded with grain and arms as they were coming from Egypt, Syria, and Asia to help Antony. He crossed over the bay of Peloponesus and conquered Methona which was fortified with a strong garrison by Antony. {Orosius, l. 6. c. 19.} He killed Bogud there. He determined the best places for the cargo ships to arrive. From there he went into various places in Greece and very much troubled Antony. {*Dio, l. 50. 5:459}

5661. Caesar was encouraged by these results and went from Brundusium with 230 ships having their prows armed and all his forces. He sailed into Epirus after he crossed the Ionian Sea. {*Dio, l. 50. 5:459} {Livy, l. 132} {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 62. 9:279} {Orosius, l. 6. c. 19.} He met his foot soldiers whom he had drawn within the Ceraunian Mountains to Actium. He seized with his ships Corcyra which was left without a garrison. He anchored at Fresh Harbour because the harbour was not salty. From there he went with his fleet to Actium where the most of Antony’s fleet was also anchored. Then he camped at that place where he later built Nicopolis. {*Dio, l. 50. 5:461,463}

5662. When Antony saw his enemies sailing towards him as soon as it was day, he feared that they would take his ships. He lacked men to defend thema and placed his sailors on the forecastle in arms. He ordered them to hold up their oars on both sides of the ships as if they had been soldiers. So he kept them in the mouth of the harbour at Actium with the prows towards the enemy as if they had been well furnished with rowers and ready for a fight. Caesar was fooled by this stratagem and returned. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 63. 9:279}

5663. Marcus Agrippa sailed to Leucas and took the island and the ships that were in it from under the very nose of Antony’s fleet. He also seized Patoae after defeating Q. Asidius in a naval battle and later took Corinth. {*Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 84. 1:229} {*Dio, l. 50. 5:465}

5664. Marcus Titius and Statilius Taurus suddenly attacked Antony’s cavalry and routed them. They also joined in a league with Philadelphus, King of Paphlagonia. {*Dio, l. 50. 5:465}

5665. Cneus Domitius a very gallant man, who alone of all Antony’s party, refused to greet Cleopatra except but by her own name and was extremely hated by the queen. He defected to Caesar by going through great and imminent danger. {*Dio, l. 50. 5:465} {*Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 84. 1:229} When he was sick with a fever, he took a little boat and went over to Caesar. Although Antony took it badly, he opposed Cleopatra’s wishes and sent him all his baggage together with his friends and servants. Domitius, as though he repented of his public treasons, died soon after {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 63. 9:281} because he seemed to have fled from Antony, as though he despaired of Antony’s good fortune. Many followed his example. {*Dio, l. 50. 5:465}

5666. Antony began to despair and suspected all his friends of whom among others, he put to death by torture, Jamblichus a king of part of Arabia. He ordered that some should be torn in pieces including Q. Posthumius, a senator. Antony feared lest Quintus Dellius and Amyntas,

King of Galatia, who had been sent into Macedonia and Thracia to hire soldiers should defect to Caesar. He went after them as if it were to help them if the enemy should attack them. {*Dio, l. 50. 5:465}

5667. In the meantime Sosius on Antony’s side, hoped that if he should attack L. Tauresius, who with a few ships kept a guard against Antony’s fleet, before the arrival of Agrippa, who was Caesar’s admiral, he might do some great exploit. Early in the morning, he suddenly attacked him. He took advantage of a fog lest when Tauresius saw the number of his ships, he should flee. He defeated Tauresius in the first conflict and chased him. By chance he was met by Agrippa hence he did not overtake Tauresius or receive any reward for his victory. However, Sosius was killed along with Tarcondimotus and many others. {*Dio, l. 50. 5:465}

5668. This defeat, as well as the defeat of his cavalry by Caesar’s guard, changed Antony’s mind about having his camp opposite the enemies’ camp. Therefore he left it by night and went to the other side of the Ambracian Gulf where his larger forces were camped. Since he was blockaded from getting provisions, he held a council. He wanted to decide whether they should go to battle now or leave that place and fight the war later. {*Dio, l. 50. 5:467}

5669. Canidius, who commanded the legions and was the reason Antony brought Cleopatra with him, now changed his mind and persuaded him to send her back again. Antony should then go into Thracia or Macedonia and then decide the matter in a land battle because he was stronger on land and also he might make use of the fresh troops that Dicomes the King of the Betae sent. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 63. 9:281}

5670. However, Cleopatra and Antony were frightened by some prodigies. Because of these and the low morale, Cleopatra prevailed with Antony that the war should be decided in a naval battle. However, she prepared for her flight and packed her baggage as if she did not think they would win and all was lost. She planned how she could more easily escape. They determined not to secretly steal away as if they fled, lest they should strike fear into the army since it was already prepared for battle. However, if any would oppose them, that they might by brute force make their way into Egypt. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 63. 9:281} {*Dio, l. 50. 5:467}

5671. Velleius Paterculus says, {*Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 84. 1:229} that King Amyntas, but Plutarch stated that both he and Dejotarus defected to Caesar. Q. Dellius the historian also defected to Caesar, (to whom the third Ode of the second book Carmin of Horace was written.) He was either afraid of the treacheries of Cleopatra, which he said Glaucus, her physician told him of or else he followed his old pattern. He had defected from Dolabella to Cassius and from Cassius to Antony. He was called by Messala Corinus, the vaulter of the civil wars. {Seneca, in Orat. Suasor. 1.} {*Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 84. 1:229} {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 63. 9:281} {*Dio, l. 50. 5:485}

5672. Antony’s fleet was twice defeated before the last great battle. {*Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 84. 1:229} Just as they were going to the last battle, it was said that there was a captain of the foot soldiers, who was a valiant man and had fought many battles under Antony’s command and had many scars on his body. In Antony’s presence he cried out to him:

"O noble emperor, why do you distrust these wounds and our swords and put your trust in these wooden ships? Let the Egyptians and Phoenicians fight by sea; give us permission to fight by land, where we would either die standing or to defeat our enemies.’’

5673. Antony did not reply but with his hand and countenance as it were he bid him be of good courage. Antony passed by without any great courage himself. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 63. 9:283}

5674. Of the Egyptian ships, Antony and Cleopatra only kept 60 and burnt the rest. They did not have enough solders to guard them because of the number of runaways and defeats. By night, they carried aboard all the things they had of most value. When the captains of the galleys in the battle would only have taken their oars and have left their sails, Antony compelled them to carry them with them and to put them on their ships. He said it must be done, lest any of his enemies should escape when by this means Antony was really providing a means to escape. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 63. 9:283} {*Dio, l. 50. 5:485.}

5675. Caesar had 200 warships and 30 without tiers of oars. His galleys for swiftness were like light ships. In the fleet were eight legions, besides five praetorian cohorts. Antony’s fleet was 170 ships. Although they were fewer in number they were much larger in size and some had 10 tiers of oars. {Orosius, l. 5. c. 19.} Florus stated: {*Florus, l. 4. c. 11. 1:325}

"We had 400 ships and the enemy had not less than 200 but what they lacked in number was made up for in size. All they had were from six to nine tiers of oars. Moreover, they were so raised with turrets and decks that they resembled castles and cities and made the sea groan under them and the wind out of breath to move them. There very size was there weakness.’’

5676. Caesar, in his commentaries, produced by Plutarch, denied these things concerning the number of Antony’s ships. He said that he took 300 of them. Vegetius {Vegetius, de re militari, l. 4. c. 17.} stated the size may be calculated by the tiers of oars:

"There met ships of six and more tiers of oars.’’

5677. Florus stated that:

"Caesar’s ships did not have more than three to six tiers and none larger.’’

5678. Strabo along with Plutarch and Dio positively said that Antony had some ships that had ten tiers. See Scaliger about this. {Scaliger, Eusebius, ad num. 1230.}

5679. It was reported that Sextus Pompeius was defeated in Sicily by the larger size of Caesar’s ships. Antony had built his ships much larger than his enemies. He had some of three tiers of oars but all the rest were from four to ten tiers. He also built high towers on them and put in them great numbers of men who would fight as it were from a wall. He put all the noble men he had with him on shipboard, lest if they were on their own, they may revolt from him (as Dellius and some others that fled to Caesar had done.) He also put on board some archers, slingers, and armed soldiers. {*Dio, l. 50 5:485} He filled his best and largest ships, from three to ten tiers of oars, with 20,000 foot soldiers and 2000 archers. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 64. 9:283} 5680. When Caesar saw the preparations of the enemy and knew of his intentions from others, but especially from Dellius, he prepared also for the battle. {*Dio, l. 50. 5:485} The first four days the sea was so rough that the battle was delayed. On the fifth day the sky cleared, and storm ceased and they came to battle. Antony and Poblicolus were in the right wing, Caelius in the left, the middle was M. Cotavia, and M. Justeius commanded. Caesar placed Agrippa in the left wing and he kept the right wing himself. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 65. 9:283} However Velleius Paterculus stated: {*Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 85. 1:229}

"The right wing of the Caesar’s ships was committed to M. Larius (or Lurius) and the left to Arruntius. Agrippa directed the whole battle by sea. Caesar was present anywhere, he felt the his presence was needed to help the battle. The command of Antony’s fleet was committed to Publicola and Sosius.’’

5681. All historians agree on the commanders of the land forces. Taurus commanded Caesar’s forces and Canidius commanded Antony’s.

5682. Antony sailed about in a swift Pinnas ship and exhorted his soldiers and encouraged them to fight valiantly as if they were on firm land because the ships were so heavy and large. Antony ordered the captains of the galleys that they should receive their enemies’ charge as if their ships were at anchor and that they stay in the mouth of the gulf. {Plutarch, Antony, c. 65. 9:285}

5683. They reported that while it was yet dark, Caesar left his tent to visit his fleet. On his way he met an ass named Nicon (meaning Victor) and his driver Eutyohus (meaning Prosper). After the victory, he erected their images in brass in a temple which he built in the very place where he had camped. {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 96.} {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 65. 9:285} There happened also that as he was sacrificing before the fight, a beast that had a two livers was sacrified. {*Pliny, l. 11. c. 73. 3:551}

5684. Caesar went in a pinnace ship to the right wing of Antony’s fleet, and wondered why the enemy lay so still in the gulf and thought that they were at anchor. As he kept his galleys, a little gale began to rise from the sea and Antony’s soldiers began to be angry that they were withheld from fighting. They trusted in the huge size of their ships, as if they had been invincible. They advanced their left wing which Caesar’s men began to fight with as soon as they left the gulf. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 65. 9:287}

5685. Caesar’s ships were more agile and easier to manoeuvrer in battle, either to attack or retire. The enemy ships were heavy and unwieldy and many of Caesar’s ships attacked each of them with arrows, rams and shot fire brands and overcame them. {*Florus, l. 4. c. 21. 1:325} On the other side, Antony’s soldiers, shot with their crossbows from the wooden towers, arrows and stones. They also cast grappling irons on the enemy’s ships if they came too near. If the irons grabbed, they overcame the enemy, otherwise they made a hole in their own ships and sank them! This is how the sea battle went. Both sides used various methods to stir up the skill and courage of their soldiers. They also heard the cries of those land soldiers that heartened them on crying, "Courage!" {*Dio, l. 50. 5:505,507} {Plutarch, Antony, c. 66. 9:287}

5686. Agrippa extended one of his wings to surround the enemy. Poblicola, on the other side was also forced to widen his wing and so was divided from his main body. Antony was attacked and fought with Arrantius but on equal terms. Cleopatra who had been in suspense for a long time as what to do and now feared the they might lose the battle, signalled her ships. She in a galley whose poop deck was of gold and her sails of purple along with 60 of the swiftest Egyptian ships, hoisted their main sails. They had a good wind and set sail for Peloponesus. As soon as Antony saw the ships of Cleopatra under sail, he forgot everything and embarked in a galley with five tiers of oars. He removed the ensign from the admiral’s galley and followed his fleeing wife accompanied only by Alexander, Syrian and Scellius. {*Florus. l. 4. c. 21. 1:327} {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 66.9:287,289} {*Dio, l. 50. 5:505-509} {Orosius, l. 6. c. 19.} Thus the general, who should punish runaways, deserted his own army. No doubt he would have ordered the victory according to the wishes of Cleopatra, who caused his flight at her command. {*Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 85. 1:229,231}

5687. When Cleopatra saw that Antony was coming, she lifted up a sign from her ship and Antony was taken on board. He did not see her nor was seen by her but went and sat down alone in the prow of the ship. He never said a word and clapped both his hands over his head. {Plutarch, Antony, c. 67. 9:289}

5688. Antony’s soldiers were astonished by the flight of their general, and began also to think of fleeing. Some hoisted sail and others cast the towers and tacklings of their ships into the sea so that the lightened ships could flee faster. Caesar’s soldiers, who had no sails on their ships and were only prepared for a naval battle, did not follow those who fled. They attacked those that were preparing to flee (for now they were equal to their enemies in number.) They surrounded each of the ships of their enemies and with many of their own, they fought with them close by and who were afar off. {*Dio, l. 50. 5:509} Antony’s soldiers were very brave for a long time after their general was gone and when they despaired of victory, they fought so that they might die. Caesar tried to pacify them with words whom he might have killed with his sword. He shouted to them telling them that Antony had fled and demanded of them for whom and with whom they fought. {*Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 85. 1:231} Finally he was forced to order fire to be brought from the camp for now there was no other way of getting the full victory. He had refrained from setting fire to the ships in hope of getting the enemies’ treasure. Caesar’s men could not control themselves when the enemy’s ships were on fire much less do any more harm to their enemies. They sailed to them and with desire of getting money, they endeavoured to quench the fire. Many perished by being burned with their ships and in fighting with their enemies. {*Dio, l. 50. 5:511-515}

5689. When the fleet of Antony had long resisted Caesar and was seriously damaged with the waves which beat against the prows of their ships, they were defeated about the tenth hour. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 88. 9:293} Thus the soldiers when they had long fought for their absent general, at last very unwillingly laid down their arms and surrendered. Caesar soon gave them life and pardon to those before they even could be persuaded to ask for it. It was generally granted that the soldiers performed the parts of an excellent general, and the general of a cowardly soldier. {*Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 85. 1:231}

5690. From the fifth hour (as Orosius says) to the seventh, the battle on both sides went without any clear outcome. However, the rest of the day with the following night, Caesar got the upper hand {Orosius, l. 6. c. 19.} for the battle continued until late at night so that the conqueror was forced to stay on board all night. {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 17.}

5691. The battle at Actium was fought when Caesar and Messala Corvinus were consuls. {*Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 84. 1:227} on the second of September. From this time begins the empire of Caesar as in the beginning of his 51st book of Dio. In another place Dio said his reign lasted 44 years {*Dio, l. 56. 7:68} less 13 days the time between his death on the 19th of August and the second of September when he started to rule. Both of those days are excluded after which custom of Suetonius {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 8.} Aurelius Victor and Eutropius are to be followed when as they say that he alone governed the state a full 44 years.

5692. As soon as it was day, Caesar completed his victory. 12,000 of the conquered were killed and 6000 or 7000 wounded of whom 1000 died of their wounds. {Orosius, l. 6. c. 19} Plutarch stated that not more than 5000 died and 300 ships were captured. The remains of this huge armada, was carried in its wrecks up and down over the whole sea. For the seas being cleared with the wind and did daily wash up on the shores gold and purple from the spoils of the Arabians and Sabeans and a thousand other countries of Asia. {Florus, l. 4. c. 21. 1:327}

5693. This famous naval battle was so much spoken of by the poets of that time. {Virgil, Aeneid, l. 8} {Ovid, Metamorphos. 15.} {Horace, Epod. 9. ad Moecenatem} {Propertius, l. 4. Elog. 6. } Propertius has this memorable saying: The cause it is the soldier animates, Which if not good, his courage shame abates.

5694. The rejoiner is that what Messala Corvinus is reported to have said, when he was commended by Caesar (with whom he was colleague this year in the consulship.) He said that although he was his utter enemy in Brutus’ rebellion, yet he had done very good service for Caesar in the battle of Actium.

"O Caesar, you shall always find me of the better and juster party {*Plutarch, Brutus, c. 53. 6:247}

5695. From the spoils of the enemy, Caesar dedicated ten ships to Apollo from Actium, from a ship of one tier of oars up to a ship with ten. {*Strabo, l. 7. p. 301} {*Dio, l. 51. 6:5}

5696. Caesar sent part of his fleet in pursuit of Antony and Cleopatra. When they could not overtake them, they returned. {*Dio, l. 6. 6:5} Some lighter ships overtook Antony which he repulsed. Only Eurycles, a Lacedemonian, the son of Lacharis who was beheaded by Antony for thievery, shook a lance at him from the deck of the ship as if he should have thrown it at him. He did not attack Antony’s ship but he struck another galley of the admiral with his prow (for there were two of them.) He turned her round and captured her and another ship which was loaded with very rich items and baggage. {Plutarch. Antony, c. 67. 9:289,291}

5697. After he was gone, Antony returned to his former silence and resumed his previous posture. After he had spent three days thus in the prow of the ship, he was either smitten with anger or shame. He arrived at Taenarus where Cleopatra’s women first brought them to speak to each other and later they ate and slept together. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 67. 9:291}

5698. Many merchant ships arrived there and some of Antony’s friends who had escaped by flight, brought news that indeed the fleet was scattered but they thought that the land forces were intact. Antony sent messengers to Canidius and ordered him that as quickly as possible, he should retire with the army through Macedonia into Asia. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 67. 9:291}

5699. Many of the army on land did not know of Antony’s flight. When they heard of it, it seemed incredible that he should flee and leave behind him 19 whole legions of foot soldiers and 12,000 cavalry. His soldiers hoped that he would again appear somewhere else. They showed so much loyalty to him that when his flight was certainly known, they stayed seven days and rejected the messengers who were sent to them by Caesar. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 68. 9:293}

5700. Caesar overtook them as they were marching into Macedonia and without fighting, joined them to himself. {*Dio, l. 51. 6:5} When it was night, the general Canidius left the camp and in all haste fled to Antony. They were destitute of all things and betrayed by their leaders so they joined themselves to the conqueror {*Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 86. 1:231} {*Plutarch, Antony, 9:293} who added them to his own army. {*Dio, l. 51. 6:5,7}

5701. Many of the Roman nobility even then fled to Antony but the auxiliaries fled into their own countries and never after this waged war against Caesar. They along with all the people who were formerly subject to the Romans, over the space of time accepted the conditions of peace from Caesar. {*Dio, l. 51. 6:5,6}

5702. Caesar demanded money from the cities and took from them the power over the citizens which they usurped in the councils of the people. He took from the kings and governors, all the towns they had received from Antony, except for Amyntas and Archelaus. He disposed, Philopater the son of Tarcondimotus, (the prince of Cilicia), Lycomedes who obtained the kingdom of Pontus in part of Cappadocia and Alexander the brother of Jamblichus, who had received a kingdom in Arabia. Alexander had received his kingdom for accusing Caesar. He gave the country of Lyconmedis to Medius, who was the instigator of the revolt of the Mysians of Asia from Antony. He granted freedom to the Cydonians and Lampaeans (in Crete,) because they helped him. He rebuilt the city of the Lampaeans which was destroyed. The senators and equestrians and other noble men, who had in any way helped Antony, were either fined or put to death or pardoned. {*Dio, l. 51. 6:6}

5703. Among those that he granted life to, was Sosius. He had often made war against Caesar but fled and hid and was later found. Caesar let him go free. Caesar spared M. Scaurus, the half brother of Sextus Pompeius, who also was appointed to death, for his mother Murcia’s sake. Among those who were put to death, was Curio the son of that Curio whose help Caesar the dictator often used and his father Aquilles Flori. Caesar only ordered the one who drew the lot to die. Before the lots were cast, the son offered to die and was executed. The father from great grief killed himself over his dead son’s body. {*Dio, l. 51. 6:7,9}

5704. Cassius Parmensis fled to Athens. {*Velleius Paterculus, l. 1. c. 87. 1:235} Horace mention him {Horace, l. 3. epist. 4} as asking of Albius Tibullus the poet, if he means him:

"What, write to excel Parmensis Cassius?’’

5705. Of Cassius’ poems, "Orpheus" is thought to be one, which is recorded by Achilles Statius, at the end of the commentaries on the book of Suetonius, a famous rhetorician. A poem also called "Brutus" is cited by Varro. {Varro, de lingua Latina, l. 5.} It stated that Cassius was terrified at Athens with such a ghost, as was said to have appeared to Brutus before the battle at Philippi. Valerius noted in these words in the previous place. In the dead of the night as he lay in bed, his mind was wrought with grief and cares. He thought that he saw coming to him, a very large man. He was of a black hew with an ugly beard and long hair. When Cassius asked who he was, he answered, xakodaimona. He was terrified with so horrible a vision and a more horrid name. He called his servants and asked them if they saw anyone coming or going. They replied that no one came there and he went back to bed. However, the same vision was always in his mind. Therefore, he gave up trying to sleep and ordered a light to be brought in and forbid his servants to leave him. Valerius added that a short time later after this night, he was executed by Caesar. He was among the last that were put to death for the murder of Julius Caesar as Trebonius was the first to die. {*Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 87. 1:235} {Orosius, l. 6. c. 19.} This we know from the previous account of Valerius Maximus, which was done at Athens a little after the victory at Actium.

5706. At that time, Caesar sailed to Athens and was appeased with the Greeks, he distributed the grain that was left in the war to the cities which suffered from famine and were despoiled of money, servants, and horses. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 68. 9:295}

5707. Antony wanted to leave Tenarus for Africa and selected one good cargo ship to hold his enormous treasure. He gave the other rich plate of gold and silver to his friends and ordered them to divide it among them and to shift for themselves. They refused and were in tears. He very courteously comforted them and finally dismissed those who would provide for themselves. He wrote letters to Theophilus, the governor of Corinth, that he would keep them safe and give them some hiding place until they might make their peace with Caesar. Theophilus was the father of Hypparchus, who was greatly respected by Antony and the first of his freed men who defected to Caesar and later went and lived at Corinth. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 67. 9:291,293}

5708. So that Cleopatra might safely sail to Egypt, she put crowns on the prows of her ships and ordered those songs to be sung on a pipe that are usually sung after obtaining a victory. {*Dio, l. 51. 6:17}

5709. When they arrived safely in Egypt, she put to death many noble men who were always her enemies. At that time they were elated over her defeat. She took what they had, including the sacrifices to their gods and even from temples. She got an enormous amount of money this way and she prepared an army and sought after foreign mercenaries. She hoped to make an alliance with the king of Media and she sent to him the head of the king of Armenia, (Artavasdes or Artabazes.) {*Dio, l. 51. 6:17}

5710. She also embarked on a bold and great enterprise. She planned to have her fleet cross over the isthmus which divides the Red Sea from Egypt which is thought to divide Africa from Asia. It is about 38 miles at its narrowest point. She sent her forces into the Arabian Gulf with a great amount of money, so that she might find some remote country with her ships and so be free from slavery and war. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 69. 9:297} However, the first ships which were carried over and others that were built for sailing into the Red Sea were burnt by the inhabitants of Arabia Pesora by the instigation of Q. Didius the governor of Syria. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 69. 9:297} {*Dio, l. 51. 6:19,21}

5711. Antony came into Africa and went into a desert. He wandered up and down with only his two friends, Aristocrates a Greek rhetorician, and Luculius, a Roman. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 69. 9:295} After he had sent some to Pinarius Scarpus and the army which he had previously raised for the defence of Egypt, the general told them that he would not entertain Antony and killed those who were sent to him and also put to death some soldiers who disagreed with his actions. {*Dio, l. 51., 6:17}

5712. When Antony knew of this revolt, he planned to kill himself but was prevented by his friends. He went to Alexandria and still thought that the legions at Actium were intact. (Canidius later brought him news that this was not so.) Therefore, Cleopatra abandoned her plans of sailing into the Red Sea and fortified with garrisons the mouths of the Nile River instead. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 69. 9:297}

5713. But Antony left the city and the company of his friends and built an house on the sea by the isle of Pharos. He created a mound in the sea to build on. He lived there as a banished man from all men and said he would lead the life of Timon misanqrwpou, "the man hater", because his condition was so like to his. He was abused by his friends and had experienced their ingratitude. Therefore he would trust no man and was angry with all men and called his house, "Timonium." {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 69. 9:295} {*Strabo, l. 17. 8:39}

5714. Herod sent to Antony and advised him to put Cleopatra to death. He said, if that were done in a timely manner, Antony could enjoy her estate and obtain from Caesar easier conditions of peace. {Josephus, l. 15. c. 10.}

5715. Caesar dismissed his old soldiers and Antony’s army into Italy. He gave them nothing and the rest he sent into various places. He was afraid lest those who were companions of his victory and were dismissed without any reward, should raise any seditions. He sent Agrippa after them into Italy as if it were on some other business. He settled the affairs of Greece, as if there were no danger to be expected from those soldiers who were discharged. He went into Asia and settled things there. He awaited what Antony would do. {*Dio, l. 51. 6:9,11}

5716. All the people and kings denied to send any help to Antony and Cleopatra, (although many of them had received generous favours from them both.) The gladiators were a people of most abject condition and were brought up at Cyzicum by Antony, to hold triumphal plays when Caesar was defeated. (See Appian on 35 BC.) They valiantly fought for them. As soon as they knew what had happened, they decided to go to Egypt to help them. Their journey upset Amyntas in Galatia and the sons of Tarcondimotus in Cilicia, who formerly had been good friends to Antony and Cleopatra, but had revolted from them. Also Q. Didius, the governor of Syria forbid them to go through his land. They were boxed in and could not go into Egypt and could not cause a revolt in Syria. Although Didius gave them many good promises, they sent for Antony to come to them. They thought that they might the more easily wage war in Syria if Antony was with them. Antony did not go nor send any messengers to them. They unwillingly yielded to Didius on the condition that they would never fight as gladiators again. Didius gave them, Daphne, a suburb of Antioch, to live in, until he had known what Caesar wanted to do. {*Dio, l. 51. 6:21}

5717. To suppress these gladiators, Didius wrote to Caesar, that there were troops sent to him by Herod. Caesar talked about this with Herod where he said that {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 15.} Ventidius had written to him that you have helped him against the gladiators. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 15.} Again he wrote that Capidius had written to him how much Herod had helped him in the war against the monarchs of Syria. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 15. c. 10.} In the previous place I have written "gladiators" for "monarchs." So it is clear, that in both places for "Ventidius" and "Capidius", the name of Q. Didius is to be written. By this action, news came to Antony at his house, Timonium that Herod the Jew with some legions and cohorts had defected to Caesar. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 71. 9:301}

5718. Many things were decreed at Rome in honour of Caesar for his victory at sea. A triumph was given to him for Cleopatra and a triumphal arch at Brundusium and another one in the Roman forum. The base of the Julian temple should be decorated with the prows of captured ships. Every fifth year, plays were held in honour of him. There should always be processions on his birthday and on the day the news was first brought of his victory. The vestal virgins, senate and their wives and children, should go and meet him as he entered the city. All the ornaments of Antony should be pulled down and demolished. His birthday should be considered an unlucky day. An edict was passed that none of that family should have the first name of Marcus. {*Dio, l. 51. 6:51,53}

5719. Caesar retired to Samos to winter there. {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 17.} Antony had taken away the three great colossal statues of Myron that stood on one base. Caesar replaced two of them on the same base, namely, Minerva and Hercules. He carried Jupiter into the capitol and made a temple just for it. {*Strabo, l. 14. 6:213,215}

5720. When Caesar viewed the prisoners there, Metellus, an old man was brought out. He had long hair and otherwise deformed by reason of his hard life. When the crier was called his name as he stood among the prisoners, his son, who was one of Caesar’s captains, leaped from his seat and went and embraced him with tears whom he barely knew. Then he stopped weeping and he said:

"My father, O Caesar, was an enemy to you, I a companion. He has deserved punishment, I a reward. I desire that either you would grant my father his life for my sake or put me to death together with him.’’

5721. Caesar began to pity them and granted Metellus life although he was his mortal enemy and had spurned many previous offers to defect from Antony. {*Appian. l. 4. c. 42. 4:211,213}

5722. Antony left his cottage by the sea which he called Timonium and went to the palace. He was entertained by Cleopatra and he turned all the city to revelling and banqueting and liberally gave gifts. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 71. 9:301} He enrolled Caesarion, the son of Caesar and Cleopatra, among the young men. He gave his own son Antyllus by Fulvia the virile gown, without the purple hem. He did this so that the Egyptians might be more cheerful by having a man to reign over them and the rest that should have them for commanders should be more satisfied if anything should happen to Antony and Cleopatra. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 71. 9:301} {*Dio, l. 51. 6:17,19}

5723. Thereupon there was huge feastings and banquetings at Alexandria for many days. However, they turned this meeting into another nothing inferior to the other in delights, luxury, and splendour, which they called Suuapbanoumhwwn or of:

"Those who will die together.’’

5724. This was for the friends of those who would die together. They registered their names and passed the time in pleasures and in feasting when it came round to everyone’s turn. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 71. 9:301}

5725. Moreover, Cleopatra gathered various sorts of deadly poisons. She tested them on condemned persons and animals and watched how they died. She did this daily and among all that she found that the biting of the asp was the only way to die. It only brought a sleepiness and heaviness on one without any spasms or pain. It caused only a gentle sweating of the face and a languishing stupidity of the senses. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 71. 9:301,303}

5726. Although Antony and Cleopatra prepared as if they would make war both by sea and land, yet also provided for an alternative plan. If on any urgent necessity, they might set sail for Spain and hoped that they could cause a revolt with their money. Otherwise, they would go to the Red Sea. {*Dio, l. 51. 6:19} "of whose preparation to flee into the ocean’’ {*Florus, l. 2. c. 11. 1:327} 3974b AM, 4684 JP, 30 BC

5727. Caesar entered into his fourth consulship in Asia. {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 26.} He, for the sixth time, is called emperor and was now for the fourth time consul with Marcus Licinius Crassus. Caesar came to Brundusium {Orosius, l. 6. c. 19.} after he was recalled to Italy by letters written by Agrippa from Rome {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 73. 9:305} to repress a sedition of the soldiers who demanding rewards for their services. They were discharged after the victory at Actium from the whole number Caesar had sent before to Brundusium. {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 17.}

5728. In crossing the seas, Caesar was twice bothered by storms, first between the cape of Peloponesus and Aetolia and again by the Caraunian Mountains. In both places, some of his smaller ships were lost and the tackling was ripped and the helm broken in his ship. {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 17.}

5729. Caesar came to Brundusium in the middle of winter but went no farther. He was met by the whole senate (the tribunes of the people had appointed two praetors for the government of the city by a decree of the senate,) with the equestrians and great many of the people along with many others. Those very soldiers came there also, some through fear (of so large a crowd and of Caesar himself), whom Germanicus said {Tacitus, Annals, l. 1. c. 42.} "That he daunted the Actian legion with his look.’’

5730. Some came and hoped for pay while others were sent for. Caesar gave some of them money and he gave lands to some that had been with him in all his wars. {*Dio, l. 51. 6:13}

5731. Suetonius wrote that he did not stay at Brundusium more than 27 days until he had settled his business with the soldiers. Dio said that he went into Greece again on the 31st day after he came into Italy. Because it was winter, the ships were brought over the isthmus of Peloponesus. He so quickly came into Asia that Cleopatra and Antony heard of his departure and return at the same time. {*Dio, l. 51. 6:15:17}

5732. Antony sent to Herod, Alexas or Alexander, a Laodicean, who had been made know to him at Rome by Timagenes who had more influence on Antony than any other Greek. Alexas was to prevent Herod from defecting to Caesar but Alexas betrayed Antony and stayed with Herod. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 72. 9:303}

5733. Alexandra hoped that Herod would be thoroughly punished by Caesar, who was his enemy. She solicited her father Hyrcanus that he would not allow this affliction of their family but that he would hope for better things. She counselled him also that he should ask protection from Malchus, the king of Arabia. Hyrcanus first found these suggestions repulsive. Finally, he was overcome with her constant pleadings and entertained better things and contemplated the treachery of Herod. He sent letters to the Arabian, by Dositheus, a friend of his, that he should send cavalry. These would escort him to the Dead Sea which was about 40 miles from Jerusalem. Dositheus was a relative to Joseph who was put to death by Herod. His brothers were also put to death among others at Tyre by Antony. Nevertheless, to curry favour with the king, he showed him the letter. Herod thanked him and asked for a favour. He wanted him to put a new seal on the letter and deliver it to Malchus and get his reply. The Arabian wrote word back that he was ready to help Hyrcanus and his family and all the Jews that were of that faction. He would send a band of soldiers who would conduct him in safety and would obey him in all matters. After Herod had also received this letter, he summoned Hyrcanus. He asked him if he had any alliance with Malchus and Hyrcanus denied it. Herod showed the letters in the council of the sanhedrim and ordered him to be put to death. Thus are these matters are recorded in Herod’s commentaries but are stated otherwise by others for they say that Hyrcanus was not put to death for this crime but for some other treasons against the king. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 9.}

5734. Antony and Cleopatra sent ambassadors to Caesar to Asia. Cleopatra asked for the kingdom of Egypt for her children and Antony asked that he might lead a private life in Athens. If that was not granted then he wished to live in Egypt. Because of the lack of friends and the distrust which they felt because of defections, Antony sent Euphroneus, his sons’ school teacher as a ambassador. {Plutarch, Antony, c. 72. 9:303} Cleopatra, without Antony’s knowledge sent Caesar a gold sceptre, a gold crown and a golden chair as if she were delivering her kingdom over to him. If he really hated Antony, she hoped he might have some pity on her. Caesar accepted the presents, accounting them as good omens but gave Antony no answer. He truly publicly threatened Cleopatra and replied that if she would lay aside her arms and her kingdom, he would then advise what was fitting to be done with her. Privately he promised her impunity and her kingdom if she would put Antony to death. {*Dio, l. 51. 6:19,21}

5735. After Herod had executed Hyrcanus, he sent a message to Caesar. Herod saw that his friendship he had shown to Antony would not help him. He suspected Alexandra might use this opportunity to incite the people to rebel and fill the kingdom with domestic seditions. Therefore he committed the care of the kingdom to his brother Pheroras and he left his mother Cyproes, sister Salome and all his family in the citadel of Masada. He ordered his brother that if anything untoward should happen, he should assume the government of the kingdom. He placed his wife Mariamme, who could not get along with his mother, in Alexandrion with her mother Alexandra. Herod committed their custody to his treasurer, Joseph and Sohemus, an Iturian. They were men that had always been faithful to him and were now appointed to this duty to honour them. However, he ordered that if they should certainly know that any sinister mishap befell him, that they should quickly kill both the ladies and to the utmost of their power, continue the kingdom for his children, and his brother Pheroras. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 9.}

5736. After giving these commands, Herod sent to Rhodes to meet with Caesar there. When Herod arrived, he only laid aside his crown but retained his other princely attire. He was admitted into Caesar’s presence with great constancy and magnanimity of spirit. He freely confessed the alliance he had with Antony and also the help he sent Antony of grain and money. The Arabian war prevented him from helping him in person. Moreover, he added that he was ready to be a faithful friend of Caesar. Caesar exhorted him and restored his crown to him and exceedingly honoured him. Thus beyond all expectations, Herod was again confirmed in his kingdom by the free gift of Caesar and by a decree of the senate which Caesar obtained for him. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 10. Wars, l. 1. c. 15.} Strabo also notes: {Strabo, l. 16. 7:299}

"He excelled his ancestors so much especially in friendship with the Romans that he was declared king, first by Antony and later by Caesar granting the same authority to him.’’

5737. Also we read: {Tacitus, Histories, l. 5. c. 9.} "When Augustus was conqueror, he enlarged Herod’s kingdom that was given to him by Antony.’’

5738. Herod gave presents to Caesar and also to his friends beyond his ability, to show his generosity. He endeavoured also to secure the pardon for Alexas or Alexander, the Laodicean, who was sent to him from Antony but he was unable to. Caesar had sworn that he would punish him (for he had been the most strong defender of Antony of all the machinations that Cleopatra used against Octavia.) Therefore, Alexas relied on Herod’s good reception and dared to come into Caesar’s presence. He was soon taken and carried in bonds into his own country and there executed by Caesar’s orders. This was during the lifetime of Antony whom he had betrayed. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 10. Wars, l. 1. c. 15.} {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 62, 9:303,305}

5739. Antony and Cleopatra sent other ambassadors to Caesar. Cleopatra promised Caesar through them an enormous amount money and Antony reminded him of the friendship and family ties which were between them and excused the familiarity that he had with the Egyptian woman. Antony recalled their previous alliance between them and the deeds which they had done in their youth. Moreover, he turned over to Caesar, Q. Turullius a senator who was one of Caesar’s murderers and then his friend. Antony promised also that he would kill himself if by so doing that he might obtain security for Cleopatra. Caesar executed Turullius on the isle of Cos where Turullius had felled trees for ship timber from Aesculapius’ grove. Caesar did not reply to Antony. {*Dio, l. 51. 6:23}

5740. In the absence of Herod, his wife, Mariamme and his mother-in-law, Alexandra were very unhappy in being confined to that citadel as if in prison so that they could neither enjoy their estate nor make use of other men’s goods. They were very upset when Mariamme used her feminine flatteries and had fished out of Sohemus what Herod had ordered him concerning them. She then began to wish that he would never return home and her life with him would be intolerable. She did not hide her discontent but openly said what it was that bothered her. Herod had returned beyond all expectations and told Mariamme the successes he had. She did not seem to take notice and she would sigh at all the caresses that he made. Hence Herod plainly knew the hatred of his wife against him and was wavering between love and hatred toward her. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 15. c. 11.}

5741. Before Caesar went with his army into Egypt, he went into Syria. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 11} {Suetonius, c. 17.} {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 64. 9:307} {Orosius}

5742. Phraates and Tiridates fought over the kingdom of Parthia and asked help from Caesar. He did not reply directly but he said he would consider it another time because of the problems in Egypt. Indeed he did nothing and hoped the civil war in Parthia would weaken both sides. {*Dio, l. 51. 6:51}

5743. C. Merius, was a centurion who in the war against Antony had done outstanding exploits. He was surrounded by surprise by an ambush of his enemies and brought to Alexandria before Antony. He asked what was suitable to be done with him. The centurion replied:

"Order to have my throat cut, for neither can I sufficiently be induced by gifts nor for fear of death, to stop being Caesar’s soldier or to start being yours.’’

5744. Antony pardoned him for his outstanding character. {Valerius Maximus, l. 3. c. 8.}

5745. Antony and Cleopatra thought it best that their children should be sent ahead to the Red Sea with part of the queen’s treasure. {Orosius, l. 6. c. 19.} They placed garrisons in the two corner coasts of Egypt at Pelusium, and Paraetonium and prepared a fleet and forces to start the war again. {Orosius, l. 6. c. 19.} {*Florus, l. 4. c. 21. 1:327}

5746. Antony sent a third embassy to Caesar and his son, Antyllus with much gold. Caesar sent him back again without either granting his embassy or giving any answer. However, he took his gold. Caesar told Cleopatra for the third time the same numerous threats and promises. {*Dio, l. 51. 6:25}

5747. To win over Cleopatra to him, Caesar sent to her Thyreus or Thyrsus who was his freed man and was very discreet. {*Dio, l. 51. 6:25} {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 63. 9:305} Caesar was afraid lest Antony and Cleopatra despair of a pardon and should persist in their intention. They would either defeat him by their own strength or else go into Spain or Gaul or Cleopatra would burn all the treasures that she had stored in her tomb as she had threatened to do. Therefore he sent Thyrsus, who conferred very courteously with Cleopatra and told her that Caesar was in love with her. He hoped that she who had a mind to have all men in love with her, would kill Antony to save herself and her money. {*Dio, l. 50. 6:25}

5748. Caesar marched against Antony through Syria and his lieutenant through Libya. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 64. 9:307} Cornelius Gallus was sent by Caesar ahead of him with four legions of Scarpas, which were at Cyrene to guard that place. They suddenly attacked and captured Paraetonium which is an important city of Egypt near the border of Libya. {*Dio, l. 51. 6:25} {Orosius, l. 6. c. 19.}

5749. When Antony found out about this defeat, he changed his plans of going into Syria to the gladiators. He marched toward Paraetonium and hoped that he would easily draw those forces from Gallus to himself. He knew that they were kindly disposed toward him because they had been soldiers together. If that failed then he would win them by force for he brought with him large naval and land forces. Antony was not even able to talk to these soldiers because Gallus made all the trumpeters to sound so that no one could hear anything. In addition, he received some losses by a sudden sally and his fleet was defeated also. Gallus had at night laid a chain cross the mouth of the harbour which was hidden underwater. He held the port with a guard that was hidden and allowed Antony’s ships to boldly sail into the harbour in contempt of him. When the ships were in the harbour, he raised the chains up by certain engines to prevent the ships from leaving. Then he either burnt or sunk the ships which were attacked on every side by sea and land and also from the houses. {*Dio, l. 51. 6:27}

5750. Herod entertained Caesar very royally at Ptolemais, as he journeyed through Syria into Egypt. He showed all hospitality toward his army and gave them plenty of supplies. By this he became one of Caesar’s best friends and was accustomed to ride about with him when he mustered his army. Herod also entertained Caesar and his friends with the service of 150 men who were clothed in most rich and sumptuous apparel. He did not allow them to lack anything on their march to Pelusium, although those places were barren and lacked water. Caesar’s army lacked neither wine nor water which the soldiers appreciated. He also gave Caesar 800 talents. Indeed, he gave such a good reception they confessed that it was more than the kingdom could afford. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 15., Antiq. l. 15. c. 10.}

5751. Thyrus (or Thyreas) convinced Cleopatra that Caesar was in love with her. She desired it to be true because she had enslaved in the same way both Caesar’s father and Antony. Therefore, she hoped not only for a pardon and the kingdom of Egypt but even the Roman Empire. {*Dio, l. 51. 6:27} Antony took Thyreas who was extremely honoured by her and whipped him soundly and then sent him back to Caesar. He wrote that he did this because he was provoked by his insulting pride. Antony who was easily provoked because of this bad fortune, said:

"If you (Caesar) do not like this, you have Hipparchus, my freed man. Hang him up and whip him then we shall be even.’’

5752. To remove all jealousies and suspicions, Cleopatra wonderfully honoured Antony. In the past she had modestly kept her birthday but she celebrated his birthday with the greatest splendour and magnificence that she could. Many were invited to the feast. They came poor and went away rich. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 63. 9:305}

5753. It was reported that Caesar took Pelusium by force, but it was really through the treachery of Cleopatra. {*Dio, l. 51, 6:27,29} There was a common report that this town was given to Caesar by Seleucus with her consent. To clear herself, she turned over Seleucus’ wife and children to Antony so he could execute his revenge on them. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 64. 9:307} When he was defeated by Cornelius Gallus at Paraetonium, and immediately after that at Pharos, {Orosius, l. 6. c. 19.} he returned to Alexandria.

5754. Cleopatra had storehouses and monuments built. They were very exquisite and high. These were joined to the temple of Isis and she stored there the most precious things of all her royal treasures, like gold, silver, emeralds, pearls, ebony, ivory, and cinnamon, and last of all great supply of lamps and flax. Thereupon, Caesar was afraid that he would loose such riches and that in despair she would burn them. He daily gave her good hopes while he marched with his army toward the city. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 64. 9:307} She privately forbid the citizens of Alexandria from attacking Caesar when publicly she encouraged them to do battle with him. {*Dio, l. 51. 6:27}

5755. Caesar took up his position near the hippodrome with his army and Antony sallied out and fought valiantly and routed Caesar’s cavalry. He drove them even to the camp. He was encouraged by this victory and he entered the palace and kissed Cleopatra, in his armour. He recommended to her a man that had fought most valiantly. Cleopatra rewarded the man with solid gold armour and headpiece. That night after he had received these, he defected to Caesar. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 64. 9:307}

5756. Antony shot messages into Caesar’s camp and promised each soldier 1500 drachmas or denarii. Caesar voluntarily read these letters to the soldiers and by this means made Antony more hated. Caesar tried to make them feel ashamed for the suggested treachery and enthusiasm for himself. Thereupon the soldiers became exceedingly angry that their fidelity was tempted and they behaved so valiantly that Antony fought in a battle withonly his foot soldiers and was soundly defeated. {*Dio, l. 51. 6:29} Another historian also mentions this: {*Strabo, l. 17. 8:43}

"As one goes through the hippodrome, he comes to Nicopolis, which is a settlement on the sea no smaller than a city. It is about 4 miles from Alexandria. Caesar Augustus honoured this place because here he defeated those in a fight, who made a sally out against him with Antony.’’

5757. After this, Antony, through his ambassadors challenged Caesar to a single battle. Caesar replied that Antony had many ways to die. Therefore Antony thought that he could most honourably die by being killed in battle. He determined to attack Caesar by sea and land. At supper (as it is reported) he bid his servants that they should drink and feast themselves heartily for it was uncertain what they should do tomorrow or should serve other masters if he was dead and gone. This made Antony’s friends weep. Antony told them he would not lead them out to fight since he sought an honourable death for himself rather than to return with victory and honour. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 65. 9:309}

5758. About the middle of that night when the whole city was quiet and depressed for fear and expectation of what was coming, it was reported that suddenly, there was heard sweet music of all kinds of instruments. There was the sound a large number of people, as at the feasts of Bacchus and satyr-like frisking and dancing, as if indeed it had been the feast of Bacchus himself, (whom Dionysius used to feign his father.) The noise was so loud and that this very large gathering seemed to be located almost in the very middle of the city. It moved toward that gate which led to the enemy outside. They finally passed through this gate and so vanished. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 65. 9:309}

5759. Dio reported that besides this many other prodigies foreshadowed the bondage of Egypt. He said it rained in those places which never had rain before. It was not just water but blood mixed with the drops. This was not the only sign. There were flashes of armour from the clouds as this rain fell. A dragon of an incredible size was suddenly seen among the Egyptians which hissed horribly. There appeared also comets and the ghosts of the dead. The statues seemed to be sorrowful and Apis made a mournful lowing and shed tears. {Dio, l. 51. 6:47,51}

5760. On the first of August as soon as it was day, Antony went down to the harbour to order his fleet. {Orosius, l. 6. c. 19.} However, Cleopatra had caused the fleet to defect from him. {*Dio, l. 51, 6:29} For as soon as Antony’s fleet had rowed near the other fleet, they greeted Caesar’s soldiers and defected to them. They combined all the ships into one fleet and came to attack the city. While Antony saw this, his cavalry deserted him as did his foot soldiers. He retired into the city and cried that he was betrayed by Cleopatra, for whom he had taken up arms. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 66. 9:309,311}

5761. Cleopatra feared the anger and despair of Antony. She pretended that it was for fear of Caesar she had done this and that she would kill herself. She fled to her tomb with one eunuch and two maids. She sent a message to Antony that she was dead. He believed her and therefore desired his faithful servant Erotes (who had long ago promised that he would kill him if necessity required it,) that he would kill him. Erotes drew out his naked sword as if he would strike him but turned his face from him and killed himself. When he fell at Antony’s feet, Antony said:

"Noble Eros, has showed me what must be done by myself, but could not endure to do it for me.’’

5762. He stabbed himself in the belly and fell on a bed. The wound did not bring a speedy death for the blood stopped flowing after he laid down. When he was a little recovered, he desired those who stood around that they would thrust him through. They all fled from the chamber and left him crying and writhing in pain. Thereupon there was a great tumult made. When Cleopatra heard this, she looked out from the top of the tomb, for the door was so made that if it was once shut it could not be opened. Only the upper parts of it were not yet finished. She sent alsoDiomedes, her secretary, to bring Antony into the tomb to her. As soon as Antony knew that she was alive, he arose because he thought he might live. However, he despaired of life because of his excessive bleeding and was carried by the help of his servants to the door of the tomb as he requested. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 66, 67. 9:311,313} {*Dio, l. 51. 6:31} {Livy, l. 133.} {*Florus, l. 4. c. 11. 1:327} {*Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 87. 1:235} {*Strabo, l. 17. 8:47} {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 17.} {Eutropius, l. 7.} {Orosius, l. 6. c. 19.}

5763. While this was happening, Dercetaeus one of his bodyguards, took Antony’s sword and hid it and stole away and ran to Caesar. He was the first one who told him of Antony’s death and showed him the sword all bloody. When Caesar heard this news, he withdrew himself into the innermost room of the tent, where he much bewailed Antony as his relative and colleague. He had been his companion in many battles and in the government of the empire. Then he took his letters and he called his friends together and read them to them. He showed them how proudly and rudely Antony had answered to all his mild and just demands. Then he sent Proculeius with orders to take Cleopatra alive if possible. Caesar was afraid to lose her treasure and also thought that she would be a magnificent trophy in his triumph if he could take her alive. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 68. 9:315}

5764. In the interim, Antony was drawn up into the monument by ropes which were hung for pulling the stones up. {*Dio, l. 51, 6:31} They say there was nothing more lamentable than this sight. Antony was all besmeared with blood and almost dead. He was tied to the ropes and drawn up by the great efforts of Cleopatra and the two servants who were with her. Those who underneath him, helped lift him up. Antony stretched out his hands to Cleopatra and lifted himself up as well as he could. As soon as Cleopatra had taken him in, she laid him on a bed. Then she tare off her head piece and beat her breasts and scratched her breasts and face with her own hands. She was all of a gore with blood and called him, "Lord", "Husband" and "Emperor." She almost forgot her own miseries in compassion for him. After Antony had a little appeased her grief, he called for some wine either because he was thirsty or because he thought it would hasten his death. After he had drank it, he advised her to take care of her own affairs and to save her life if she could without dishonour. He said that among all Caesar’s friends, she could most trust Proculeius. She should not lament the miserable change of his fortune but rejoice for the great good fortune he had because he had been the most famous and powerful prince of all men. He was a Roman and was not cowardly defeated by a Roman. He died just as Proculeius came from Caesar. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 67. 9:313,315}

5765. Caesar sent C. Proculeius, who was an equestrian and Epaphroditus, his freed man. He told them both what they should say and do. However, Cleopatra feared that they would use her harshly and stayed in the tomb. She thought there was no other way she could procure her safety yet she might redeem her pardon and the kingdom of Egypt from Caesar by his fear of loosing her money. Caesar desired to get her money and to take Cleopatra alive so that he might carry her in triumph. In spite of this, he was unwilling to appear to have tricked her after he gave her a kind of pledge, since he wished to treat her as a captive and to a certain extent subdued against her will. {*Dio, l. 51. 6:33} The Roman Empire 3974c AM, 4684 JP, 30 BC

5766. Cleopatra would not commit herself into Proculeius’ hands. However, she talked with him from the building as he stood on the outside at the door which was on level ground. Although the door was barred, he could hear what she said. In this meeting, she asked the kingdom for her children. Proculeius bid her to be of good cheer and refer all things to Caesar. When he had sufficiently surveyed the place, he told everything to Caesar who sent Gallus again to demand an answer from her. When he came to the door, he kept her talking on purpose. In the meantime, Proculeius set up ladders with two servants and got in at the window where the women took in Antony. He immediately went down to the door where Cleopatra sat talking with Gallus. As soon as she saw Proculeius, she tried to kill herself with a dagger she had on her belt. Proculeius came running and held her with both his hands and took the dagger from her. He shook her cloths for fear she had some poison hidden on her. Thus Plutarch relates the story. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 69 9:317} Dio relates it like this.

5767. C. Proculeius and Epaphroditus talked with Cleopatra and offered her very tolerable conditions. Suddenly, before she agreed to them, they laid hands on her and removed anything she might use to kill herself with. They allowed her some days so that she might stay there until she had embalmed Antony’s body. Then they brought her into the palace and gave her the usual train of servants and honour so that by this she might hope that she would obtain what she desired and not harm herself. {*Dio. l. 51. 6:33} As soon as Cleopatra was taken, an eunuch of hers, willingly put asps on himself and was bitten and fell into a grave which he had previously prepared for himself. {*Dio, l. 51, 6:39,41}

5768. At his first approach, Caesar conquered Alexandria which was a most rich and large city. {Livy, l. 133.} {*Strabo, l. 17. 8:23} {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 17.} {Orosius, l. 6. c. 19.} As he entered Alexandria, he talked with Areius Alexandrinus, a philosopher. Caesar took him by the right hand so his country men would honour him the more when they saw him so honoured by Caesar. {Plutarch, Antony, c. 70. 9:319} Caesar had been his student in philosophy and was very well acquainted with him and his two sons, Dionysius and Nicanor. {Seneca, de Clement} {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 89.} {Plutarch, in Politic} {*Dio, l. 51. 6:45, l. 52. 6:175} {Julian Caesar, in Octavian} &&& Areius - The Alexandrian Philosopher, is honoured by Octavian

5769. Then he went into the gymnasium and he ascended a tribunal which was set up on purpose for him. He ordered the citizens to rise, who for fear were fallen on their knees before him. In a speech, he freely pardoned all the people for three reasons. (He spoke in Greek so everyone could understand him.) He pardoned them for their great god Serapis’ sake, for the greatness of the city and for his friend Areius’ sake. Likewise, he pardoned all the Egyptians because he was unwilling that so many men should be put to death who in many other things had done good service for the Romans. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 70. 9:319} {*Dio, l. 51. 6:45} {Julian, epist. 51. ad Alexand.}

5770. At the request of Arieus, he pardoned many including among others Philostratus, who was he an ablest sophister of his time. However, he incorrectly said he belonged to the school of the Academic. Therefore Caesar hated his manners and rejected his request. Therefore, Philostratus let his beard grow long and followed Areius in mourning, always repeating this verse: &&& Areius - By his entreaties Octavian pardoned Phiostratus "The wise, while wise, a good safety has.’’

5771. When Caesar heard of this, he pardoned him so that he might rather free Areius from envy, rather than Philostratus from fear. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 70. 9:319}

5772. Young Antony or Antyllas was the older of the two sons Antony had by Fulvia and he was betrothed to Caesar’s daughter, Julia. Although he fled into a shrine that Cleopatra had made for his honour, Caesar took him from the image of Julius and killed him after he made many fruitless prayers. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 71. 9:319} {Suetonius, in Octavio. c. 17.} {*Dio, l. 51. 6:43} {Orosius, l. 6. c. 19.} As the soldiers beheaded him, Theodorus his school teacher who betrayed him, took from his neck a most precious jewel and sewed it in his belt. He denied this but it was found on him and he was crucified. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 71. 9:319} Caesar ordered that Jullus, the other son of Antony by Fulvia, should receive all things in the estate. Jullus’ freed men were ordered to give all things to him that dying men are commanded by the laws to leave to their heirs. {*Dio, l. 51. 6:45}

5773. The children that Antony had by Cleopatra, were very honourably kept with their governors and train of servants that waited on them. Caesar saved and nourished and cherished them no less than if they had been linked in an alliance with him. {Suetonius, in Octavian} {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 71. 9:319}

5774. Of those that favoured Antony, Caesar executed some and pardoned others either of his own good will or by the intercession of friends. {*Dio, l. 51. 6:45} Among those that were put to death was Canidius, a most bitter enemy always to Caesar and unfaithful to Antony, {Orosius, l. 6. c. 19.} who died most cowardly than seemed for one who bragged he was not afraid of death. {*Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 87. 1:235} Q. Orinius also was put to death by Caesar’s own command because he was a senator of the people of Rome and was not ashamed most basely to be governor to the queen’s spinners and weavers. {Orosius, l. 6. c. 19.}

5775. Antony had many children of kings and princes. Some were kept as hostages and others by false accusations. Caesar sent some of them home and married others to each other. He kept some with him. He returned Jotape to her father, the king of the Medes, who had found asylum with him after his defeat. He did not send back Artaxas’ brothers at his request because he had killed the Romans that were left behind in Armenia. {*Dio, l. 51. 6:45}

5776. When he viewed the tomb (which was of glass {*Strabo, l. 17. 8:37}) and the body of Alexander the Great, which was taken out of the vault, Caesar put a crown upon it and scattered flowers over it and worshipped it. As he touched the body, it was said he broke off a piece of his nose. He was asked if he wanted to see the bodies of the Ptolemy’s and the Alexandrians really wanted him to see them. He refused and said that he would rather see a living king not the dead. {Suetonius, in Octavio. c. 18.} {*Dio, l. 51. 6:45,47} For that very reason, he would not go to see Apis because he said he usually worshipped gods not oxen. {*Dio, l.51. 6:47}

5777. Many great kings and captains desired to bury Antony. However, Caesar would not take him from Cleopatra. She buried him in a splendid and magnificent manner. Caesar allowed her to take as much as she required for his funeral. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 72. 9:321}

5778. Through her much sorrow and grief, (for her breasts were covered with inflammations and ulcers because of the blows she had given herself,) Cleopatra had a fever which she gladly used as an excuse to stop eating so that she would die without any more trouble. She had a physician whose name was Olympas, to whom she declared the truth of the matter and used him as a councillor and assistant in her death. Olympus recorded this in his history of these events. When Caesar suspected the matter, he threatened both her and her children. She had allowed herself to become quite sick but later she allowed herself to be cured and ate properly. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 72. 9:321}

5779. Shortly after Caesar himself came to visit her and comforted her. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 73. 9:321} She fell down at his feet and tried in vain to seduce him for her beauty was beneath the prince’s chastity. Although he perceived that she intended to stir up affections in him, yet he disguised his feelings and fixed his eyes on the ground and said only this:

"Woman be of good cheer, you shall have no harm done to you.’’

5780. She did not just request life, which Caesar promised her, but she really wanted his love and the kingdom. {*Florus. l. 4. c. 11. 1:327} {*Dio, l. 51. 6:35,37}

5781. Last of all she delivered to Caesar a list of all the treasures she had. When Seleucus, one of her treasurers accused her that she had omitted some things and had not told all, she leaped up and took him by the hair and beat him soundly. Caesar smilingly reproved her, to whom she answered:

"It is not a great matter O Caesar, since you have come and visited me in this condition that I am in and to talk with me that I should be accused by my own servants as if I had reserved some jewels. These were not for myself who is a poor wretch but that I might present them to Octavia and your Lyria. I hoped that by their intercession to you that I might find more mercy and favour from you.’’

5782. Caesar was glad for this and hoped that now she had a mind to live. He told her that he would do this for her and also things beyond her expectations. He departed supposing that he had deceived her. In fact he was more deceived by her! {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 73. 9:323,325}

5783. There was a young gentleman named Cornelius Dolabella who was a close friend of Caesar’s. This man was in love with Cleopatra and at her request he told her secretly through a messenger that Caesar was to journey by land through Syria and that he was determined to send her and her children into Italy within three days. When she knew this, she desired of Caesar that he would permit her to pay her last respects to Antony. When she had done this, she put garlands upon the tomb and kissed it. Then she ordered a bath to be made for her. After she had bathed, she feasted sumptuously. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 74, 75. 9:325,327}

5784. After dinner she gave Epaphroditus (to whose charge she was committed) a letter to carry to Caesar and pretended it was about some other business. The letter really contained her request to be buried with Antony. She thus excused herself and sent him on his way. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 74. 9:325} {*Dio, l. 51. 6:39}

5785. After Epaphroditus left, Cleopatra shut the doors and only kept with her two waiting women, Iras or Nairas, and Charmion, who usually dressed her. One of them could excellently do up her hair and the other paired her nails. Cleopatra adorned herself with her best clothes that she possibly could and in her robes. She put an asp on her left arm which she had brought to her, covered with figs, grapes, and flowers, to better deceive her guards. She died from its bite as if she were in a slumber. {*Florus, l. 4. c. 11. 1:327} {*Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 87. 1:233} {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 85. 9:327} {Galen., in de Theriaca ad Pisonem.} {*Dio, l. 51. 6:39} {Eutropius, l. 7.} {Orosius, l. 6. c. 19.}

5786. Other historians note the deceptive nature of Cleopatra and doubt the power of an asp to kill so quickly. They question if she actually died from the bite of an asp. Some say that Cleopatra made in her arm a large and deep wound with her teeth, (or some other thing) and put poison into the wound which she had previously prepared from an asp. The poison was brought to her in a bone. After the poison had entered her body, she peacefully ended her life and her guards did not even know it. {Galen., in de Theriaca ad Pisonem.} {*Strabo, l. 17. 8:43} {*Plutarch, in Antony, c. 85. 6:327} {*Dio, l. 51. 6:39,41} There were only two little pricks found in her arm. Caesar, who saw her dead body, carried her picture with an asp attached to her arm in his triumph. {Plutarch, in Antony, c. 86. 9:329} {*Dio, l. 51. 6:39} Horace speaks of her thus: {Horace, l. 1. Ode 37.} --------So stout she could With cheerful countenance behold, Her ruined palace, asps receive, And of their poison them bereave: By delay in death more keen;

Envies the Liburnians they Should she, so great a queen, In triumph lead a secret prey.

5787. When Caesar had opened Cleopatra’s letters, he knew immediately what was done. At first he thought to go there himself and sent some there quickly to see what happened. They ran there as quickly as they could and found the guards standing before the door, not knowing what had happened. When they had opened the door, they found Cleopatra dead lying upon a golden bed in all her royal robes. Iras or Nairas was fallen dead at her feet and Charmium (or Charmione) was half dead and heavy headed. She was trimming the diadem that she wore. When one in anger asked her:

"Is this well done, O Charmium?’’

5788. She answered:

"Very well and becoming to one that had sprung from so many kings.’’

5789. She spoke not another word but fell down there by the bedside. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 75. 9:327,329} {*Dio, l. 51. 6:41} When Caesar had seen Cleopatra’s body, he tried all means to see if it were possible to revive her. {*Dio, l. 51. 6:41} He brought in the Psylli to suck out the venom and poison but in vain. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 75. 9:327,329} {*Dio, l. 51. 6:41} {Suetonius, in Octavio. c. 17.} {Orosius, l. 6. c. 19.}

5790. When Cleopatra was surely dead, Caesar admired and pitied her. He was very grieved and thought that he had lost the main attraction for his triumph. He ordered her body to be sumptuously and royally buried and to be laid in the same tomb with Antony. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 66.9:329,331} {*Dio, l. 51. 6:41} He did this honour for them in that he had them buried in the same sepulchre and to finish the tomb which they had begun. {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 17.} Caesar ordered her women attendants to be honourably buried. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 66. 9:331}

5791. Plutarch wrote that Cleopatra lived 39 years and reigned 22 which was the number of years from the death of her father, Ptolemy Auletes. Some historians, {Ptolemy, Catalogue of the Kings} {Clemens Alexandrinus, l. 1. Stromat.} {Porphyrius in Greek Eusebius, Scaliger, p.

226.} {Eusebius in Chronic.} and others assign only 21 years and two or three months. Plutarch wrote, that she reigned more than 14 years with Antony. Tertullian in his third book against the Jews stated that she reigned 13 under Augustus, calculating the start of the government of Antony from the death of Julius Caesar and of Augustus from his first consulship. From the death of Alexander the Great, who first founded the Macedonian Empire, to the death of Antony and Cleopatra, with whom it fell, both in Ptolemy (as well in the Catalogue of the Kings, as in the third book of his Great Work, as in Clemens Alexandrinus, in l. 1. Stromat.} lasted 294 years. We deduce the time as 293 and a quarter years.

5792. And at this time Caesar put an end to the civil wars. {Florus, l. 4. c. 12. 1:327} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 87. 1:233,235} Dionysius of Halicarnassus also confirmed in the preface of his Roman Histories that he came into Italy as soon as Augustus Caesar had put an end to the civil wars in the middle of the 187th Olympiad. This was the beginning of the third year in the month of August after Egypt was reduced under the power of the Romans and an end made to their civil wars. The words of the decree of the senate showed in Macrobius {Macrobius, Saturnal, l. 1. c. 12.} and Censorinus stated that the Egyptians calculated from that time in which they came under the power and government of the people of Rome, the years of the Augusti, (not of the Qewn Sebaswn, as Scaliger thought, but of Caesar Augustus, who had the dominion over them.) {Censorius, c. 21. l. de natali die.} He said this book was written by him in the Philippic year of the Augusti 268 (for thus the best copies have, it not 267) from the death of Alexander the Great, 578 years and from Nabonassar 986 years. (The beginnings of these years are taken from the first of the vage or moveable month Thoth of the Egyptians.) He agreed with Ptolemy who in the third book of his great Syntaxis, says, that there elapsed from the beginning of the reign of Nabonassar to the death of Alexander, 424 Egyptian years and then to the empire of Augustus, 294 years.

5793. Therefore that Egyptian epoch began on the first day of the moveable month Thoth of the year of the Philippic account, beginning from the death of Alexander the Great, 293 years, from Nabonassar 719 years. This indeed was on the first day of the week as is found in a writing of a certain Jew, recorded at Norimberge with Messahala, namely, of the month August in 4684 JP on the 31st day, which according to the false account of leap years, that was then used at Rome, was called the 29th day of August. This was that epoch, twn apd Aulousou etnz, "of the years of Augustus", which was accommodated by Ptolemy, {Ptolemy, Synaxis, l. 3. c. 8.} to the moveable year of the Egyptians. Vettius Valens, an Antiochian, inAnqologwn geneQliakwn, to the form of both those years, and seeing that Augustus ruled Egypt 43 years (as Philo shows in his embassy to Caesar.) We find this also so many calculated his empire to be so long, in Ptolemy, Catalogue of the Kings, and Clemens Alexandrinus, l. 1. Stromat.

5794. Cleopatra had sent her son Caesarion, who she had by Caesar the dictator, with a great sum of money through Ethiopia into India. His tutor, Rhodon persuaded him to return as if Caesar had recalled him to his mother’s kingdom. As Caesar was deciding what he should do with him, they say Areius, the philosopher said to him: &&& Areius - By his advice, Octavian killed Caesarion "It is not good that Caesar’s name should common be.’’

5795. Therefore, Caesar put him to death, after the death of his mother. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 81, 82 9:321} {*Dio, l. 51. 6:43}

5796. The statues of Antony were thrown down but Cleopatra’s were not touched. Her friend Archibilius had obtained from Caesar for the sum of 2000 talents, that they should not be thrown down as Antony’s were. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 86. 9:331}

5797. In the palace there was a great amount of money found which was stored there by Cleopatra from the spoils of almost all the temples. She also exacted much from them that were guilty of any crime. Two thirds of their goods were demanded of the rest who could not be accused of any crime. All the soldiers arrears were paid and Caesar also gave 250 denarii to each of those soldiers who were with him so they would not plunder the city. Caesar also paid all his debts that he owed any man and gave many gifts to the senators and equestrians that had accompanied him in the war. {*Dio, l. 51. 6:49}

5798. For this part of the year Caesar chose M. Tullius Cicero for his colleague in the consulship who was the son of Cicero the orator whom Antony murdered. Cicero read the people the letters which Caesar had sent to Rome concerning the defeat of Antony in the Alexandrian war, (not Actium, as Appian erroneously wrote.) He read the copy of them in the rostrum where his father’s head and hand had been previously publicly displayed. {*Plutarch, Cicero, c. 49. 7:209} {*Appian, Civil War, l. 4. c. 4. s. 20. 4:173 c. 6. s. 51. 4:229} {*Dio, l. 51. 6:53}

5799. This year on the September 13th (ides), we learn from the Marble Table at Capua that M. Tullius was chosen as the consulship to replace M. Licinius, {in Annal. tom. 3. p. 495.} and the same day that:

"When Augustus was consul with the son of M. Cicero, he was presented with an obsidional crown (wreath) by the senate.’’ {Pliny, l. 22. c. 6. 6:305}

5800. There were many crowns and processions decreed for Caesar at that time in Rome. He had also another triumph granted him for subduing the Egyptians. The day when Alexandria was taken was declared a lucky day. From that day, the inhabitants should use as the starting point in their calculations of time. Caesar was given the power of tribune all his life. He would have the power to help anyone asking for it within the pomerium or one mile beyond the walls. This was not lawful for any tribune of the people to do. {*Dio, l. 51. 6:53,55}

5801. Herod wavered between love and hatred toward his wife Marriamme. He was continually incensed against her by the false accusations of his sister Salome and his mother Cyros who stirred in him hatred and jealousy against her. He may have dealt more harshly with her had not the news come very conveniently that Antony and Cleopatra were both dead and that Caesar had won Egypt. Herod hurried to meet Caesar and left his family as it was. When he left, he commended Sohemus to Mariamme, and said that he owed him much respect for the care he had for her and also gave him the government of a part of Judea. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 11.}

5802. Caesar built a city in the same place where he defeated Antony and called it Nicopolis. He held the same plays which he had done for the former at Actium. {*Dio, l. 51. 6:49} {*Strabo, l. 17. c. 10. 8:43}

5803. Caesar had organised Egypt into the form of a province so that it might be more fruitful and suitable to produce grain for the city of Rome. His soldiers scoured all those ditches where the Nile overflows and had been choked with mud for a long time. {Suetonius, in Octavio. c. 18.} He also made some new ditches. {*Dio, l. 51. 6:49} 3975a AM, 4684 JP, 30 BC

5804. Herod met with Caesar in Egypt and in confidence of his friendship, he spoke freely with him and was highly honoured by him. Caesar gave him the 400 Galatians who were formerly Cleopatra’s bodyguard and added to his kingdom, Gadara, Hippos, and Samaria as well as the cities of Gaza, Anthedon, Joppe, and the Strato’s Tower. These additions increased the splendour of his kingdom. {*Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 15. Antiq., l. 15. c. 11.}

5805. Caesar did not commit the province of Egypt to the senate because of Egypt’s large fickle population. It was too important because it was the source of grain for Rome and it had incredible wealth. He forbid any senators from even going to Egypt and he so distrusted the Egyptians that he forbid any Egyptian from becoming a senator. He permitted other cities to govern themselves after their own laws but he ordered the Alexandrians that they should govern the city without senators. {*Dio, l. 51. 6:47}

5806. Areius, the philosopher, refused the government of Egypt although it was offered to him. {Julian, ad Themistium.} Therefore, Caesar made Cornelius Gallus, who was of lowly estate, to be governor of the province of Egypt. He was the first Roman governor that Egypt ever had. {*Strabo, l. 17. 8:135} {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 66.} (*Dio, l. 51. 6:47} {Eutropius, l. 7.} {Sextus Rufus, in Breviario.} Gallus was from Forum Julium that was the one whom Virgil in the last Eclogue of his Bucolicks speaks of in that pleasant verse. {Ammianus Marcellinus, l. 17. Hierony. in Chronic. 1.} To whom also there are Erotica (love verses) extant which were dedicated by Parthenius of Nice. Virgil imitated his prose in his Latin verses. {Aulus Gellius, l. 13. c. 25.} {Macrog. Saturnal. c. 17.} {Tiberius, Greek Poems} {Suetonius, in Tiberius, c. 70.} &&& Areius - Refused the governorship of Egypt

5807. After Caesar had settled all things in Egypt as he thought best, he went into Syria with his land forces. {*Dio, l. 51. 6:49,51} {Orosius, l. 6. c. 19.} Herod escorted him as far as Antioch. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 15. c. 11.}

5808. Tiridates fled into Syria after he was defeated and Phraates, the conqueror, sent ambassadors to Caesar. Caesar gave them both a friendly answer and did not indeed promise any help to Tiridates but gave him permission to tarry in Syria. He kindly accepted Phraates’ son and brought him to Rome and kept him as an hostage. {*Dio, l. 51. 6:51} He was the youngest son of Phraates who through the negligence of those who kept him, was captured and stolen away according to Justin. {Justin, l. 42. c. 5.} However, Justin refers this event to a later time.

5809. Caesar departed from Syria. Messala (Corvinus) deceived the Cyzicenian gladiators who were allowed to live in Daphne, the suburbs of Antioch, and they were sent to various places under the pretence of being enlisted in the legions. As the occasions arose, they were killed. {*Dio, l. 51. 6:23}

5810. Caesar appointed Athenodorus as governor over Tarsus in Cilicia. He was a citizen of that city and was Caesar’s teacher and the son of Sandon, a Stoic philosopher. He restored the state that was corrupted by Boethius and his soldiers who domineered there even until the death of Antony. He was slandered with the following graffiti.

"Work for the young men, counsels for the middle aged and flatulence for the old men’’.

5811. He took the inscription as a joke and ordered, "Thunder for the old men" to be written beside it. Someone who was contemptuous of all decency and afflicted with a loose bowel, profusely splattered the door and wall of Athenodorus’ house. The next day he said in an assembly that they could see how low the city had sunk and how sick the state was particularly from its excrements! {*Strabo, l. 14. 6:351}

5812. Caesar went into the province of Asia and made his winter quarters and settled all the affairs of his subjects. {*Dio, l. 51. 6:51} {Orosius, l. 6. c. 19.} 3975b AM, 4685 JP, 29 BC

5813. On the first of January, Caesar entered into his fifth consulship in the island of Samos. {Suetonius, in Octavio, c. 26.} On the same day, all his ordinances were confirmed by oath. At the same time that he received letters about the Parthian affairs, it was decreed, that in their songs he should be counted among their gods, a tribe should be called Julia after him, the companions of his victory should be carried in triumph with him and he should be clad with garments woven with purple and that the day when he entered Rome should be solemnized with public sacrifices and be always held sacred. {*Dio, l. 51. 6:55}

5814. Caesar permitted a temple to be built at Ephesus and Nicaea, (for those were considered the most famous cities of Asia and Bithynia) and dedicated to the city of Rome and to his father Julius. These cities should be inhabited by natural Romans. He gave permission to foreigners, whom he called Greeks, that to himself (Octavian) they might build temples. That is as the Asians at Pergamos, and the Bithynians at Nicomedia. He permitted the Pergamenians to dedicate those plays, called "Sacred", in honour of his temple. {*Dio, l. 51. 6:57} More is written about this by Tacitus on Tiberius in {Tacitus, Annals, l. 4. c. 51.}

"Augustus of most famous memory did not forbid a temple to be built in Pergamos, in honour of himself and the city of Rome.’’

5815. The next summer, Caesar crossed over into Greece. {*Dio, l. 51, 6:59} on his way to his triumph for Actium. While he was at Corinth, a fisherman was sent as an ambassador to him from the island Giaros. He begged for the tribute to be reduced for they were compelled to pay 150 drachmas when they were barely able to pay 100 because the island was so poor. {*Strabo, l. 10. 5:165,167}

5816. When Caesar entered Rome, others offered sacrifices (as it was decreed) and the consul Valerius Potitius (who replaced Sextus Apuleius) sacrificed publicly for the senate and people of Rome for his coming. This was never done for anyone before that time. {*Dio, l. 51. 6:59} Caesar held three triumphs as he rode in his chariot. One was for the victory in Dalmatia, Actium and Alexandria. This lasted for three days, one triumph followed another. {Livy, l. 133.} {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 22.} Vigil wrote this: {Vigil, Aeneid, 8.} But when thrice Rome with Caesar’s triumphs now Had rung, to the Latian gods he made a vow, Three hundred temples all the city round With joy, with plays and with applauses found.

5817. Propertius wrote: {Propertius, l. 2. Elegies, 1.} Whether of Egypt or Nile, whose Stream into seven channels parted goes; Or of the golden chains king’s necks surround, Or how the Actian beaks sail on the ground.

5818. Caesar brought these three triumphs into the city in the month of August, as the words of the decree of the senate show. {Macrobius, Saturnal. l. 1. c. 12.} This was not done on January 6th (8th of ides) when he was in Asia as Orosius wrote. {Orosius, l. 6. c. 20.} On the first day, he triumphed for the Pannonians, Dalmatians, Japydes and their neighbours, and of some people of Gaul and Germany. On the second he triumphed for his victory at sea at Actium and on the third for the conquest of Egypt. The last triumph was the most costly and magnificent and he made more preparation for it than all the rest. In it was carried in a bed the effigy of Cleopatra, (with an asp biting her arm) showing how she died. Her children by Antony, were led among the captives. They were Alexander and Cleopatra who were named the "sun" and "moon." {*Dio, l.

51. 6:61,63}

5819. Alexander, the brother of Jamblichus, the king of the Arabians was captured in the Actian war and was led in triumph and later put to death. {*Dio, l. 51. 6:7} The Cleopatra who was called the "moon" and led in triumph, was given in marriage to Juba, (who himself was led in triumph by Julius Caesar.) Caesar gave this Juba who was brought up in Italy and had followed his wars, both this Cleopatra, and his father’s kingdom of Maurusia. He gave to them also the two sons of Antony and Cleopatra, namely Alexander and Ptolemy, but Juba had another son by his wife Cleopatra whom he called Ptolemy and who succeeded him in his kingdom. {*Dio, l. 51, 6:43} {*Strabo, l. 17. 8:169} {Plutarch, Caesar} {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 87. 9:331}

5820. On August 26th, (5th of the calends of September), there an altar was dedicated to "Victory" in the courthouse, as is found noted in the old marble calendar. {Gruter, Inscript. p. 133.} It was placed in the Julian courthouse and decorated with the spoils of Egypt. Caesar showed that he got the empire by goddess "Victory". He hung in the temple of his father Julius, the dedicated things which came from the Egyptian spoils. He also consecrated many things to Jupiter Capitolinus, Juno and Minerva. By a decree of the senate, all the ornaments which were hung up there previously, were removed as being defiled. {*Dio, l. 51. 6:63} He repaired the temple which was in a state of decay through age or consumed by fire. He adorned both them and others with very rich gifts. He brought into the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus one donation of 16,000 pounds of gold besides pearls and precious stones valued at 50,000,000 sesterces.{*Suetonius, in Octavian} Rome was so much enriched with the wealth of Alexandria so that the price of goods and other valuable things doubled and the interest rate fell from 12% to 4%. {*Dio, l. 51. 6:61,63} {Orosius, l. 6. c. 19.}

5821. In the fifth consulship, Caesar accepted the name of "Emperor", not such as was usually given according to the old custom for some victory, (for that he had often received both before and after) but by which all the whole government was saved. This was previously decreed to his father Julius and descendants. {*Dio. l. 52. 6:187,189} This inscription was placed this year in honour of Caesar:

"Senatus Poplusque Romanus Imp. Caesari Divi Julii F. Cos. Quinct. Design. Sex. Imper. Sept. Regublica conservata.’’

"The senate and people to the emperor Caesar, the son of Julius of blessed memory, consul the fifth time, elected the sixth time Imperator the seventh for having saved the commonwealth.’’ {Gruter, Inscript., p. 126.}

5822. Among the captives was Diocles Phaenix, the son of Artimidorus, the scholar of Tyrannio Amisenus and captured by Lucullus, (from whom he also was called Tyrannio.) Diocles was bought by Dimantis, a freed man of Caesar’s, and was given to Terentia the wife of Cicero, (who as appears from Pliny {*Pliny l. 7. c. 48. 2:613} and Valerius Maximus {Valerius Maximus, l. 8. c. 13.} lived more than 103 years.) He was freed by her and taught at Rome and wrote 68 books. {Suidas, in Voc. Turaptwn.} 3976a AM, 4685 JP, 29 BC

5823. Caesar summoned Antiochus of Commagene before him because he had treacherously killed an ambassador of his brother’s who was sent to Rome. Antiochus had a law suit with his brother. Antiochus was brought before the senate and was condemned and executed. {Dio, l. 52. 6:191}

5824. An whole year after Herod returned from Caesar, his suspicions daily increased between him and his wife Mariamme. She avoided her husband’s caresses and moreover always upbraided him with the death either of her grandfather (Hyrcanus) or her brother (Aristobulus) so that Herod could barely restrain himself from striking her. When his sister, Salome heard the noise, she was greatly disturbed and sent in the butler who long before that time was prepared by her, who should tell the king that he was solicited by Mariamme, to deliver to him a love potion which whatever it was he had gotten from her. Thereupon, Herod examined the most faithful servant of Mariamme by torture because he knew that she would do nothing without his knowledge. He could not endure the torments and confessed nothing except that she was offended for some things that Sohemus had told her. When the king heard this, he cried out that Sohemus who had always been most faithful both to him and the kingdom, would never have spoken of these things unless there had not been some more secret friendship between them. Thereupon he ordered Sohemus to be apprehended and put to death. He called a council of his friends and accused his wife for planning to poison him. He used such sharp words that those who were present easily knew that the king intended that she should be condemned. Hence, she was condemned by the general consent of them all. When as they thought that she should not be quickly executed but detained in one of the king’s citadels, Salome urged on the king exceedingly that she should be immediately killed. She feared that there might be some revolt among the people if she were alive and in prison. Thus was Mariamme executed. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 15. c. 11.}

5825. Her mother, Alexander, saw this and realised she could expect the same treatment from Herod. To clear herself of the same crime, she upbraided her daughter before everyone and called her most wicked and ungrateful towards her husband and that she deserved such a death who dared do such an heinous act. While she pretended these things and though she would pull her daughter by the hair, those present condemned her hypocrisy very much. Her daughter did not reply but repelled the false accusation with a resolute countenance and mind and underwent her death without fear. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 15. c. 11.}

5826. After she was executed, Herod began to be more inflamed with love for her. He often called her name and lamented her beyond all decency. Although he tried to forget her by seeking pleasure in feasting and drinking, yet nothing worked. Therefore he forgot about the government of his kingdom and was so overcome with grief that he would ask his servants to call "Mariamme", as though she were alive. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 15. c. 11.} 3976b AM, 4686 JP, 28 BC

5827. As Herod was thus affected, there came a plague which killed a large number of the people and nobility. All men thought that this plague was sent for the unjust death of the queen. This just increased the king’s depression and he finally hid himself in a solitary wilderness under pretence of hunting. He afflicting himself and succumbed to a serious inflammation and pain of the neck so that he began to rave. None of the remedies relieved him but rather made the disease more painful so that they began to despair for his life. The physicians let him eat whatever he wanted because the disease was so serious and he was in so great a danger of dying anyway. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 15. c. 11.}

5828. As Herod was sick in Samaria, Alexandra, at Jerusalem, tried to capture the two citadels of the city. One was joined to the temple and the other was located within the city. Therefore she plied with their governors that they would deliver them to her and to the children of Mariamme lest if Herod die, they would be seized by others. Those who had formerly been faithful, were now more diligent in their office, because they hated Alexandra and thought it a great offence to despair of the health of their prince. These men were the king’s old friends and one of them, Archialus, was the king’s nephew. Thereupon they presently sent messengers to Herod to tell him of Alexandra’s actions and he soon ordered her to be killed. Finally, he overcame his disease and was restored to his strength, both of body and mind. However, he had grown so cruel that for the least cause, he was ready to put anyone to death. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 15. c. 11.}

5829. The three times Octavian had a census the people are noted by Suetonius. {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 27.} That the first were made in the lustran, that is, in the year that they calculated for the beginning of the five years when he and M. Agrippa were consuls. This is shown from the marble Capuan table. {tom. 3. Annal. Pighii. p. 495.}

"In my sixth consulship, with my colleague M. Agrippa, I numbered the people and I made another census after 41 years.’’

5830. (That is from the censorships of Cn. Lentulus and L. Gellius after whom the musters were laid aside.) "In the census Rome had forty hundred thousand and sixty three thousand citizens.’’

5831. That is 4,063,000 for which Eusebius in his Chronicle has 4,164,000.

5832. Caesar held the plays that were decreed for the victory at Actium, with his wife, Agrippa. In these he showed men and boys from the patricians fighting on horseback. This was held every four years and were committed to the four orders of the priests to arrange. These were the chief priests, augurs, septemviri and quindecemviri. {*Dio, l. 53. 6:195}

5833. In the 178th Olympiad, Thebes in Egypt was razed even to the ground, (as is read in the Eusebian Chronicle), by Cornelius Gallus. Georgius Syncellus in his Chronicle from Julius Africanus stated that Gallus defeated the cities of the rebellious Egyptians. {Syncellus, p. 308.}

He recovered with a few men, Heropolis which had revolted. He very suddenly put down a revolt that was raised about taxes. {*Strabo, l. 17. 8:135,137} He exhausted the city by intercepting many of them. {*Ammianus Marcellinus, l. 17. c. 4. s. 5. 1:319} He erected statues for himself almost all over Egypt and wrote his own acts on the pyramides. {*Dio, l. 53. 6:255} 3977 AM, 4687 JP, 27 BC

5834. When Caesar was consul for the seventh time, he read a speech in the senate and said that he would resign his government and turn it over to the senate and people. When he had ended his speech, many spoke and desired that he alone would take the whole administration of the government upon him. Finally, they convinced him to assume the whole government. {*Dio, l. 53.6:171,217,219} He did this on the January 7th (7th of ides) as is shown from the Marble tables of Narbo. {Gruter, Inscriptions, p. 229.}

5835. Caesar had the empire confirmed on him by this means from the senate and the people. To appear democratic, he took upon him the empire but he said he would be very careful of the public affairs because they required the care of one that would be diligent. He positively said that he would not govern all the provinces or that he would govern them for ever that which he had now taken on to govern. Therefore he restored to the senate, the weaker provinces because they were the more peaceable. He retained the stronger provinces where there was more danger or had enemies close by or that were likely to have seditions. He did this under this pretence that the senate might safely govern the best parts of the empire and he would assume the harder more dangerous provinces. This was merely a pretence to make them disarmed and unfit for war and thus he won both the arms and the solders to his side. For this reason, Africa, Numidia, Asia and Greece, with Epirus, Dalmatia, Macedonia, Sicily, Crete, Libya, Cyrene, Bithynia, with Pontus adjoining, Sardinia, and Hispania Baetica were assigned to the senate. Caesar governed the rest of Spain, all Gaul, Germany, Coelosyria, Cilicia, Cyprus and Egypt. Caesar assumed this government over the provinces for ten year’s time, within which time he promised himself he should easily reduce them to order. He added this also in a bragging way, like a young man, that if he could subdue them in a shorter time then he could sooner hand them over to the senate to manage as well. He then made patricians the governors over all the provinces. However, he appointed a man over Egypt who was not a senator but an equestrian for the reasons stated previously. He gave Africa and Asia, particularly to the senators and he assigned all the rest of the provinces to those who had been praetors. He forbad that they should receive by lot any provinces until the fifth year after they had held an office in the city. {*Dio, l. 53. 6:219-229}

5836. Upon the 13th (ides) of January, the provinces were allocated as Ovid notes. Thus speaking about Caesar Germanicus. {Ovid, Fasti, l. 1} On the Ides the half-man priest in Jove’s great feign Offers the entrails of a sheep with flame, Then all the province came to us, and then Thy grandsire was Augustus named among men.

5837. For on the same day, Caesar received the title of Augustus. Censorinus {Censorinus, de die Natali} showed this was done the fourth day later, in these words:

"On the sixteenth day before the calends of February (January 15th) the Emperor Caesar, the son of him of blessed memory, by the opinion of L. Munacius Plancus, was greeted Augustus by the senate and the rest of the citizens. He was consul for the 7th time and M. Vipsanius Agrippa was the other consul, for the 3rd time.’’

5838. When Caesar had settled all things and organised the provinces into a certain form, he was surnamed Augustus. {Livy, l. 134.} This name was given him in his seventh consulship, {*Dio, l. 53. 6:235} and by the request of Plancus with the consent of the whole senate and people of Rome. {*Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 91. 1:243} Suetonius wrote: {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 7.}

"The opinion of Munacius Plancus prevailed that Caesar should be called Augustus, (though some were of opinion that he should be called Romulus, as if he also had been a founder of the city) not only because it was a new but also a more honourable name. The religious places and where anything is consecrated by the flying of birds, are called "Augusta", of growing or from the gesture or feeding of birds as also Ennius on writing about this:’’

"After that noble Rome was built by sacred flight of birds.’’

5839. Florus stated: {*Florus, l. 4. 1:351}

"It was also debated in the senate whether he should be called Romulus because he had founded the empire. However, the name Augustus seemed to be the more holy and venerable so that while he now lived on earth, he might be as it were deified by the name itself and title.’’

5840. Dio said many similar things and notes that he was called "Augustus" by the Romans and by the Greeks from the splendour of his dignity and sanctity of the honour which was greater than human. {*Dio, l. 53. 6:235} cf. Ac 25: 21,25 17:23 2 Thessalonians 2:4) Ovid added: {Ovid, Fasti, l. 1.}

All common persons have their common fame, But he with Jove enjoys an equal name, Of old most sacred things, Augusta were: Temples that name and hallowed things do bear: Yea augury depends upon this word, And whatever more Jove does afford: Let it enlarge his rule and live let all, Our coast, be guarded by a fenced wall.

5841. By this means the whole power of the people and senate was conferred upon Augustus. {*Dio, l. 53. 6:235} This name was previously held sacred and until now such as that not any governor dared take it upon himself. He assumed so large a title for the usurped empire of the world. From that day its whole commonwealth and government began to be and to remain in the possession of one man. The Greeks call this a monarchy. {Orosius, l. 6. c. 20.} The Romans began their epoch of their Augustus from the first of January. Censorinus {Censorinus, de natali die} compares the 265th year of this account with the 283rd of the Julian account. He in the next chapter puts the consulship of Marcius Censorinus and Asinius Gallus on the twentieth year of Augustus which was the 38th of the Julian account (from Julius Caesar’s calendar reform).

5842. Tralles a City in Asia was destroyed by an earthquake. The gymnasium collapsed and it was later rebuilt by Caesar. {Eusebius, Chronic} {*Strabo, l. 12. c. 18. 5:517} 3978 AM, 4688 JP, 26 BC

5843. Costabarus the Idumaean and his wife Salome the sister of Herod had a disagreement. She, contrary to the custom of the Jews, sent him a bill of divorce and went to her brother Herod and told him that she preferred her brother’s goodwill ahead of her marriage. She said that Costabarus was plotting seditions with Lysimachus, Antipater and Dositheus. To make her story more credible, she said that he had secretlykept and guarded within his country, Bebas’ children for twelve years now from the time of the taking of Jerusalem by Herod. All this was done without the knowledge and good will of the king. As soon as Herod knew, he sent some men to their hiding places and killed them along with as many as were accomplices in crime. He did this so all of Hyrcanus’ family would be killed. He removed any threat to the throne so there would be no one to resist him. {Josephus, l. 15. c. 11. <c. 7. 1:414>}

5844. Herod became more secure and departed more and more from his country’s customs. He violated them with new institutions. First of all, he instituted wrestling every fifth year in honour of Caesar. To hold this, he began to build a theatre in Jerusalem and an amphitheatre in the plain. Both were of sumptuous workmanship but direct violations of Jewish customs. There was no Jewish tradition for these shows however he wanted this observed and to be proclaimed to the countries around him as well as to the foreign countries. He offered large prizes and he invited skilled wrestlers and excellent musicians along with those that played on instruments. Nothing bothered the Jews so much as the trophies which were covered with armour and they thought them to be images which were forbidden them by their law. To appease them, Herod ordered the ornaments to be removed and showed them that the trophies were merely wooden poles. After this was done all their anger was turned into laughter. {Josephus, l. 15. c. 11. <c. 8. 1:415>} 5845. THE FIFTH CALIPPIC PERIOD BEGINS.

5846. Cornelius Gallus spoke many things with much vanity against Augustus. {*Dio, l. 53. 6:255} Ovid {Ovid, Tristium, l. 2.} that was written for Augustus himself, stated: To court Lycoris was not Gallus’ shame, But he when lisped by drink defiled his name.

5847. Augustus noted his infamy and forbid him his house and to live within any of the provinces because he was so ungrateful and malevolent. Gallus was also accused of robbery, pillaging the provinces and of many other crimes first by Valerius Largus who was a most wicked man and his associate and friend. Later many others accused him who previously had flattered Gallus. They left him when they saw Largus become more powerful. It was decreed by the whole senate that Gallus was guilty and should be banished. All his goods should be confiscated for Augustus and because of this, the senate would offer sacrifices. Gallus was not able to handle his grief and feared that the nobility were highly incensed against him to whom the care of this business was committed. He fell upon his own sword and by his suicide, he prevented his condemnation. Gallus was forced to kill himself by the testimony of accusers and by the decree of the senate. Augustus indeed praised their love toward him for being so displeased for his sake. In spite of this, Augustus wept and bewailed his own misfortune that he alone could not be angry with his friends as much as he was with himself. {*Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 66.} {*Dio, l. 53. 6:255} {Ammianus Marcellinus l. 17.} {Jerome, in Chronicles}

5325. Petronius was appointed the new governor to replace Gallus in Egypt. He withstood the charge of a number of the Alexandrians who threw stones at him with only his bodyguards. He killed some of them and subdued the rest. {*Strabo, l. 17. 8:137}

5848. Polemon, the king of Pontus was included among the allies and confederates of the people of Rome. The senators were given the privilege of having the front seats in the theatres throughout his whole kingdom. {*Dio. l. 53. 6:257} It seems that from him Pontus took the name of Polemoniacus. {Justin, Novella, 8.}