CHAPTER IV: THE CHURCHES IN THE TIME OF ST. JOHN.
THE CHURCHES IN THE TIME OF ST. JOHN. __________________________________________________________________
§ I. External Condition.
HISTORY finds few events of note to record in the period which extends from the destruction of Jerusalem to the close of the first century. It is a time of internal development, during which the Church is gathering up all the teachings received during the apostolic age. Missions are carried on on a less imposing scale. The propagation of the faith is, however, far from being arrested, for we can prove the existence, at the commencement of the following century, of a large number of new Churches. Instead of losing ground in the countries where it had gained a footing, Christianity became firmly established. We see from the names of the Churches mentioned in the Revelation, that in Asia Minor, for example, the great cities where Paul had first preached the Gospel became centers of proselytism, from which the light spread into the neighboring towns. From Ephesus, Laodicea, and Colosse, the new faith cast forth its roots to Smyrna in Ionia--a commercial and wealthy city--to Philadelphia in Lydia, and in Mysia to Thyatira, and, lastly, to Pergamos, the ancient residence of the kings of Asia, once famous for its noble library. The same expansive movement--the truth spreading itself by contact--was doubtless carried on in Greece, Africa, and Italy.
Persecution from the close of the reign of Nero to the time of Domitian was not of a general character. It was local and intermittent, but it never entirely ceased. The most unimportant occasion was sufficient to make it burst out afresh in a province. It was continuous in Palestine, where Jewish fanaticism had been stimulated by the very chastisements designed to rebuke it. We have cited the decrees of excommunication, the effect of which was to break the last links between the Church and the Synagogue. But, even beyond Judæa, the Jewish faction pursued its adversaries with implacable hatred. At Smyrna, as at Philadelphia, it greatly troubled the Christians, and succeeded in casting some of them into prison. Rev. ii, 9, 10; iii, 9. In spite of this declared hostility on the part of the Jews, the Christians were still often the victims of the antipathy felt for their adversaries. Their cause was constantly confounded with that of the obstinate rebels, who would not bow under the yoke of Rome. [600] The emperors were particularly vigilant over any movement proceeding from the Jews. They knew that revolt might at any moment burst forth afresh among them, like fire among hot, smouldering ruins. The imperial police was always on the watch to espy the slightest symptom of rebellion. This explains the strange uneasiness manifested by Domitian in relation to the grandchildren of Jude, the brother of the Lord. Hegesippus tells us that the Emperor, hearing that they were of the race of David, and so of the royal family of Judah, caused them to be brought before him. It appears from the narrative, that an attempt had been made to alarm the Emperor by connecting the Christian hope of the second coming of Christ with the intrigues of the Jews for the recovery of their independence. Domitian at once questioned the grandchildren of Jude as to the nature of the glorious kingdom for which they were looking. [601] He was only reassured by learning how poor they were, and by seeing their horny hands, which proved that these supposed rivals of Caesar were nothing more than simple laborers. [602] This sensitive jealousy over his own imperial power led Domitian to revive the persecution of the Christians. The Church had acquired sufficient importance, especially at Rome, no longer to escape observation. It had found adherents in the highest ranks of society, and a kinsman of the Emperor--his own cousin, Flavius Clement--had embraced the Christian faith. Surrounded with spies and informers, suspicious and cruel like all tyrants, emulating Nero in crime, and surpassing him in hypocrisy, Domitian could scarcely fail to persecute a numerous sect, increasing every day, which refused the profane homage demanded by his insensate pride. It is well known that no emperor, not even Caligula, made more overt pretensions than he to be worshiped as God. He caused his statue to be placed in the most venerated sanctuaries, and whole hecatombs were sacrificed before his altars. [603] He commenced his decrees with these words: "Our Lord and God has commanded that such and such a thing be done." [604] It was not lawful to speak of him in other terms. It was easy to bring before such a madman the charge of high treason against the worshipers of the true God. Great numbers of the Christians became victims; [605] and, among others, Flavius Clement. His wife, Flavia Domitelli, was sent into exile in the Isle of Pontia, where she died. "The husband and wife," says the abbreviators of Dio Cassius, "were sentenced as guilty of atheism." Many others came under the same condemnation through their attachment to Judaism, that is, to Christianity regarded as a Jewish sect. Some were put to death, others suffered the confiscation of their goods. [606] This persecution, of the details of which we have only vague information, must have been very bloody, for it was placed by the Christians of the next generation on a par with that of Nero. [607] The more firmly Christianity became established, and the more widely it extended its conquests, the more declared became the enmity of the pagan world toward it. __________________________________________________________________
[600] Gieseler, "Kirchen-Geschichte," i, 135.
[601] Ephobeito gar ten parousian tou Christou. Eusebius, "Hist. Eccles.," iii, 20.
[602] Eita tas cheiras tas eauton epideiknunai marturion tes autourgias. Eusebius, "Hist. Eccles.," iii, 20; Routh, "Reliquiæ Sacræ," i, 213.
[603] Plinius, "Panegyr.," c. lii.
[604] "Dominus et Deus noster hoc fieri jubet." Suetonius, "Domitian," c. xiii.
[605] Polloi de christianon emarturesan kata Dometianon. Eusebius, "Chron.," Lib. ii, 6-11; "Ad Olymp.," 218.
[606] Epenechthe de amphoin enklema atheotetos. Xiphilini, "Epitome Dion. Cassius.," 67, 14.
[607] This we infer from the following passage from the Apologue of Melito of Sardis to Marcus Aurelius: "Monoi panton anapeisthentes hupo tinon baskanon anthropon, ton kath' hemas en diabole katassesai logon ethelesan Neron kai Dometianos." Of the emperors, Nero and Domitian alone, urged on by the counsel of some malevolent men, have sought to calumniate our religion. Routh, "Reliq. Sacræ," i, 114. __________________________________________________________________
§ II. Internal Condition of the Churches. Heresies. Church Organization.
The position of the Churches at the close of the apostolic age was one full of peril and temptation To the period of first enthusiasm, when no difficulty seemed to damp the ardor of zeal and love, had succeeded a period when the obstacles to be overcome became more and more apparent, when numerous defections cast a doubt upon the fairest promises, when, finally, evils which had seemed completely subdued sprang again into life. We see, in fact, from the picture drawn in the Revelation of the seven Churches in Asia Minor, that shortly after the death of Peter and Paul, influences from without had effected a wide entrance in their midst. [608] There was not, in the case of these Churches, any violent crisis, as at Corinth, where the elements alien to Christianity came into strong collision, and the evil, like the good, was of a decided character. Such crises give hope of restoration to the truth as speedy as the aberration. But the case was very different to which St. John addressed himself in the book of the Revelation. The sap had almost ceased to circulate in the branches; first love was ready to die, [609] and luke-warmness was taking the place of ardor and zeal. Rev. iii, 15. Such a condition is all the more perilous, because it is unconscious and easily accompanied with serious self-deception. Since the time of their foundation the Churches had considerably increased; they were still constantly gaining in external importance. Many of the first generation of Christians--those who had taken the decisive step, and forsaken their idols for the true God--were dead. Nominal Christianity had crept into the Churches. Thus, some of them thought themselves rich while they were really in' the deepest spiritual poverty. Rev. iii, 17. The world had joined hands with the Church, and as the world in those rich and voluptuous cities of Asia Minor represented oriental corruption, scandalous falls were sure to result from this fatal association of Christians with the heathen. The former did not always maintain in their relations with the latter the prudent reserve so necessary in contact with a social system deeply defiled by paganism and its shameful practices. They were too often found taking their place at feasts, which were naturally and almost inevitably accompanied by sinful and impure indulgences. The very ties of kindred and friendship became serious temptations. [610] Nor were there wanting more subtle snares than those of sensuality. The spirit of rivalry was provoked, and men like Diotrephes found scope for their ambition in Churches which had acquired considerable importance. 3 John 9, 10. This desire for pre-eminence is, as yet, kept within bounds, but it gives a presage of the assumptions of clerical domination in the age succeeding that of the Apostles. Nevertheless, faith and love still bear their fair fruits even in these Churches. They contain a nucleus of sincere believers, who, like Gaius, display all the Christian virtues, (3 John 5, 6,) and give full proof of their broad charity by heartily welcoming to their homes brethren from far countries, or the faithful missionaries who go from place to place. Many young Christians are also to be found who have overcome the evil one. 1 John ii, 13. The general condition of the Churches, however, fills John with just anxiety, because he sees clearly what will be the issue of this outward and nominal Christianity, which is, as yet, restrained within certain limits, but which will ultimately stifle so many noble impulses in the Church, and will so often impede its progress.
Heresy, during the period of John, is no longer vague and floating as in the preceding age; it takes a more decided form. We have traced this process of transformation with reference to the Judaizing heresies which do not come within the scope of the Apostle, but which, from the time of the fall of Jerusalem, gradually assumed a settled form. A similar change is passing upon the heresies arising out of paganism, the first manifestations of which we noted in Asia Minor, where the double current of Western philosophy and Eastern theosophy met. Gnosticism is just emerging from its formative state. We cannot yet give a general description of the system, for we should be in danger of committing an anachronism, and attributing to the apostolic age that which really belongs to a much later period. When we come in contact with the systems of Valentinus and Basilides we shall give a summary of all the various features of Gnosticism as they were successively developed. We shall then have a complete idea of this important reaction of the spirit of paganism on the Church. We know already that Gnosticism is essentially dualistic; it rests upon that antagonism between matter and spirit which was a fundamental element of Greek philosophy and of all oriental religions. In the time of St. Paul, heresy terminated in an exaggerated asceticism, founded upon a false spirituality; it had even gone so far as to deny the resurrection of the body. In the time of St. John the doctrine of the Gnostics took a wider range; it tended more and more toward Docetism, that is, to the theory which holds the bodily existence of Christ to have been a mere semblance. [611] From the dualistic stand-point, in fact, the body, as the material element, is infected with evil; it was impossible, therefore, to suppose that He who was to overcome evil could have brought a body with him into the world. The natural consequence of these ideas was the doctrine that Jesus Christ had possessed only a semblance, a shadow of corporeal life. It would be erroneous, however, to suppose that in the time of St. John Docetism had assumed a thoroughly systematic form; it was a tendency rather than a doctrine; but it was constantly gaining ground. It is for this reason the Apostle insists with so much emphasis upon the incarnation: "Every spirit," he says, "which confesseth not that Jesus Christ is come in the flesh is not of God; this is that spirit of Antichrist." [612] We should note also the urgency with which he dwells on the essentially practical character of the truth--of that truth which needs not only to be known but to be fulfilled, and which implies absolute submission to the commands of God. [613] We perceive that even the partially developed Gnosticism of his day tended to reduce Christianity to a mere intellectual theory without influence upon the moral life, and that it fostered the serious inconsistencies of conduct to which we have alluded. It is not surprising, that as it reinstated the fundamental principle of paganism, it should have justified its works and shielded its corruption.
Like the prophet Balaam, and wicked Jezebel, who led the ancient people of God to make a league with the idolators, the heretics sought to lower the barrier between the Christians and the heathen. Thus the Revelation speaks of them in symbolic phrase, under those well-known names which so accurately characterized their conduct. Rev. ii, 14-20. It appears that these dangerous persons had found a leader in the ranks of those who, standing nearest to the Apostles, should have been the surest guardians of purity of doctrine and of life. [614] According to Hippolytus and Irenæus, the Deacon Nicholas asserted that the Christians were not bound to abstain from heathen practices, and that they might, without scruple, allow themselves sensual indulgence. [615] St. John characterizes such doctrine as the "depths of Satan." [616]
Already, in the heresies of this age, an idea began to gain currency which became widely diffused in the second century--the idea, namely, that the world was not created by the Supreme God, but by an inferior and antagonistic deity, known as the demriurge, [617] the spirit of evil and controller of matter. Cerinthus, the adversary of St. John, accepted this hypothesis of an inferior and evil creator; not, perhaps, with all the clearness of precision attributed to him by Irenaeus and Hippolytus, but, at least, in substance. It was a natural consequence from dualism, and seemed to guard the holiness of God much more effectually than the theory of emanations, since it supposed no contact on his part with evil and with matter. The two principles being opposed to each other as eternally hostile, it was better to suppose that the evil principle had worked without any participation on the part of the spiritual. Cerinthus was by birth a Jew, but imbued with Alexandrian Gnosticism [618] and oriental Theosophy. The power which created the world was, according to him, a force separate from the Supreme God, and acting without his concurrence. [619] Jesus Christ was not born of a virgin; he was the son of Joseph and Mary, like other men, but distinguished from others by his righteousness and holiness. At his baptism the divine power, which is above all, descended upon him in the form of a dove. [620] From that time he wrought miracles, and revealed to men the unknown God. But, at the close of his life, this invisible power, which was the Christ, or the divine element in him, returned into heaven, and it was the man Jesus alone who suffered and rose again, while the celestial Christ was subject to no suffering because of his spiritual nature. [621] This ingenious system skillfully combined the Gospel narrative with the principles of dualism. We meet, again and again, both in the fourth gospel and in the epistles of John, with allusions to these false doctrines, which were equivalent to the negation of Christianity. The prologue of the fourth gospel is designed to establish that there is no separation between the Jesus and the Christ; that the man Jesus was in very truth the Word made flesh. We read in the first epistle: "Whosoever believeth that Jesus is the Christ is born of God. Who is he that overcometh the world, but he that believeth that Jesus is the Son of God?" 1 John v, 1, 5. John has evidently in view the fatal errors of Cerinthus in reference to the baptism of the Saviour and his crucifixion, when he says: "This is he that cometh by water and blood, even Jesus Christ; not by water only, but by water and blood." [622] In other words, he wrought out our salvation no less when he shed his blood than when he came up out of the waters of Jordan. It is not true that in the hour of his death his divinity had forsaken him. Thus, at the close of the apostolic age, John, like Paul, plants with a firm hand the standard of the cross, to be a beacon of light shining through all the darkness of coming storms. The folly of the cross is to be for ever the wisdom of the Church, and against this rock all the surges of heresy will break in vain. Many causes contribute at this period to strengthen ecclesiastical organization. We may point, in the first place, to the development of heresy, and the sensible diminution in the miraculous gifts bestowed on the Church. Less miracles are cited of the Apostle John than of any of the rest. A new era is opening; the first full burst of waters from the divine spring is to be succeeded by the steady flow of the river between its banks. The miraculous does not cease; on the contrary, it assumes a permanent character, but it bears less and less the appearance of prodigy. In such a condition of things the organization of the Church would naturally take a more definite form. It is erroneous, however, to attribute to St. John the institution of episcopacy, properly so called. For a long time yet to come we find only two orders in the hierarchy; deacons and elders or bishops are alone mentioned as governing the Church. The angels of the seven Churches, to whom are addressed the solemn exhortations of the opening chapters of the Revelation, are not bishops, as has been asserted. Each one is the symbolic personification of a Church, or its guardian angel.
[623] The name elder or bishop is still used interchangeably, and we gather from the beautiful account of St. John, given by Clement of Alexandria, that the ecclesiastical constitution of that time is eminently democratic. The Apostle calls the assembly to witness of the trust he has committed to one of its directors, so as to make the latter feel that he is in no way above his brethren, and that he is responsible to them for the manner in which he fulfills his duties. St. John gives explicit recognition to the inalienable rights of Christian people, when he declares that every believer receives for his guidance the anointing of the Holy Spirit. 1 John ii, 27, 28. This exalted view held by the Apostle of Christian freedom was still borne in mind in the second century, for in the Coptic constitutions of the Egyptian Church we find these words addressed in his name to all the Christians: "You have also the Holy Spirit for your guide, if any thing is wanting in our exhortations." [624]
The worship of the Church retained the same character of freedom as in the preceding century. The narrative of Clement of Alexandria shows us that no hesitation was felt in freely discussing the interests of the Church in the sacred assemblies. The conversation between St. John and the bishop with reference to the young apostate took place at a time when the whole Church was gathered together. The Revelation, however, puts us on the track of a gradual transformation even then commencing. The glowing description given by St. John of the heavenly worship is an indirect invitation to the Church on earth to conform to this ideal. That Church would, doubtless, delight to repeat or to paraphrase some of those sublime songs which gave such glorious expression to the religious feeling. Nothing could be more alien to the spirit of this grand epoch than the work of determining liturgical formularies. Nevertheless, as one by one the miraculous gifts were withdrawn, the great monuments of apostolic inspiration would naturally become the models and types of Christian adoration. We catch the echo of the anthems of the Revelation in those remarkable prayers of the Church of the second century, which have come down to us.
With reference to Christian festivals, the observance of the Lord's day becomes more marked than formerly. It was already so called in commemoration of the resurrection. [625] But we find no trace of any formal substitution of the Christian for the Jewish Sabbath, nor any legal appointment of its observance. The only great annual feast of which mention is made is the Passover. The Churches of Asia Minor, following the example of St. John, celebrated the anniversary of the Lord's death on the I4th of Nisan, at the same time as the Jews partook of the Paschal lamb. The anniversary of the resurrection thus fell on various days of the week, since it was always fixed for the third day after the 14th of Nisan. The Western Churches, on the other hand, always made the Easter, the closing day of the Passover fast, coincide with the Sunday. [626] This difference of practice produced in the following century a violent controversy, which we shall trace through its various phases. In the first century the peace of the Church was not so lightly broken. There is no ground for regarding as a concession to Judaism the fact that St. John fixed on the 14th of Nisan, in determining the date of the great Christian festival. The Apostle recognized in Jesus Christ the true Paschal Lamb, who had taken the place of the prophetic lamb, as the reality substitutes the type. By celebrating the anniversary of the Redeemer's death on that very day, he proclaimed the abrogation of the old covenant. It is further proved that this celebration was not at all Jewish in character, but was thoroughly in harmony with the spirit of Christian worship. [627]
With St. John the apostolic age closes.
Revelation is before us in all its wealth, in its inexhaustible freshness, its infinite variety, and mighty unity. The various types of apostolic doctrine succeeded and supplemented one another. But there is not one of these elements which the Church is not bound to make its own, and its whole history will be but a progressive appropriation of the true Christ--of him whose image in all its divine lineaments the first century of the Church faithfully preserved.
That eventful and checkered history is about to begin. The last of the Apostles has passed away. The Church will no longer have that visible protection, that gentle and firm guidance, which has hitherto saved it from so many perils; but these very perils are necessary to its earnest appropriation of the truth. Though the Apostles are removed, He who gave the Apostles remains, and in him the Church will find light in all darkness, lifting up after every fall--victory over every foe. __________________________________________________________________
[608] One of the most astonishing examples of the arbitrary criticism which has been used in the interpretation of the Apocalypse is the symbolical explanation frequently given of the names of the seven Churches, which are regarded as the types of seven periods of the history of the Church. This is a pure invention, without any basis in exegesis. Of these seven Churches two only are in a prosperous condition--those of Smyrna and Philadelphia; (Rev. ii, 9; iii, 8;) two are in a most deplorable state--those of Sardis and Laodicea; (iii, 2, 15;) at Ephesus, (ii, 4-6,) at Pergamos, (ii, 13-15,) and at Thyatira, (ii, 19,) good and evil are nearly balanced.
[609] Te`n aga'pen sou te`n pro'ten aphekes. Rev. ii, 4.
[610] Phagein eidolo'thuta kai` porneusai. Rev. ii, 14. Baur sees in this passage a clear condemnation of the ideas of St. Paul; but it must be observed, that John does not speak simply of eating things offered to idols; he alludes, at the same time, to pagan debauch. He is not treating here a question of principle, but rebuking the melancholy inroads of pagan corruption in the Church.
[611] Docetism comes from the verb dokein, to appear.
[612] Pan pneuma, o` me` omologei to`n Iesoun, ek tou Theou ouk e'sti; kai` touto' esti to` tou antichri'stou. 1 John iv, 3.
[613] Ho le'gon; egnoka auto'n kai` ta`s entola`s autou me` teron, pseu'stes esti, kai` en tou`to e ale'theia ouk e'stin. 1 John ii, 4.
[614] Echeis kai` su` kratountas te`n didache`n ton Nikolaiton. Rev. ii, 15. The majority of German theologians maintain that the Nicolaitans were identical with the Balaamites. They argue from the etymology of the two words. Balaam, according to them, comes from the Hebrew verb bl, which signifies to swallow, to destroy, and from the substantive m, people. Balaam thus signifies, he who destroys the people. On the other hand, Nicolaitans comes from the two Greek words nikan laon, which mean to subdue, to seduce the people. We have thus two synonyms conveying one idea. (Hengstenberg,) "Balaam," 23.) This explanation seems to us very erudite and very subtle. The writer of the Apocalypse, however, distinguishes between those who hold the doctrine of Balaam and the Nicolaitans, (verse 15 is connected with verse 14 of chap. ii, by a kai.) The testimony of Hippolytus, so well versed in the sources of heresy, appears to us conclusive. "Philosoph.," p. 258. Comp. Irenæus, "Contr. Hæres.," i, 27; "Epiphanes, Hæres.," xxv.
[615] Edidasken adiaphorian biou. "Philosoph.," p. 258.
[616] Ta` bathe'a tou Satana. Rev. ii, 24.
[617] Demiurge comes from demiourgos, fabricator. It is the name of the inferior deity, creator of the material world.
[618] Kerenthos de tis autos Aiguption paideio asketheis. Hipp., "Philosoph.," p. 256.
[619] Hupo dunameos tinos kechorismenes, tes huper ta hola exousias. Hipp., "Philosoph.," p. 257.
[620] Kai meta to bapiisma katelthein eis auton ton tes huper ta dla aithentias ton Christon. Hipp., "Philosoph.," p. 256.
[621] Pros de to telei, apostenai ton Christon apo tou Iesou. "Philosoph.," p. 257. Comp. Irenæus, i, 25. Cerinthus united the most exaggerated millenarian notions with this absolute dualism. He reverted by a circuitous path to materialism.
[622] Ouk en to u'dati mo'non all' en to u'dati kai` to ai'mati. 1 John v, 6.
[623] M. Bunsen supports the old interpretation; ("Ignatius und seine Zeit.," p. 133;) as does Thiersch; (work quoted, p. 278;) and Rothe, "Anfänge," p. 423. But Ritschl points out, with justice, that the notion of an ideal representation of the Church is far more in harmony with the symbolism of the Revelation than the notion of a typical representation of bishops; (work quoted, p. 417.) No stress can be laid on what is said about Diotrephes as establishing the existence of the episcopate at this period, (3 John 9, 10;) for John speaks reprovingly of Diotrephes' ambition. Thiersch regards the superscription of the second epistle, Eklekte kuri'a, as the designation of a metropolitan Church, not of an elect lady (work quoted, p. 282.) It is not needful to refute such a supposition.
[624] Ei de parekamen, ta pragmata delosei humin, echomen gar pantes to pneuma tou Theou. "Const. Eccles. Ægypt.," canon 44.
[625] Kuriake eme'ra. Rev. i, 10.
[626] Eusebius, "Hist. Eccles.," v, 23.
[627] Hippolytus says of the observers of the I4th day, who, in the second century followed the practice of John in the celebration of the Passover, that, on all other points, they were in agreement with the Church, (en tois heterois sumphonousi.) " Philosoph.," 275. This proves that some observed the 14th of Nisan without being Judaizers. __________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________
NOTES. __________________________________________________________________
A. [See page 23.]
LITERATURE OF THE SUBJECT.
WE shall not do more here than indicate the principal works on the apostolic age, those, at least, which have come under our particular notice. It is scarcely needful to say that our fountain-head is the New Testament. We shall treat, in the course of this work, of the title of each of its books to our confidence. Christian Antiquity presents to us also a wealth of information. The "Ecclesiastical History" of Eusebius;
[628] the writings of the "Fathers" of the first three centuries, especially the "Philosophoumena" of St. Hippolytus; the treatise of St. Jerome, "De Viris illustribus Ecclesiæ;" the fragments of the early "Fathers" contained in the "Spicilegium" of Grabe, and in Routh's "Reliquiæ Sacræ," [629] have been constantly consulted by us. If we pass on to the various memorials of Christian antiquity, we should refer first of all, for the old Catholic school, to the "Annals" of Baronius, the vast repertory of Catholic tradition, in which the erudition equals the lack of criticism; [630] and next, to the "Mémoires" of Lemain de Tillemont, which, while they are not at all more critical, are more conscientious, and are always valuable for reference. [631] The Catholicism of our day in France offers very few works on the history of the apostolic age. The crude medley, dignified by Rohrbacher with the name of "Ecclesiastical History," is beneath serious notice; it is the most senseless of compilations. Germany has given to Catholicism a distinguished historian in Döllinger, but he is too much fettered by a preimposed system to judge of facts with impartiality. A recent work of the same school, "The History of Revelation," by Mesmer, [632] Professor of Theology, attempts to defend the hierarchy on historical grounds, with great moderation of language and ingenuity of thought, but always evidently under the influence of preconceived ideas. M. Albert de Broglie, in the preliminary chapter of his History of the Fourth Century, has drawn a striking sketch of the first age of Christianity, but it is wanting in any scientific demonstration, to which, indeed, it makes no pretense. [633]
We need not enumerate here all the historical memorials of early Protestantism. We will content ourselves with mentioning only the "Centuries of Magdeburg" in Germany, and in France, the learned "Ecclesiastical History" of Basnage. [634] This erudite author occupies too much the controversialist's stand-point to set forth with sufficient breadth the destinies of the primitive Church. In England, Church histories abound, but few are remarkable for criticism or historical connection. The history of the early ages of the Church has received large contributions from Puseyism, and also from the narrow dogmatism which persistently traces its own likeness in the theology of the Apostles. Some progress, however, has been already made under the influence of Germany. We may refer to the noble works of Howson, on the Life and Writings of St. Paul, [635] (somewhat too diffuse and broken up by episodes;) also to the commentaries of Dean Stanley and Professor Jowett on the epistles of the same Apostle. These distinguished divines have discovered the true secret of awakening interest in exegetical studies, by taking their stand on historic ground. Among the principal writings in France, up to the present time, we may mention M. Rillet's "Commentary on the Epistle to the Philippians," and M. Arnaud's on the "Epistle of St. Jude." There are also valuable suggestions in the' Sermons on St. Paul," by A. Monod, and in many recent treatises. The "Revue de Thèologie," founded at Strasburg by M. Colani, has touched on most of the great problems arising out of the apostolic age. We have given careful consideration to these works, even when we differed from their conclusions. We must not omit to note a series of articles by M. Rèville on "The First Century of the Church," published in the journal "Le Lien," (years I856-7.) The learned work of M. Reuss on the "History of the Theology of the Apostolic Age," which we have constantly before us, either for purposes of consultation or of refutation, forms a kind of link between France and Germany, leading us into the much-tilled field of German criticism. [636]
It would be useless to attempt to catalogue the works which have accumulated during the last fifty years in Germany--that fatherland of modern theology. We will only cite the most characteristic. Let us point first to the vast treasures of exegesis--De Wette's exegetical manuals, so full and so exact; the graphic commentaries of Olshausen and Tholuck; the great works of Lücke on the "Writings of St. John," and of Bleek on the "Epistle to the Hebrews," and many other monuments of learning, so solid and so reliable that they furnish inexhaustible resources to the student of the primitive age of the Church. Passing on to the history of the period, properly so called, we place in the first rank Neander's "History of the Foundation of the Apostolic Church,"
[637] of which there is a French translation by M. Foutanès, but which is better consulted in the last German edition. In it we find all the profound piety, the breadth of view, the elevated spirituality, the historical acumen, which characterize the great historian. We owe him much, though we feel that he no longer meets all the necessities which have arisen out of the incessant discussions of the last few years. We mention, as another work belonging to the same class, the book of Dr. Philip Schaff, Professor at Mercersburg, in the United States. It displays much learning, and a remarkable talent for exposition, but, perhaps, too much theological caution, and a sort of timidity in coming to clear conclusions on delicate questions. [638] Lange's "Apostolic Age," lately published, combines the merits and the faults of this original and fertile theologian, who is as bold as he is scholarly, and who needs to be consulted with sympathy, and, at the same time, criticised with care. [639] "The History of the Apostles, or the Progress of the Church from Jerusalem to Rome," by Baumgarten, is notable for attentive and searching study of the sacred documents, and as an animated exposition, which draws copiously from original sources.
[640] The author enables us to watch with great clearness the transformations wrought in the apostolic Church, between its early days and the triumph of Christian universalism, without, however, exaggerating the divergences, and without representing two opposing Churches in the bosom of primitive Christianity.
The sacerdotal and hierarchical views, or rather the Irvingite idea, is represented by Thiersch. In spite of the narrowness of his principles, his "History of the Apostolic Age" is written with so much piety, skill, and delicacy that it constantly sustains the interest in his theme. Thiersch is an adversary to be opposed only with feelings of sympathy and gratitude. [641]
The Tübingen school has its most eminent representative in Baur, its learned head. His book on "St. Paul," and his "History of the First Three Centuries,"--especially the pages treating of the first century--comprise the whole programme of that theological school, which, after having outdone itself in Schwegler's book on the "Times Succeeding the Age of the Apostles," [642] has pursued a more moderate track in the works of Hilgenfeld, and still more of Ritschl, of whom we would say, as of Thiersch, he is a useful adversary, from whom there is much to learn. [643] Ewald occupies a place apart in these discussions on the New Testament, as in those on the Old. [644] We may notice, also, a polemical work by Lechler, in opposition to the Tübingen school; [645] the "History of the Sacred Writings of the New Testament," by M. Reuss; [646] and for Biblical theology, the excellent book of Schmid, of Tübingen. [647] Beyond these general indications we have carefully noted, at the foot of each page, the works quoted. __________________________________________________________________
[628] Eusebii Pamphili, "Eccles. Hist.," libri decem.
[629] Joannes Ernestus Grabe, "Spicilegium S. Patrum," Oxoniæ, 2 vols. Routh, "Reliquiæ Sacræ," 5 vols., 1846.
[630] C. Baronii, "Annales Ecclesiastici," 1588-1609.
[631] "Mémoires pour servir à l'histoire ecclesiastique des six premiers siècles." Paris, 1693, 16 vols.
[632] "Geschichte der Offenbarung," von Aloïs Messmer, Freiburg in Brisgau, 1857.
[633] "L'Eglise et l'Empire Romain au Quatrième Siècle," par A. de Broglie, Paris, 1856.
[634] "Histoire de l'Eglise depuis Jesus Christ," par Basnage. La Haye, 1724.
[635] "The Life and Epistles of St. Paul," by W. J. Conybeare and J. S. Howson, 2 vols., London, 1856.
[636] "Historie de la Théologie Chrètienne au Siècle Apostolique," par Ed. Reuss, Strasburg, 1852.
[637] "Geschichte der Pflanzung und Leitung der Christlichen Kirche durch die Apostel," von Aug. Neander, 4th edition, Hamburg, I847.
[638] "Geschichte der Apost. Kirche," von Ph. Schaff, Leipzig, I854.
[639] "Die Geschichte der Kirche. Das Apostolische Zeitalter," von J. P. Lange, 1853.
[640] "Die Apostel-Geschichte oder der Entwickelungsgang der Kirche von Jerusalem bis Rom," von Baumgarten, 1852.
[641] "Die Kirche vom Apostolischen Zeitalter," von W. J. Thiersch, 1852.
[642] "Das Nachapostolische Zeitalter," von Albert Schwegler, 2 vols., Tübingen, 1846.
[643] "Entstehung der Altkatholischen Kirche," von Ritschl. Bonn, 1830. A second edition has just appeared.
[644] "Die Sendschreiben des Apost. Paulus," von Ewald, 1857.
[645] "Das Apostolische und das Nachapostolische Zeitalter," von Lechler, second edition, 1857.
[646] "Die Geschichte der Heiligen Schriften des Neuen Testaments," von Ed. Reuss, second edition, 1853.
[647] Schmid, "Biblische Theologie," 1853. __________________________________________________________________
B. [See page 23.]
THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE ACTS.
It is extremely difficult to fix with precision the detailed chronology of the apostolic age. It is necessary very carefully to guard against any NOTES. 485 thing arbitrary, and to be satisfied, apart from some certain data, with approximate results. Wieseler, in his learned work on the "Chronology of the Acts," [648] has been, in our opinion, too much carried away by his desire to fix the date of all the principal events. He multiplies ingenious combinations, but he does not succeed in determining with certainty the order of time, because his calculations are too often based upon hypothesis. There are, however, certain fixed points to which we can hold fast, and which serve as pole-stars for the history of the primitive Church; these are its points of contact with general secular history. We thus obtain four precise dates: 1. That of the death of Herod Agrippa. Acts xii, 23. 2. The famine under Claudius. Acts xi, 28. 3. The expulsion of the Jews from Rome. Acts xviii, 2. 4. The entry of Festus upon his office.
Herod Agrippa died in the year 44, according to Josephus, ("Antiquities," books xix, ix, 2.) The same author places the great famine, which took place in the reign of Claudius, under the proconsulate of Caspius Fadus and of Tiberius Alexander. Josephus, "Antiquities," xx, v, 2. Now Caspius Fadus, having been sent into Judea after the death of Agrippa, the famine could not have commenced earlier than the end of the year 44. Indeed, it only reached Judæa some time after the death of the King, for at that time the Sidonians, under stress of the dearth, came to the Jews to be succored out of the abundance in their country. It was, then, only in the course of the year 45 that Judæa was reached by the scourge, and that Paul and Barnabas carried up to Jerusalem the offerings of the Church at Antioch.
The expulsion of the Jews from Rome Suetonius ("Claudius," 25) ascribes to Claudius. Tacitus, ("Annals," xii, 52,) who, under the name of "Mathematici," includes all the abettors of Eastern superstitions, places this expulsion in the year 52. [649] It would be at this time that Priscilla and Aquila quitted Rome.
The date of the entry of Festus on his office is determined in the following manner. According to Josephus, ("Antiquities," viii, xxii,) Felix, deposed for his exactions, only escaped condemnation through the intercession of Pallas. If this be so, then Pallas himself could not yet have fallen into disfavor. Now his disgrace and death took place in the year 62. But a year does not suffice for all that was accomplished during the proconsulate of Festus. Festus's entry upon his office must then be carried back at least to the year 60.
The date of the death of Herod Agrippa gives us the date of the death of James, and fixes it in the year 44. The date of the famine supplies that of the journey of Paul and Barnabas to Jerusalem, to bear thither the collection made at Antioch. Clearly, the conversion of the Apostle must be placed several years earlier; for, according to Galatians i, 16-24, Paul waited three years after his conversion before he went up to Jerusalem. After that, he stayed for a time at Cæsarea and at Tarsus, (Acts ix, 30,) and then at Antioch. Acts xi, 26. These various sojourns, of which we have no precise details, may have occupied several years. The conversion of St. Paul must then be placed between the years 38 and 40. The journey to Jerusalem, of which he speaks in the Epistle to the Galatians, (Gal. ii, 1,) and which he states to have been fourteen years after his conversion, cannot be relied upon as fixing the date of the latter, since the chronological indications given by the Apostle are very vague. Compare Gal. i, 21, with Gal. ii,
1. The expulsion of the Jews from Rome, coinciding with his meeting with Priscilla and Aquila at Corinth, enables us to fix his arrival in that city in the year 52, and his appearance before Festus between 58 and 60. Thus the first period of the apostolic age extends from the year 30 to 48 or 50. The conversion of Paul took place about the year 38, and the death of Stephen about 37. The first missionary journey of Paul commences after the year 45, probably in 46, and must have concluded about 50. About this time commences the second period. The sojourn of Paul at Corinth takes place in 52, and between 52 to 58 he makes his last great journey. We shall see presently that the second period of the apostolic age probably finishes with the life of the Apostle, about the year 56. __________________________________________________________________
[648] "Chronologie des Apostolischen Zeitalters," von Karl Wieseler, 1848.
[649] "Wieseler," p. 125. __________________________________________________________________
C. [See page 23.]
ON THE PRINCIPAL SOURCE OF THE HISTORY OF THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH.
Our principal source is the book known under the name of the "Acts of the Apostles." Of this book we must, first of all, prove the credibility. Its authenticity was generally acknowledged in the early Church, from the time of Irenæus. "Quoniam autem is Lucas inseparabilis fuit a Paulo, et cooperarius ejus in Evangelio, ipse fecit manifestum." Acts xvi, 10. (Irenæus, "Adv. Hæres," Book III, chap. xiv, 1.) The letter of the Church at Lyons to the Churches in Asia Minor quotes the Acts. (See Eusebius, "Hist. Ecc.," V, chap. xi.) Clement of Alexandria ascribes the Acts to Luke: Kathos kai ho Loukas en tais praxesi ton apostolon apomnemoneuei ton Paulon legonta andres Athenaioi. ("Stromat.," v, 588.) See also Tertullian: "Cum in eodem commentario Lucæ tertia hora orationis demonstretur." ("De jejun.," chap. x, "De Baptismo," chap. x.) Earlier than Irenæus, we find allusions in the Apostolic Fathers and in Justin Martyr to passages in the Acts. There is a striking agreement between the narrative of Luke and the manner in which these Fathers speak of the first century of the Christian Church. We may then say that the external evidence is in favor of the authenticity of the Acts. It remains to be seen if the internal evidence is as unfavorable as has been asserted. The Tübingen school has given a categorical denial to the authenticity of the book of the Acts. It regards it as a production of the second century, the object of which is to facilitate the combination of Judaizing Christians with the Christian disciples of Paul. It is not a history; it is a compromise attempted in the form of history. The author has endeavored to effect a sort of retrospective reconciliation between Peter and Paul; in doing so he has only carried out the impulse of the Church of his time, which felt it needful to efface the memory of irritating controversies. In order to attain this end, he could not do better than put into the mouth of Peter the doctrines of Paul, and tone down all that was most emphatic in the discourses of the latter. Schwegler and Baur assert, that the Paul of the Acts is not the Paul of the Epistles, who, in their view, is much more powerful in controversy. [650] M. Reuss, who is never untrue to his critical sagacity, assigns, as also does De Wette, its traditional date to the book of Acts; but he appears to us to make too large a concession to the Tübingen school in allowing that the history of the first century has been made to undergo, in the Acts, more or less modification, to subserve the interests of a reconciliation subsequently effected between the parties. [651]
Baur and Schwegler ground their theory on a supposed deep division between the Apostles, a division which they hold to have continued until their death. The refutation of this error will become apparent from the history. We shall show that there were no sharp and bitter polemics, except between St. Paul and the false teachers of Corinth and Galatia, and that if his proclamation that the Gospel was as wide as the world caused at first a certain degree of surprise, the agreement between him and the other Apostles was immediately realized. No place is left, therefore, for a subsequent reconciliation of men who had never been enemies. So long as the genuineness of the first Epistle of St. Peter is admitted, it will be impossible to maintain that there is any radical opposition between the two Apostles. There was no occasion for a falsification of facts on their behalf in order to show, after their death, that a good understanding had existed between them during their life. The author of the book of Acts is not an unintelligent chronicler, who does no more than furnish, as it were, the mere material, the bare facts of the history. He is a thoughtful historian, who grasps the connection of events. The picture which he paints has perspective and a horizon; the present is illuminated by the future; from the very commencement of his book, he leads us to look for the solution of disputed problems. This solution he finds in the substitution of Christian universalism for that which was peculiar to the Jewish dispensation; but if we are right in our idea, that this solution marks in reality the close of the first period of the history of the apostolic Church, he fulfilled his duty, as a historian, in leading our expectations toward it. We can discern no trace of falsification in his narrative. He does not attempt, in any way, to disguise the Judaistic character of the worship of the Church at Jerusalem; he lets us see it fairly, in its devotion to the Temple-services and adherence to all the observances of the ceremonial law. The first sermons of Peter are strongly tinged with Old Testament coloring; they show no trace of the broad spirit of Christianity; salvation appears to him still to belong first to the seed of Abraham. Acts ii, 39. The objection drawn from the difference of language used by St. Paul in the Acts and in the Epistles presents no serious difficulty. The book of the Acts purports rather to give a narration of the foundation of the Churches than to give a picture of their inner life and conflicts. It was natural that the language of Paul, the missionary, should differ somewhat from that of Paul, the controversialist. But how many times in the Acts does not his speech wax warm and eloquent, and remind us of some passages in the letters to the Corinthians and Galatians. Acts xiii, 38-42, 46-48; xxiii, 3; xxviii, 25-28.
It has been asserted that the Acts are a compilation of several documents. To us, however, there appears throughout a unity of style and of composition too striking to allow us to suppose it the work of more than one hand, and that the very hand which penned the third gospel. [652] We see no sufficient ground for granting the hypothesis that Timothy may have been the narrator of the second part of the Acts, that in which the narrator speaks as the direct witness of the events he records. Clearly the manner in which the writer speaks of Timothy contradicts such a supposition. Acts xix, 22; xx, 4.
The voice of tradition, which ascribes to Luke the composition of the Acts, appears to us the best sustained opinion; it is well known that he was one of the companions of Paul in his last journeys. Col. iv, 14; Phil. 24; 2 Tim. iv, 11. We are quite prepared to admit that he made use for the Acts, as for his Gospel, of various documents. The letters and discourses inserted in the history were probably not written from memory. The date of the composition it is impossible to fix with certainty. It appears to us that the book which closes so abruptly, must have been written before or shortly after the death of St. Paul.
D. [See page 32.]
THE MIRACLE OF PENTECOST.
It is not to be denied that the narrative of St. Luke presents some serious difficulties. It is not easy, in the first place, to understand the object of the miracle, for the foreign Jews who were at Jerusalem all understood the Aramaic tongue. In the next place, the extraordinary outpouring of the Spirit does not appear in other passages of the Acts, to be accompanied with the gift of tongues. Acts x, 44. In the third place, the glossais lalein which is mentioned in 1 Cor. xiv, 2, is very different from the gift of tongues at the Pentecost; for the person speaking with tongues at Corinth, so far from having the privilege of being understood by strangers, needs an interpreter in his own Church. Explanations have been multiplied of this difficult problem of sacred criticism. Some, like Bilroth, have seen in the gift of tongues at the Pentecost the recovery for the moment of the primitive language of mankind. Others, like Bunsen, [653] suppose that the first Christians at the Pentecost spoke the usual Aramaic language, which all would comprehend, instead of the sacred tongue, the ancient Hebrew, which had till then been specially used for purposes of worship. The astonishment of the hearers would be excited by this fact, so entirely new, and, it may be added, so much in harmony with the spirit of the gospel covenant. But, in order to admit this supposition, it is necessary to set aside the sacred narrative, the purport of which is evidently something different. Olshausen, in his commentary, likens the gift of tongues to a magnetic phenomenon. The Apostles, reading the hearts of their hearers, employed for them their own language; a strange theory, which places the inspired teacher in absolute dependence on those whom he is to teach. Neander identifies the gift of tongues at Pentecost with the gift of tongues at Corinth, and sets down as errors on the part of St. Luke those details of the narrative which do not accord with this explanation. [654]
For ourselves, we should be very slow to admit that, on a fact of such importance, the primitive tradition of the Church can be erroneous or inexact. We see no difficulty in believing that the miracle of the gift of tongues assumed a special character on the day of Pentecost. It was the language of ecstacy, and in this respect resembled the gift of tongues at Corinth, but was distinguished from the latter by its intelligibility. Why should not the same miracle have assumed various forms in the apostolic age? Its extraordinary and unique character on the day of Pentecost is explained by supposing that the miracle reached on that day, as it were, its mightiest development. It was a glorious completion of the divine symbolism, which we have recognized in the marvelous circumstances accompanying the first outpouring of the Spirit. __________________________________________________________________
[650] Schwegler, "Nachapostolisches Zeitalter," ii, 111. Baur, "Paulus," p. 5. " Das Christenthum, der drei erst. Jahr.," p. 112.
[651] Reuss, "Histoire de la Théologie Chrétienne au Siècle Apostoliclue," II, p. 591. "Geschichte der Heiligen Schriften des N. T.," § 210.
[652] See De Wette, "Apostol. Geschichte Einleit.," p. 4, and also the article "Lucas," in the "Encyclopédie Herzog."
[653] Introduction to the second English edition of Hippolytus.
[654] Neander, "Pflanz.," i, p. 28. __________________________________________________________________
E. [See page 140.]
THE COUNCIL AT JERUSALEM.
The question of the Council and the Conference at Jerusalem is one of those which has called forth in modern times the most lively discussions. The Tübingen school, starting with the supposition that the narrative of the Acts, (chap. xv,) and that of the Epistle to the Galatians, (chap. ii,) refer to the same fact, naturally draw conclusions adverse to St. Luke. Two leading important contradictions are pointed out between the two accounts. 1st. In the Acts the conferences are public; in the Epistle to the Galatians they are private. Baur, "Paulus," p. 115. "Das Christenth. der drei erst. Jahrhund.," pp. 52, 53. We have already replied to this objection by showing that the very nature of the questions under debate explains the coincidence of public and private conferences, When Baur declares that the silence of Paul, in the Epistle to the Galatians, as to the decision at Jerusalem, is inexplicable, he forgets that the Apostle had to treat in Galatia only of the question touching his own apostleship, and that, consequently, the result of the private conferences alone concerned him. Let us remember, also, that the decree issued from Jerusalem was only of transitional force. 2d. Schwegler says, that according to the account in Acts the Apostles are perfectly agreed ("Nachapost. Zeit.," i, 126,) while in the Epistle to the Galatians they appear greatly at variance among themselves. Both assertions are equally inexact. The Apostles, in the Acts, show a broad and conciliatory spirit, but it is incontestible that there is, nevertheless, a wide distance between the view of Paul and that of James. On the other hand, it is impossible to find in the Galatians any trace of a serious opposition among the Apostles. We see them, on the contrary, giving each other the right hand of fellowship. Gal. ii, 9. Great stress is laid on the slightly ironical expressions of Paul: Apo` de` ton dokou'nton einai' ti. Oi dokountes stuloi einai. Gal. ii, 6-9. But the irony here is directed not against the Apostles themselves, but against those who, fiom a party spirit, exaggerated their apostolic authority to the depreciation of that of Paul. 3d. The Tübingen school, in order to discredit utterly the narrative of Luke, seeks to establish a contradiction between the speeches made at the Council at Jerusalem, and the results obtained. These speeches, it is said, are animated by a liberal spirit, while the result of the council sanctions the triumph of the Judaizing party. But our adversaries forget that the speech of James is not identical with that of Peter. The former represented at that time the majority of the Church; he retained more than one Jewish scruple, while at the same time strongly desiring union and conciliation. In what deliberative assembly do we not often see the vote given to the middle party, though the most advanced liberalism may have found a voice? We do not admit, however, that the council did insure a triumph to the Judaizing party. That party received a death-blow from the decision, which declared that circumcision was no longer obligatory on proselytes brought out of paganism. The Tübingen school has supported itself mainly on the second of the conditions, which were imposed on the neophytes from foreign countries--the abstaining from all impurity. While Schwegler ("N. A. I.," 127) sees in the word porneia the prohibition of second marriages, Ritschl, in his learned work, ("Entstehung der Altcatholisch. Kirche," pp. 115-126,) sees in it the interdiction of those consanguineous marriages forbidden by the Levitical law. Leviticus xviii. [655] But this is attaching a very remote meaning to a very simple expression. The able theologian endeavors to show that in its essence, the decree of the Jerusalem Council forms the foundation of the "Clementines" and of the Ebionite system. But it is evident to us that the renunciation of the rite of circumcision, after the lapse of a century or more from the time of the Council, was a matter of small importance. For the Council at Jerusalem it was a large concession; a century later it was an established fact; and the significance of the victory could not be revived. Ritschl's idea appears to us, then, only admissible, supposing the discussions at the Council to be inventions, and the decree itself alone authentic. The deliberation seems to us in perfect harmony with the result. We have already replied to the objection drawn from the quarrel between Peter and Paul at Antioch. __________________________________________________________________
[655] A second edition has just appeared. In it the author shows himself still further removed from the views of the Tübingen school. __________________________________________________________________
F. [See page 203.]
ON THE SUPPOSED SECOND CAPTIVITY OF PAUL.
A large number of writers, both ancient and modern, have admitted a second captivity of the Apostle Paul. Eusebius [656] and Jerome [657] support it with their testimony. Among modern writers Neander ("Pflanz.," i, 538) holds the same opinion. We are not prepared to admit it, and we adopt in this respect the views of M. Reuss [658] and of Wieseler. [659] We shall confine ourselves to a refutation of Neander, who has presented with great ability all the arguments in favor of the second captivity of Paul. The learned historian does not attach much importance to the testimony of Eusebius, thus expressed:
"It is reported that after having presented his defense, the Apostle departed to continue his apostolic mission, and that he returned a second time to Rome, there to suffer martyrdom. At that time, while in bonds, his second letter to Timothy must have been written." It is clear that Eusebius does not affirm the fact; he merely says, "It is reported." It is only the echo of a tradition, of which he does not assume the responsibility. This tradition rests evidently on the famous passage of Clement of Rome, in his epistle to the Corinthians. It runs thus: "Paul, having preached righteousness through the whole world, and having reached the uttermost parts of the West, suffered martyrdom under the emperors, thus departed fiom their world." [660] This passage appears conclusive to Neander. He insists strongly on the expression, "The uttermost parts of the West." This appears to him to point to Spain, where Paul declared his intention to preach the Gospel. Rom. xv,
24. The latter declaration does not appear to Neander as irrefragable proof, for he admits, as we do, that Paul, though an Apostle, might form a project and yet be prevented from carrying it out. Combining this declaration, however, with the testimony of Clement, he draws the conclusion that Paul was actually enabled to fulfill it. But it is necessary to ascertain if the passage of Clement has in truth the signification attached to it. Wieseler has well shown that the text bears evident traces of interpolation, and cannot be relied upon with certainty. Then, also, the tone of Clement in this portion of his first letter to the Corinthians is not that of the historian, but of the orator, who uses hyperboles of speech. When he says that Paul preached the Gospel through the whole world, he makes no claim to be taken literally, and to affirm that Paul went into Gaul or Britain. He is not less hyperbolic when he uses the expression, " The uttermost parts of the West." Was not Rome the metropolis of the Western world? To preach the Gospel at Rome, was not this to preach it to the whole of the West? The vague expression of Eusebius, already quoted, hogolos echei, proves that in his time it was not considered permissible to take the passage of Clement literally. It does not seem to us needful to have recourse to the too ingenious explanation of M. Reuss, who sees in this passage a bold and poetic image--a comparison of the career of Paul to that of the sun. [661]
The other proof adduced by Neander is founded on exegesis. He bases it on the second Epistle to Timothy, in which Paul seems to speak of his deliverance. 2 Tim. iv, 16. We see no necessity for admitting this explanation, since the deliverance of which the Apostle speaks may very well be understood of the good effect produced by his first appearance before the imperial tribunal. Neander maintains that the manner in which Paul points out the heresies of Ephesus implies a recent journey to that place. 2 Tim. ii, 17. But we know how easy it was for him in the early stages of his captivity to obtain exact and frequent information as to the state of the Churches. The most plausible reason adduced by Neander is drawn from some perplexing features of the epistle, which seem to point to a recent journey of the Apostle in Asia Minor. For instance, he asks for his cloak and the parchments left at Troas. 2 Tim. iv, 13. But this may have reference to the journey from Troas, of which we read in Acts xx, 5. The parchments might be required by Paul for his defense, and he might not until this time have had an opportunity of having them brought to him. When he says (2 Tim. iv, 20) "Trophimus have I left at Miletum sick," it does not necessarily imply that he had been there himself. May we not suppose, with Wieseler, that Trophimus accompanied Paul in his journey from Asia Minor to Rome, and that when the travelers stopped at Myra in Lycia, (Acts xxvii, 5,) a town very near to Miletum, Trophimus was compelled by sickness to stop, and went on to Miletum? Paul's reference to the fact in his second letter to Timothy may be accounted for by supposing that he had need of the witness of Trophimus in the preparation for his trial, and it may be for the same reason that he speaks of Erastus, who "abode at Corinth," (2 Tim. iv, 20,) for the latter, who, we learn from Rom. xvi, 23, was one of the chamberlains of the city, might be able to render him valuable service on his trial. With reference to the reasons drawn by Neander from the date of the First Epistle to Timothy, and from that of the letter to Titus, we have already set these aside by accepting the hypothesis of a journey made by Paul into Europe, during his stay at Ephesus. We have also obviated the objection founded on the growth of heresies in Asia Minor, by proving the antiquity of those heresies, as shown in Paul's farewell address at Miletum. Thus we hold none of the arguments in favor of a second captivity of Paul to be conclusive. We see two serious objections to this hypothesis: 1. The difficulty of supposing that Paul can have obtained a regular trial from Nero, after the terrible persecution recorded by Tacitus. 2. The small probability that the main facts of the first captivity, such as the appeal to Cæsar, should have been repeated in the very same manner in the second. __________________________________________________________________
[656] Eusebius, "Hist. Eccles.," ii, 21.
[657] Hieronym., "In Esaiam," xi, 14.
[658] "Geschichte der Heiligen Schriften, N. T.," p. 125. "Revue de Théologie," 2d vol., 3d part, p. 150.
[659] Wieseler, "Chronol. des Apost. Zeit.," p. 521.
[660] Clement, "Ep. ad Corinth.," chap. 5.
[661] A fragment from the canon of Muratori is also called in evidence. It runs thus: "Sed profectionem Pauli ad urbe id Spaniam proficiscentis." Bunsen, "Analecta Antinicæna," i, 139. But it is not possible to draw conclusions of any certainty from so mutilated a text. All that can be inferred from it is, that at a period even then remote, the tradition of a journey of Paul into Spain was current in the Church. It was founded evidently upon the passage Rom. xv, 24. The passage of Dionysius of Corinth, quoted by Eusebius, ("Hist. Eccles.," ii, 25,) which states that Peter and Paul founded the Church at Corinth, and then came to Rome together, has clearly no historic value. __________________________________________________________________
G. [See page 204.]
THE EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL.
We admit the full authenticity of all the epistles to which the name of Paul is attached, with the exception of the Epistle to the Hebrews, which we attribute to Apollos. There are some about which no question at all is raised. The Epistles to the Galatians, to the Romans, and those to the Corinthians, are beyond a doubt. Baur himself admits their authenticity. The two Epistles to the Thessalonians have been attacked by some on the ground that they are insignificant, wanting in special interest, and give in detail, and without occasion, specific views of prophecy. [662] We have already replied to the second objection by showing that the unhealthy excitement of some Christians at Thessalonica--who, under pretext of looking for the return of Jesus Christ, abandoned themselves to indolence--required from Paul some enlarged reference to prophecy. He must needs guard against one of the most serious abuses of his doctrine. We disallow utterly the objection founded on the want of interest and originality in these epistles-an objection which Baur urges in a general manner against all the minor epistles of the Apostle. A mere impression cannot be discussed. We appeal to the witness of the Christian conscience. The Epistle to the Ephesians is rejected by the same critic, because of its resemblance to the Epistle to the Colossians. [663] But M. Reuss has perfectly shown that their resemblance is not as complete as is asserted. "Geschichte
H. Schr., N. T.," p. 102. It is not surprising that the Apostle, writing to Churches placed in similar circumstances, should have addressed to them the same counsels. Baur urges, in objection to the genuineness of these letters, certain Gnostic tendencies, which he believes he discovers in the writer. [664] He thus characterizes the metaphysical expansion of the doctrine as to the person of Jesus Christ; he makes much of the word pleroma. Col. i, 20. But in its essence the doctrine set forth in these letters is as far removed as possible from Gnostic dualism, and from the doctrine of emanation. Jesus Christ is not the first emanation of the Godhead; he possesses it in its fullness. Baur makes the same objection to the Epistle to the Colossians as to the pastoral epistles; [665] he asserts that the heresies pointed out by the author of these letters do not appear till the second century. Let us observe, first, that the learned critic finds in these epistles that which is not there. He sees in them a complete description of Gnosticism, while the writer confines himself entirely to general features, such as belong to a nascent heresy. The discovery of the "Philosophoumena " has thrown a flood of light on this much controverted point, and the picture which we have presented of the Churches founded by St. Paul is the best reply we can make to the attacks of the Tübingen school. Too much attention cannot be bestowed on that part of M. Reuss's "History of the New Testament" which takes up this delicate question. In our opinion, it is a masterpiece of wise and learned criticism. (See "Gesch. der H. Schr., N. T.," page 113.)
The objections brought against the epistles of Paul are drawn, as we have seen, from internal evidence. No one denies that their authenticity was unanimously recognized in the third century. Placing ourselves on the ground occupied by our adversaries, it is impossible to us to discover in the disputed epistles a single point not in accordance with the character of the Apostle, and with the history of his life. What shall we say of the extravagance of a criticism which goes so far as to assert that Paul's comparison of the Christian to a soldier, (2 Tim. ii, 3,) being peculiarly in agreement with the taste of the writers of the second century, (by whom it is frequently used,) cannot belong to the first? One is surprised to see a man so sagacious as De Wette bringing the charge of pride against the sublime close of the Second Epistle to Timothy. De Wette's "Commentary on 2 Tim. iv, 8." __________________________________________________________________
[662] Baur, "Paulus," pp. 250-259.
[663] Ibid, p. 481.
[664] Ibid., pp. 423, 424.
[665] Ibid., p. 493. __________________________________________________________________
H. [See page 206.]
ON THE EPISTLES OF JAMES AND OF JUDE.
The epistles of James and of Jude have been placed by Eusebius ("Hist. Eccles.," iii, 25) among the "Antilegomena," or disputed writings. But we see no sufficient reason for this assertion, and the external evidence is entirely in their favor. The doubts must have arisen later from doctrinal causes, probably in the case of James from the supposed opposition between his doctrine and that of Paul, and in that of Jude from his quotation from the apocryphal book of Enoch. The Church of Syria had admitted the epistle of the former into its canon. Clement of Rome seems to refer to it: "Epistle to the Corinth.," chap. x. Origen quotes it: "Commentar. in Joannem," vol. xix, iv, 406. Clement of Alexandria quotes the Epistle of Jude. "Stromat.," iii, 434; "Pædagog," iii, 239; Origen, "Commentar. in Matth.," iii, 463. (See, for the Epistle of Jude, the very complete "Commentary" of M. Arnaud.) __________________________________________________________________
I. [See page 213.]
ON THE SECOND EPISTLE OF PETER.
We have spoken of only one Epistle of Peter, because it seems to us impossible to admit, with any certainty, the authenticity of the second. It is noteworthy that it is only mentioned for the first time by Clement of Alexandria, and even that quotation is not direct. Eusebius, "Hist. Eccles.," vi, 24. Origen, who cites it, ("Comment. in Joannem," iv, 135,) is the first and only one of the "Fathers" of the third century who clearly appeals to its authority. The Church of Syria, the testimony of which is of great value, did not acknowledge this epistle, and Eusebius ("Hist. Eccles.," iii, 55) quotes it among the "Antilegomena." The doubt was current as late as the fourth century, for Jerome says, "Scripsit Petrus duas Epistolas, quae Catholicæ nominantur, quarum secunda a plerisqne ejus esse negatur propter styli cum priore dissonantiam." "De Viris illustribus," c. i.
On the other hand, the First Epistle of Peter has in its favor the highest possible testimony. Eusebius, "Hist. Eccles.," iii, 39; iv, 14; Irenæus, "Contr. Hæres," iv, 9, 2; Clement of Alexandria, Stromat.," iii, 73; Tertull., "C. Scorp.," i, 2.
If we proceed to the examination of the internal evidences, they are very unfavorable to the authenticity of the Second Epistle of Peter. 1st. The style has scarcely any analogy to that of the first epistle. 2d. The dependent relation of this epistle to that of Jude is very marked; the author constantly takes up the text of Jude as a theme to be worked out. (See the parallelism of the two epistles in M. Arnaud's "Commentary on Jude.") 3d. The writer insists upon his apostolic degree with a strange mannerism, resembling that of the apocryphal writings, (i, 13-18.) 4th. He quotes the collection of Paul's epistles as forming part of the canon of the New Testament, which had no existence at this time, (2 Peter iii, 16;) in the year 64 or 65, he speaks of these epistles as being among the number of canonical Scriptures; this is an extraordinary anachronism.
There is nothing incredible in the pretension of the unknown author to pass for Peter. The whole apocryphal literature of the second and third centuries is full of fictitious scriptures, and the name of Peter is that most commonly employed. May we not suppose that an orthodox Christian, at the close of the second century, indignant at the supposed opposition between Peter and Paul, appealed to in the "Clementines," composed this epistle to set forth their deep harmony, making use, perhaps, of some fragments of the preaching of Peter which tradition may have preserved, for the commencement of the epistles? Calvin, in his embarrassed comments on this letter, betrays a doubt, which he is unable to dispel from his own mind or from the minds of his readers: "Cæterum," he says, in his introduction, "de auctore non constat, nunc Petri nunc apostoli nomini promiscue mihi permittam." "As there is no certainty about the author, I shall permit myself to say indifferently, Peter or the Apostle." Let us observe that there is nothing in this epistle in contradiction to other canonical writings; it contains no special or new. revelation. It is better frankly to express a doubt as to its authenticity than to sanction the idea that Christian belief is bound absolutely to the traditional canon fixed by the Church of the fourth century. __________________________________________________________________
J. [See page 232.]
ON THE AUTHOR OF THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS.
It is not disputed by any, that, while the Western Church for nearly three centuries denies that Paul is the author of the Epistle to the Hebrews, the doctors of the Church of Alexandria are almost unanimous in attributing the epistle to him. But the opinion of the West, and of Rome in particular, has great weight in the question, since that Church must be supposed to have had most authentic information of all that related to the Apostle Paul, and especially of every thing connected with his captivity. Clement of Rome, makes constant allusions to the Epistle to the Hebrews. How would it be possible that he should never have named its author, if he had known who he was, and especially if he had known him to be the Apostle Paul? It is easy to understand how the Church of Alexandria should have arrived by a philosophical synthesis, natural to its genius, at the conclusion that Paul was the writer of an epistle which bears the impress of his thought. The internal evidences which vindicate the judgment of the Western Church are admirably set forth in Bleek's "Commentary." The following are the principal: ist. The striking difference of style; the diversity of opinion on this point seems to us inexplicable. 2d. The relation of dependence, in which the author places himself, upon the immediate witnesses of Jesus Christ. Heb. ii, 3. Now, Paul never took this position. One of the great objects of his polemics against his adversaries always was to establish that he was in the same rank with the first Apostles. 3d. If the ideas of the writer have much in common with those of Paul, they, nevertheless, bear, in the detail of their exposition, the impress of a different individuality. In favor of the hypothesis which ascribes the Epistle to the Hebrews to Paul, the two following passages are quoted: 1st. ?Ginoskete to`n adelpho`n emon Timo'theon apolelume'non. Heb. xiii, 23. It is inferred, from the close relations of Paul and Timothy, that the former was the writer of these words. But it is impossible to base a whole argument on so trifling a point of detail. For Paul was not the only person who was in connection with Timothy. One of Paul's other disciples might very naturally use such an expression. The sense given to the word apolelume'non is of very little weight, whether it signify that Timothy is absent, or whether it contain the idea that he is just set at liberty, this difference of interpretation in no way affects the solution of the question. 2d. The second passage adduced as an argument is Heb. xiii, 24. It is asserted that the expression, "They of Italy salute you," shows that the epistle was written at Rome; but do not these words, on the contrary, seem to convey the idea that the writer is not in Italy, since he sees in the qualification, oi apo` tos Itali'as, a special designation?
The hypothesis, which ascribes the Epistle to the Hebrews to Apollos, is the most plausible. He was certainly a warm advocate of Paul's principles; he was well versed in the Scriptures; he was at Alexandria, where great prominence was given to the typical and allegorical style. He was a man eloquent and learned. All these various characteristics are remarkably displayed in the Epistle to the Hebrews. __________________________________________________________________
K. [See page 235.]
DIVERSITY OF OPINIONS AS TO THE THEOLOGY OF THE APOSTOLIC AGE.
We have presented the system of the Tübingen school under its most moderate form, as it is set forth in the last book of Baur, "Das Christenthum der drei ersten Jahrhunderte." Tübingen, 1853, pp. 43-151.
The book of Schwegler, often quoted by us, "Das Nachapostolische Zeitalter," (Tübingen, 1840,) is much more arbitrary in the use of internal evidence. His fundamental idea is, that the Christian doctrine of the third century was formed by successive transformations of Ebionitism. Another disciple of Baur--Ritschl--in his book entitled, "Entstehung der altcatholischen Kirche," (Bonn, 1850,) starts from a hypothesis quite opposed to that of Schwegler. In his view, the dogmatic system of the third century was not formed by Ebionitism, but by Paulinism, the normal development of the doctrine of Jesus Christ. He supposes Judæo-Christianity, on the other hand, to have been smitten with absolute dogmatic sterility, and those of its adherents, who did not fall in with Paulinism, to have formed the Ebionite sect--a party in the rear of advancement, and not the nucleus of the Church. A second edition of this learned work has just appeared, in which there is a very perceptible modification of the author's views, more especially, however, with reference to the teaching of Christ, No one can place M. Reuss's learned book, "The History of Christian Theology in the Second Century," (2d vol., Strasburg, 1852,) under the banner of the Tübingen school. The author, whose conscientious works we have already often mentioned, appears to us to have made too many concessions to the system, which supposes a complete ecclesiastical and dogmatical polity in the first century. He has exaggerated the difference between Judæo-Christianity and Paulinism. The great complaint which we make of
M. Reuss's book is, that he misconceives the unique, exceptional, and creative character of the apostolic theology. We have endeavored to show how we can, with the Church of every age, admit this without falling into mechanical theopneustics. The work of Schmid, "Biblische Theologie des N. T.," (Stuttgart, I853,) has been a useful aid to us, as also Neander's "Apostolic Age," 2 vols. The portion of Schaff's book, which refers to apostolic doctrine, (pp. 606-638,) is only an extract from Neander. __________________________________________________________________
L. [See page 428.]
ON THE AUTHENTICITY AND THE DATE OF THE APOCALYPSE.
Notwithstanding the able and learned dissertations of Lücke on the passages of "the Fathers" which support the authenticity of the Apocalypse, those passages appear to us conclusive. Either external evidence must be denied all value, or it must be admitted to be conclusive in this case. Setting aside the passages of the writings of the apostolic "Fathers," which, in a general way, remind us of the Apocalypse, (for instance, the sixth chapter of Polycarp's "Epistle to the Ephesians," where mention is made of the prophets, who had declared the coming of the Lord Jesus Christ,) it is clear to us that Papias sought in it support for his millenarian views. Andreas, a writer of the fifth century, quoted, in explanation of Papias, Rev. xii, 7. Andreas, "Præf. ad Comment. in Apoc." Justin Martyr, who wrote about the year 139, cites it positively as the Revelation of John. "Dial. cum Tryph.," p. 179. According to Eusebius, ("Hist. Eccles.," iii, 26,) Melito must have written a commentary on the Revelation. The allusions to this book are plain in the letter of the Church of Lyons to the Churches of Asia Minor. Eusebius, "Hist. Eccles.," v, 1. The testimony of Irenæus, ("Contr. Hæres.," iv, 20;) of Clement of Alexandria, ("Stromat.," vi, 66;) of Tertullian, ("Adv. Marc.," iii, 14;) and of Origen, (see Eusebius, "Hist. Eccles.," vi, 25,) is, without any sort of hesitation, in favor of the authenticity of the Apocalypse.
The first doubts on this subject were expressed by the sect of the Alogi, who denied the divinity of Jesus Christ. These doubts were carried further by Caius, and finally by Dionysius of Alexandria, (Eusebius, vii, 25,) and more or less confirmed by Eusebius. But it is only needful to study the grounds taken up by Dionysius, in order to be convinced that he reasons entirely from à priori arguments, and that it is fear of the chiliasts, or millenarians, which leads him to throw doubt upon the book of the Revelation.
Is the internal evidence in truth as adverse as is asserted? We think not. We admit that there are great differences in substance and in form between the Gospel of John and the Revelation, but there are also striking analogies. The differences seem to us to have been exaggerated by Lücke and Reuss, [666] as well as by the Tübingen school, which exults in the asserted Judaism of St. John, in order to dispute the authorship of the fourth gospel. Baur [667] goes so far as to see in it a sort of Judaistic libel on St. Paul. Hengstenberg falls into the opposite extreme. [668]
Stress is laid first on the difference of style and on the Hebraic coloring of the Apocalypse. This difference is real; it is explained in part by the fact that the Book of the Revelation is, from its very nature, much more dependent on Old Testament prophecy, the vivid images of which it constantly reproduces. This explanation, however, is not alone sufficient, and we are fully convinced that the Revelation cannot have been written at the same date as the Gospel and Epistles.
Three points are especially insisted upon in proof of the difference between the Revelation and the other writings of John. 1st. The prophecy, properly so called, or the view of the future, is different. In the one case, it is said, every thing is materialized--resurrection, judgment, triumph, condemnation, Antichrist; to the author of the Apocalypse, all this is earthly and external, while to the Evangelist every thing is spiritual. Resurrection in the fourth gospel stands for conversion; judgment is the separation of light and darkness. Opposition to Christ is not personified in the form of a man. It is a condition of mind. [669] Lücke himself does not admit this strongly-marked opposition. He allows that there is, in the Gospel, an element corresponding to apocalyptic prophecy. He thinks, firstly, that even the Evangelist refers to a resurrection, a judgment in the true sense, which is to be the actual close of the religious history of mankind. [670] John v, 21; vi, 39; xi, 24. Only in the Gospel and in the Epistles this closing scene is not directly external, as, in the Apocalypse, it is in its first significance spiritual; the moral precedes the final judgment. We have here, then, a progression in revelation, but we deny that there is any contradiction. 2d. It is asserted that the Gospel is anti-Judaic, while the Apocalypse is said to be of a profoundly Judaizing tendency.
The opposition of the Gospel of John to Judaism must not be exaggerated. Do we not read in it these words, "Salvation is of the Jews?" John iv, 22. Has it not been often remarked with what scrupulous care the fourth Evangelist endeavors to show the harmony of Old Testament prophecy with the facts to which it refers? In this respect John almost rivals Matthew. It has. been far too much forgotten, in speaking of the Judaism of the Revelation, that the symbolism of a prophet of the first century must necessarily be borrowed from the Old Testament. The colors which he must use were, so to speak, already prepared for him. Besides, the author of the Apocalypse recognizes very distinctly Christian universalism, and was not that the essential point? The twelve tribes of which he speaks (vii, 5-9) cannot represent exclusively the chosen people, since the great multitude around the throne of the Lamb belongs to every tribe, and nation, and kindred, and tongue. Paul had already designated the Church "the Israel of God." Gal. vi, i6. [671]
3d. It is maintained that the doctrine of the author of the Revelation is totally at variance with that of the author of the Gospel. And first, Jesus, it is said, is not represented as the Word of God, but only as the great revealer; but what, then, is conveyed by those hymns to the Lamb, which blend his name in common adoration with that of God? Rev. v, 13; xiv, 3, 4.
Even those who pretend to discover in the Apocalypse the notion of salvation by works, as opposed to the true Christian doctrine, are constrained to admit that there are few books of the New Testament in which redemption by the blood of Christ is more clearly taught. Rev. i, 5; vii, 14. How is it possible to reconcile such declarations with the idea of a simple recompense for good works? The Judaizing character of the Apocalypse is especially pointed out in that part of the book in which the martyrs are represented as crying to God to be avenged for their blood shed upon the earth. Rev. vi, 10; xiii, 10; xiv, 10, 11. How, it is asked, can this idea of vengeance be harmonized with the conception of love so beautifully set forth in the Gospel and Epistles? Let it not be forgotten that love implies holiness, and that the law of the universe, to which a sanction is attached, cannot be violated with impunity. Condemnation is spoken of in almost every page of the gospel, and we cannot forget the mysterious words of the first epistle as to the unpardonable sin. 1 John v, 16, 17. We admit that this element of justice is set forth in the Apocalypse under the form of ancient prophecy; but it embodies, nevertheless, an immortal verity, though without giving it its highest and most complete expression. This is one of the reasons which convince us that the Revelation cannot have been written at the same period as the Gospel. With reference to the immediate expectation of the return of the Lord, (i, 3; xii, 12; xxii, 10,) this does not at all go beyond that which was common in the writings of St. Paul, and among all the Christians of the first century. There is, then, no contradiction between John the Evangelist and the writer of the Apocalypse, and we do not find ourselves in the dilemma stated by M. Reuss, that if St. John wrote the one, he cannot have written the other. "Gesch. Schr., N. T.," p. 147. On the contrary, there are striking analogies between the two books; in both we note the tender and pathetic, often melancholy tone, which renders the writings of John so touching; the same love for the person of Jesus Christ, the same hatred of heresy. Can we not recognize the son of thunder, the impassioned opponent of Cerinthus, in every page of the book of Revelation?
Though we concur in the belief of the authenticity of the Apocalypse, we are not, however, prepared to admit the traditional date for its composition. We have already pointed out several reasons which, from a doctrinal point of view, make us demur to this. We shall not recur to these. It is not, as we have shown, that we charge the writer of the Revelation with a rude Judaism, as has been done by others. [672] No, we discern in it a divine revelation full of wealth and beauty. Let us not forget, however, that the revelations of God have been progressive, even in the new covenant. It is clear, for example, that as regards doctrinal fullness, there is a wide disparity between the Epistle of James and that of Paul to the Ephesians. God always takes account of human receptivity. There is, then, no reason for surprise if the revelations granted to the same man, at two different periods of his life, manifest a progression of light, while they, nevertheless, rest on the same basis of truth. We admit, however, without hesitation, that if the testimony of history compelled us to place the Apocalypse in the reign of Domitian, we should at once accept the traditional date, setting aside our own judgment. But there is no such necessity; the sole testimony of the second century in favor of this hypothesis is that of Irenæus. "The Apocalyptic vision," he says, " took place not long before our day, but a short time before our generation, under Domitian." [673] Clement of Alexandria speaks only of some tyrant, under whom John was exiled to Patmos. [674] Origen calls him the King of the Romans. [675] Eusebius and St. Jerome echo the statement of Irenæus. [676] Epiphanius is the first who differs from Irenæus as to the name of the tyrant or king who persecuted St. John. According to him it was Claudius who banished the Apostle to Patmos. [677] Tertullian places the exile of John under the reign of Nero, who, he says, after having him plunged in a bath of boiling oil, banished him to Patmos. [678] The last two writers are evidently misinformed, but they prove to us that the tradition as to the date of John's exile was not generally accepted by the Church in their time. Nor was it so several centuries later; for Andreas, in his commentary on Rev. vi, 12, observes that some interpreters saw in this passage a prophecy of the destruction of Jerusalem. Hengstenberg, in order to prove that the Revelation was written under Domitian, dwells upon the internal condition of the seven Churches. He thinks it impossible to suppose such a growth of heresies before the close of the apostolic age. i, 13. But what, then, does he make of the pastoral epistles, and how does he not see that he is thus furnishing negative criticism with weapons to attack them?
From the study of the question we draw the conclusion that it is not possible to determine with exactness, by means of external evidence, the date of the composition of the Apocalypse. We are, therefore, compelled to give full weight to the internal evidence. We have already observed that the doctrinal character of the book is adverse to its traditional date. If, now, we sum up its historical statements, we shall find that they give some indications as to the time of its composition. Lücke and Reuss see one such indication in the eleventh chapter, where the sacred writer is bidden to measure the temple. [679] In their view, this passage should be taken literally, and would imply that Jerusalem could not then have been destroyed; whence it would follow that the book must have been written before the year 70. But it seems to us impossible to be satisfied with a literal interpretation. We think, with Thiersch, [680] that it is not possible to suppose John giving such flagrant contradiction to the prophecies of the Saviour, which declared the destruction of Jerusalem and of the temple. Matt. xxiv, 1, 2. Then has not Lücke himself admitted that, with John, the Church is the Israel of God? Does not the temple, then, represent the Church itself in its outward constitution? That the temple has this symbolic value appears from Rev. i, 13, where the seven candlesticks of the sanctuary at Jerusalem represent the seven Churches to which Jesus Christ addresses himself. The date of the Apocalypse is not to be sought in the eleventh chapter of the book, but rather in its general coloring.
It is to us evident that the Apostle wrote a few years after the terrible persecution under Nero. It is idle to draw any parallel between the persecutions under Domitian, and that first truly infernal explosion of pagan hatred against the Church. Let it be observed, further, that the sacred writer speaks only of Roman persecutions; he has ever in view the city of the seven hills. Now, was it not under Nero that in the first century Babylon the impure became drunk with the blood of the saints? The thirteenth and seventeenth chapters of the Apocalypse carry us into the midst of the Roman world. The beast in those two chapters represents the Roman power, for it is ridden by the "woman arrayed in purple and scarlet," who is the great harlot of the ancient world; and the seven heads of the beast correspond evidently to the seven hills of Rome. It is, then, in our opinion, a grave mistake to see in these seven heads a succession of monarchies, as in the book of Daniel. They might rather represent the succession of various forms of Roman government, but even this would be a forced interpretation. The seven heads, after representing the seven hills, represent seven kings, seven Roman kings, that is, seven emperors. One of these heads has a peculiar power, this is the Antichristian power, par excellence, antichrist in person. Now, this head, which has been mortally wounded, can be nothing else than an emperor who has fallen by a violent death. It is the fifth emperor, Nero. He was and is not. "Wounded to death," this head is yet to be healed and to reappear with greater power than before. xiii, 3. This feature recalls the opinion so prevalent in the Roman empire and in the Church, that Nero was not dead, but was to appear again. The ancient Church long regarded him as Antichrist. [681] This is a very important fact for the interpretation of the Revelation. Does it signify that the sacred writer thus sanctioned an absurd legend so soon to be falsified by fact? Assuredly not; but, as Thiersch [682] has observed, he has made use of the element of truth lurking in the legend, which was inspired by a sort of prophetic instinct. Opposition to Christianity in one period is the type of that in another. That which the Church saw in Nero it will see again; Nero, or rather the spirit of Nero, (brutal hatred of the Gospel,) will reappear.
The combat is not finished, it has only commenced, and the first century is a faint image of the true Antichrist. What is there here unworthy of the Revelation? Is not the symbol admirably chosen? Do we not know that prophecy has always a primary signification, which, however, is capable of progressive and indefinite expansion? It is certain that the idea that Nero was Antichrist was widely diffused throughout the ancient Church; the expectation of his return took a materialized form, but its origin may be traced to this passage in the Apocalypse. It is not more surprising to find John bringing out the true meaning of a legend, than to find Jude quoting the Apocrypha, or Job speaking of the crooked serpent. xxvi, 13. That which is of importance here is to avoid a literalism which would make John the mere echo of a popular superstition. Of little consequence are the symbols employed by the prophet, provided only his prophecy be true. Did not the last prophets of the New Testament use without hesitation the symbolism of Chaldæa? and did they not convey through this medium divine ideas? We have now before our eyes, in Paris and in London, those huge animals of monstrous forms which were the objects of absurd superstition at Babylon and the sublime types of Jewish prophecy.
We have not yet spoken of the ingenious hypothesis of M. Reuss on the number of the beast, (666,) in which he says:
"We think with Lücke [683] and De Wette [684] that it is more natural to look for a Greek than a Hebrew name in a book written in Greek. The ancient hypothesis of Irenæus, who read in it Latinus, is very satisfactory; it is sustained also by the relation of the numbers to the letters. Nero is not considered solely as an individual, but as the personification of the Roman power. The spirit of Nero, which is the true genius of paganism and of the Roman empire, the eighth king who comes of the seven, the Latinus par excellence, is to reappear among them, more terrible still. This prophecy received its first realization in the persecutions excited by the succeeding emperors; it is to be yet more fearfully fulfilled in the end of time. John is not in error."
Several commentaries on the Apocalypse have recently appeared in Germany. The most important is that of Auberlin, "Der Prophet Daniel und die Offenbarung Johannis in ihrem gegenseitigen Verhältniss betrachtet," von Carl Aug. Auberlin. Second ed., Basel, I857. The writer follows the præterist system, which pretends to find all modern history narrated in anticipation in the Apocalypse. He displays much learning, piety, and subtilty in the exposition of his theory. The woman of the twelfth chapter is in his system the Church, surrounded with the divine light under the figure of the sun, and having under her feet the light of this world, set forth by the moon, which receives light without possessing it. This Church, under her ancient form in Judaism, has given birth to the Christ, who has driven the demons out of heaven, these having hitherto occupied one of its regions. She extends her power in the pagan world, which is represented by the desert. Rev. xii, 6. The devil raises a fearful persecution, (xii, 13;) vanquished the first time, he casts forth upon her the floods of the barbarian invasion, like a great inundating stream. xii, 15. But the earth opens her mouth and swallows this flood; the barbarous peoples are brought into the Roman empire and are Christianized by the Church.
The beast of the thirteenth chapter is the temporal power. If the Apocalypse gives it seven heads, it is to represent its attempt to imitate the divine power, of which seven is the symbolic number. But it fails in this attempt, for in chap. xiii, 11, an eighth head is added; this is enough to denote its incapacity to reproduce the divine power. The number 666 pronounces its condemnation. In fact, the number six always symbolizes the judgment of God, for in the scene of the seven cups, the seven trumpets, and the seven thunders, the sixth link introduces the most terrible visitations of Heaven, which assure the triumph of truth. Further, the number six is the half of the number twelve, the symbolic number of the Church, and it indicates the divided condition of the temporal power. The number 666, by multiplying the number six, prophesies a terrible access to the condemnation of the world. The author sees in the seven hills and the seven heads the succession of monarchies. The fallen Church is set forth in the harlot of the thirteenth chapter. The beast, the image of modern powers, seemed vanquished when it was wounded. xiii, 3. This indicated a check to the evil power, and the Christianization of the world. But its healing shows that the modern, like the ancient world, has fallen again under the power of the devil. One last victory will be permitted to this diabolic power, (xiii, 7,) and the drama of history shall close with the millennium taken in the real sense.
Such a system seems to us to refute itself; the symbolism of numbers on which it hinges, carries the arbitrary beyond all limit. Proceeding thus, we may see any thing or any body in the Revelation.
Ebrard, in the commentary which he published last year, upholds the old Protestant view. The Roman power is depicted in the thirteenth and fourteenth chapters, and Papal Rome in the seventeenth chapter. The system of MM. Elliot and Gaussen is found complete in Grübe's commentary on the Apocalypse. "Versuch einer historischen Erklärung der Offenbarung Johannis." Heidelberg, 1857. __________________________________________________________________
[666] Lücke, "Offenbarung Johannes," pp. 707-744. Reuss, "Théologie du Siècle Apostolique, vol. i, p. 303.
[667] Baur, "Das Christenthum der drei erst. Jahrh.," p. 75; Schwegler, work quoted, ii, p. 247.
[668] Hengstenberg, "Offenbarung des Heiligen Johannes." Berlin. 1849.
[669] This opinion is maintained by M. Réville, "Revue de Théologie," 1855; pp. 361, 362.
[670] Lücke, "Offenbarung," p. 178.
[671] Lücke, "Offenbarung," p. 739.
[672] This is the opinion of M. Réville, who, placing the composition of the Apocalypse before the destruction of Jerusalem, lays the strangest illusions of Judæo-Christianity to the charge of St. John.
[673] Oide gar pro pollou chronou eorathe, pros to telei tes Dometianou arches. Irenæus, "Contr. Hæres.," v, 30.
[674] Epeide gar tou torannou teleuteoantos. Clement of Alexandria, "Quis dives," § 42.
[675] Origen, "Opera," III, p. 719.
[676] Eusebius, "Hist. Eccles.," iii, 18, 20, 23. St. Jerome, "De viris illustr.," IX.
[677] Meta ten autou apo tes Patmou epanodon ten epi Klaudiou genomenen Kaisaros. Epiphanius, "Ad. Hæres.," li, 12.
[678] "In insulam relegatus." Tertullian, "De Præscript.," xxxvi.
[679] Lücke, "Offenbar.," p. 827.
[680] Thiersch, book quoted, p. 237.
[681] "Nero primus omnium persecusus Dei servos, dejectus itaque fastigio imperii nusquam repente compariuit; ut ne sepulturæ quidem looees in terra tam malu bestiæ appareret. Unde ilium quidam deliri credunt esse translatum ac vivum reservatum, sibylla dicente matricidum profugum a finibus esse venturum ut qui primus persecutus est idem etiam persequatur et Antichristi præcedat adventum." Lactantius, "De Morte persecut.," chap. ii; Augustin, "Civ. Dei," xx, 19; Jerome, "In Daniel," xi, 28. See also the fourth book of the "Sibylline Oracles," v, 106, and the vision of Isaiah in Ethiopia. Victorinus, (2d century,) and Commodianus, (3d century,) think that Nero will be himself Antichrist. The idea of the return of Nero is further expressed in pagan writers. Suetonius, "Nero," 40, 57; Tacitus, "Historia," i, 2; Dio Cassius, lxiv, 9. See Reuss's "Theology of the Apostolic Age," i,
324. Lücke, "Offenbar.," p. 834.
[682] "In der Volksage selbst liegt eine Wahrheit." Thiersch, work quoted, p. 243.
[683] Lücke, "Offenb," p. 833.
[684] De Wette, "Commentar. in Apoc." __________________________________________________________________
M. [See page 429.]
AUTHENTICITY OF THE GOSPEL AND EPISTLES OF JOHN.
We cannot here go over the whole discussion that has arisen as to the author of the fourth gospel. Its authenticity was impugned with some reserve by Bretschneider in his "Probabilia." That theologian maintained that between the gospel of John and the synoptics the difference was absolute, especially in reference to the discourses of the Saviour. Strauss, in his "Life of Christ," proceeded to set forth three differences in support of his hypothesis of an evangelical mythology. Baur and his school have taken other ground in attacking the authenticity of the fourth gospel. It is, in their view, the last result of the struggle between Paulinism and Ebionitism, and, as it were, a treaty of peace between the two systems, signed upon the heights of Alexandrine Gnosticism. Baur, "Das Christ., der drei erst. Jahrh., 133. Such a reconciliation could only take place at an advanced date, when the combatants had become exhausted, that is to say, about the end of the second century. The most remarkable work in favor of its authenticity is Lücke's introduction to his commentary on the Gospel. All that M. Reuss has written on this subject, whether in his book, "The History of the New Testament," or in his "History of Christian Theology in the Apostolic Age," or in a separate dissertation, has great value. For ourselves, no point of sacred criticism seems to us better established than the authenticity of the fourth gospel. Lücke, in his commentary, had already shown how much favor is in its eternal testimony. Pp. 41-81. It appears to us evident that Justin Martyr makes numerous allusions to passages of the fourth gospel. "Dial. cum Tryph.," 88, 114, 108. His treatment of the doctrine of the "Word" reminds us of the prologue of John's gospel. He even goes so far as to call Jesus Christ menegenes, the only Son. Id. 105. Comp. "Apol.," i,
33. There is an equally evident allusion in the "Apology of Athenagoras," written about the year 177. It is only necessary to read the tenth chapter to be convinced of this. The allusions are also numerous in the letter of the Church of Lyons to the Churches of Asia Minor. Eusebius, "Hist. Eccles.," v, x. The rejection of the Gospel of John by the Alogi was exclusively founded on doctrinal grounds. Origen tells us that Celsus, who wrote about the middle of the second century, sought, in the fourth gospel, for weapons to use against the Christians. "Contr. Celsum," v, 52; i, 67; allusion to John ii, 18.
The first direct testimony is that of Theophilus of Antioch, who lived in the year I68. We read in his book to Antolicus, ii, 22: Othen didaskousin emas agiai graphai kai pantes hoi pneumatophoroi, ex on Ioannes legei En arche hen ho logos. The testimony of lrenæus is not less precise. "Contr. Hæres.," iii, 1. Comp. Tertullian, "Adv. Marconem," iv, 2, 5. The mention of the Apocalypse in the canon of Muratori proves to us that the Gospel was received into the canon of the Church of Rome at the commencement of the third century. From that time, all the "Fathers," without exception, confirm the apostolic origin of the fourth gospel. Origen, about the year 222, comments on it. The Peshito version translates it, and Eusebius ("Hist. Eccles.," iii, 24, 25) places it, without hesitation, among the "Homologoumena."
The external evidence derived from the testimony of the orthodox Church is, then, very strongly in favor of the authenticity of the fourth gospel. It will appear decisive and irrefragable, if we take also into account the testimony of heresy itself. The discovery of the "Philosophoumena" has decided the question. St. Hippolytus makes us acquainted with the first "Ophites," who are the immediate successors of the heretics of the apostolic age, and who lived in the first quarter of the second century. All know the doctrine of the "Word;" it occupies a prominent place in the rough outlines of their systems; all quote positively the fourth gospel. Thus Hippolytus attributes to the "Naassenians," the most ancient of the Ophites, declarations like this: To gegennemenon ek tes sarkos, sarx esti, kai to gegennemenon ek tou pneumatos, pneuma estin. "Philosoph.," p. 106; quotation from John iii,
16. The Ophites Perates made the same use of the Gospel of John: Touto esti, phesi, to heiremenon. A quotation of John iii, 17, follows. "Philosoph.," p. 125. Basilides, the famous heretic, who wrote between the years 120 and 130, quotes St. John positively in the fragment reproduced by Hippolytus: Touto, phesin, esti to legomenon en tois euangeliois En to phos to alethinon. "Philosoph., p. 232. (See Bunsen on this point; "Hippolytus," i, 33, 36.) We cannot comprehend how the significance of such passages can be questioned, and how the hypothesis of the Tübingen school can stand against them. [685]
Let us proceed to the internal evidence. It appears to us, first, that there is a striking analogy between what we know of St. John and the character of the fourth gospel. One feels that the writer is a Jew by birth, for the allusions to the customs of his nation are many; but he is also acquainted with Greece and its lofty culture. An allusion to the heresies of Docetism is evident from the commencement, and is in harmony with what is known of the adversary of Cerinthus. The fourth gospel bears the mark of a date subsequent to the first three, and this again brings us to the time of John's abode at Ephesus. It is pre-eminent for accuracy, and shows throughout an eye-witness in the historian. Lastly, how can we avoid recognizing in every page the disciple whom Jesus loved, the apostle of love, who, as Clement of Alexandria says, "discerned like by like, love by love." Objection is taken to the marked difference between the discourses of the Saviour in the synoptics, and in the fourth gospel. It has even been said that John gives us another Christ than the first three evangelists. We admit that he presents him under another aspect, precisely because of his own moral affinity for that which was transcendent in the Master; but the Christ is essentially the same Christ. We have already observed that the writers of the synoptics also discerned the Son of God in the Son of man. It is not just to assert that the element of parable is completely absent from the gospel of John while we can point to the tenth and fifteenth chapters. The uniformity of the discourses is undeniable, and belongs to the more metaphysical character of the gospel of John. Evidently language has less variety when it touches on the highest points of religious teaching. We admit that John has given a certain sameness of color to the words of the Saviour, the same color which we find in his epistle; but the point to be ascertained is, whether John himself is molded by Jesus Christ, or whether the teaching of Jesus Christ is subsequently thrown into a certain form by John. Between the two alternatives we do not hesitate one moment. By admitting the first, the subjective share of the historian is considerably lessened. As regards the differences in the narration of facts between the first three gospels and the fourth, these differences, though real in one respect, do not rise to the height of an absolute incompatibility in narrative, taken as a whole. The synoptics, while they especially relate that which transpired in Galilee, nevertheless contain evident allusions to journeys of the Saviour to Jerusalem. Luke x, 38-42; Matt. xxiii, 37.
When the Tübingen school sets against our statement the asserted Judaism of the author of the Apocalypse, we are prepared to reduce this objection to its true value. (See the preceding note.) Nor can any argument against the authenticity of the fourth gospel be drawn from the fact that St. John, who, in his gospel, places the last supper of Christ with his disciples on the 13th of Nisan, kept the Passover on the 14th, for he might think that the death of the true Lamb of God at that date was of more weight in fixing the paschal feast than the celebration of the same feast on the 13th of Nisan in the upper chamber.
As to the epistles of John, the first is evidently written by the author of the fourth gospel. Never was internal evidence more conclusive. Let us add that it has the most ancient testimony in its favor: "Papias in Eusebius," iii, 39; Polycarp, "Ad. Philipp.," 7; Comp. Irenæus, "Contr. Hæres.," iii, 16; Clement of Alexandria, "Stromat.," ii, 389; Tertullian, "Adv. Praxeam," 15. It has always been classed among the "Homologoumena." There is no reason of any weight for disputing the authenticity of the two smaller epistles of John. They strikingly resemble his style and manner. They also have external evidence on their side, though some doubt was entertained by Origen. Eusebius, vi, 25; vii, 28. Dionysius of Alexandria recognized their authenticity; (Eusebius, vi, 25;) so also did Irenæus, ("Contr. Hæres.," i, 163,) who speaks positively of the second as being by John. __________________________________________________________________
[685] If it were admitted with Lücke, ("Comment.," ii, p. 826,) and with Reuss, ("Geschichte Schr., N. T.," p. 227,) that the twenty-first
ancient date, since it is quoted by Origen and Clement of Alexandria, the gospel of John would bear with it, in its closing verses, the certificate of its origin. The question appears to us insoluble if we take the whole of the chapters; but we think, with Olshausen, that the hyperbola of the last two verses is a gloss. The very antiquity of this gloss makes it a most important witness in favor of the authenticity of the fourth gospel. __________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________
INDEX OF SUBJECTS.
Acts of Apostles, the Apochryphal, accounts of sufferings and deaths of Apostles in, 209.
Admission into primitive Church, 49, 51, 336.
Alexander of Ephesus, 179.
Allegorical interpretation of Scripture, the, by early heretics, 325.
Altar, the, " to the unknown God," at Athens, 160.
Ananias, of Damascus, 110 n.
Ananias, the High Priest, 190.
Ananias and Sapphira, 51.
Andrew, brother of Peter, his sphere of work, 207.
Angels of the seven Churches, the, 476.
Anointing with oil, in early Church, 380.
Antioch, foundation of Church in, 76.
Apocalypse, the, its fundamental idea, 430; its agreement with other writings of John, 430; its representations of Christ, of redemption, and of the Church, 430; its prophetic character, and its symbolism, 432; when written, and influence of circumstances of the time on its style and matter, 432; its rhythm and plan, 434; compared with Christ's prophecy of the last times, 435; the Babylon of, 435; the Antichrist of, 436; typical value of events foretold in, 438; the final triumph of Christianity over Antichrist, as depicted in, 439; the millennium and the judgment, 440; its teaching on the interpretation of history, 440; classification of commentators upon, 441 n.; authenticity and date of, Note L, 500.
Apollos, sketch of, 168.
Apostolate of St. Paul, 113, 127, 129.
Apostolic doctrine, the, 240, Note K, 499.
Apostolic office, the, its nature, 49, 113, 132.
Apostolical Succession, the true, 50.
Apostles, the, their influence and place in primitive Church, 49, 356.
Aquila and Priscilla, 163, I67, 168, 389.
Arabia, Paul's residence in, 110; Matthew's labors in, 208; Bartholomew and Nathanael in, 208.
Asceticism, the, of St. Paul, 145, 390; of the primitive Church, 388; of heretics in Ephesian and Colossian Churches, 327.
Athens, sketch of the religious condition of, 158.
Babylon, the scene of Peter's labors, 210; The Jewish population in, 211; not to be understood in a mystic sense, 211; the Babylon of the Apocalypse, 435.
Baptism in the primitive Church, 374.
Barnabas, sent to Antioch, 78; seeks Paul, 112; his difference with Paul, 116, 143; at the Council of Jerusalem, 133.
Bartholomew and Nathaniel in Arabia, 208.
Berea, 157.
Bishop, the word, in Epistles, 347; St. Jerome's account of, 348; pagan usage of, 348.
Burrhus, the prefect, of Rome, 198.
Caiaphas, a leader of the Sadducean party in Jerusalem, 33.
Calumnies brought against early Christians, 225.
Cerinthus, his doctrine, 473.
Christians, the name, 79.
Christian Church, its basis, 24; its double vocation, 25. See Primitive Church.
Christian doctrine in primitive Church; in first period of apostolic age, not systematic, 48; in second period of apostolic age, 233; were there two contradictory systems of, 233; Baur's theory of, 234; divergencies of sacred writers concerning, not radical nor irreconcilable, 237; unity of, in diversity, 239; the three types of, in the second period of the apostolic age, 240; as taught by James, 241; as taught by Paul, 254.
Christian life, the, in the primitive Church, 38; in relation to politics and art, 382; in relation to question of Church and State, 384; as an imitation of Christ, 386; its active labor, 386; its asceticism, 387; in relation to the family, 388; in relation to slavery, 391; its charity, 393; its relations with the world, 395; blemishes and beauty of, 395.
Christianity, its relations with Judaism, 94, 137, 409; how regarded by paganism, 223; Jews and pagans prepared for, 270.
Chronology of the Acts, the, Note B, 484.
Church-members, admission of, into primitive Church, 49, 336.
Circumcision declared not obligatory on Gentile converts by Paul, 125.
Citizenship, the rights of, claimed by Paul, 155.
Colosse, Church at, founded by Epaphras, 148; heresy in, 327.
Community of goods in early Church, 53.
Conversion of Paul, discrepancies in narrative of, considered, 107 n.
Corinth, 162; epistle to Church at, 176; second epistle to Church at, 180; the four parties in Church at, 311.
Cornelius, 79.
Corruption of mankind, as taught by Paul, 257.
Council of Jerusalem, the, questions before, 125; its public and private conferences, 126; its decision as to Paul's apostleship, 130; its decision as to admission of Gentiles into the Church, 131; essentially democratic, 131; its breadth of spirit, 133; its decrees, how regarded by the ancient Church, 138; its non-solution of the great problems of the primitive Church, 139, Note E, 490.
Crete, date of Paul's visit to, 175 n.; heresy of Church at, 3I7.
Damascus, Christianity in, 76; Paul's journey to, 108.
Deacons in primitive Church, 55, 354.
Deaconesses, 355.
Demetrius, 177.
Demiurge, the, 473.
Demoniacal possession, its prevalence at momentous epochs, 152.
Democratic constitution of primitive Church, 476. See Hierarchical Theory.
Diana, temple of, at Ephesus, 170; the silver shrines of, 177.
Discipline in primitive Church, 344.
Diversity of opinion as to theology of the apostolic age, Note K, 499.
Docetism, 471.
Domitian, and the grandchildren of Jude, 465; his persecutions and blasphemous pretensions, 466.
Dositheus, a false Messiah, 67.
Dualism of Paul, 287; in Crete, Colosse, and Ephesus, 317; its effects, 321.
Ebionitism, its germ in the apostolic age, 298; its obscure commencement, 414.
Ecclesiastical organization of primitive Church, 331; its unity, 334; in relation to the constitution of Churches, 336; absence of sacerdotal order in, 345; its relation to that of the Jewish synagogue, 346; its simple mechanism, 346; its development, 354; how far a pattern for later ages, 360; causes which strengthened it, 475.
Elders of primitive Church, their functions, 83, 351; their appointment to office, 356.
Election, Paul on, 264; John on, 459.
Eleusinian mysteries, the, 158.
Elymas, 117.
Epaphras, or Epaphroditus, 147.
Ephesus, 169; the temple of Diana at, 170; Exorcists at, 172; Paul's fighting with beasts at, 178; epistle to the Church at, 193; John's residence at, 423.
Episcopate, imaginary recognition of, in Church at Jerusalem, 9o, 4I0 n. See Hierarchical Theory.
Eternal Sonship of Christ, as taught by Paul, 271; doctrine not contradicted by use of word prototokos, 271 n.
Ethiopian Eunuch, the, 74.
Eutychus, 182.
Faith, its relation to works, according to James, 243; Paul's teaching on justification by, 279.
Felix, the Procurator, 191.
Festus, 194.
Free grace, Paul's doctrine of, 262.
Funerals in primitive Church, 381.
Galatians, their origin and character, 148; epistle to, 169; Judaizing teachers among the, 267.
Gallio, 165.
Gamaliel, 33; his intervention in the Sanhedrim, 40.
Gamaliel, Paul's teacher, 99.
Gentiles, Christian, how regarded by primitive Church, 125, 137; problem concerning, not solved by Council of Jerusalem, 139; gradually reconciled to Christians of Jewish origin, 237.
Gifts, the, of primitive Church, 338.
Gnosticism, in primitive Church, 326.
Gospel according to Mark, the origin of, 219; its character and style, 252.
Gospel according to Matthew, the, written in Hebrew, 220, 252.
Gospel according to Luke, the, indications in, of the mind of Paul, 292.
Gospel, the fourth, 235.
Gospels, the first three, 216, 219.
Greek paganism and Christianity, 162.
Greek poets quoted by Paul, 99.
Hebrews, the epistle to the, author of, 169, Note J, 498; probable design of, 232; its relation to Pauline thought, 292; traces in, of Judaism of Alexandria, 293.
Hellenist Jews, 54, 55.
Heresy, symptoms of, in early Church, 297; of Ephesian and Colossian Churches, 327.
Herod Agrippa, 87, 88, 196.
Hierapolis, 148.
Hierarchical theory of Church government referred to, 35, 50, 56, 71, 76, 85, 89, 110, 131, 132, 140, 164, 205, 211, 214, 333, 343, 348, 359, 476.
Humanity of Christ, as taught by Paul, 273.
Imputed righteousness, James's recognition of, 243 n.; Paul's doctrine of, 256.
Individuality, the basis of the Church, 24; preserved by the sacred writers, 238, 251, 390.
James, the son of Alphæus, his mission in Egypt, 208.
James and Jude, their epistles, Note H, 496.
James, the Lord's brother, distinguished from James, son of Alphaeus, 90 n; his position in the Church at Jerusalem, 90, 299; his character and history, 91, 206; in the Council of Jerusalem, 132, 134; his death, 231; his views of Christian truth, 237; his epistle, 241; not the mere representative of the school of Judaizing Christians, 242; his silence on the death, resurrection, and miracles of Christ, 245; the Churches he had in view in his epistle, 246.
James, son of Zebedee, the first apostle-martyr, 87.
Jerusalem, the city of, its destruction, 399; immediate occasion of the siege of, 400; terrible features of siege of, 402; hostile factions within, during siege of, 403; famine in, during siege of, 404; close of drama, 405; the burning of the temple of, 405; consequences to Christian Church of destruction of, 406, et seq.
Jerusalem, the Christian Church of, James's influence in, 91, 299; as the early religious center of Christian Church, 93; appealed to by Church at Antioch, 128; feeling of, toward Paul, 299; character and tendencies of members of, 300. See Council.
Jesus Christ, His purpose, 23; His redeeming work, according to Paul, 271; His eternal Sonship, 271; His relations to the race, 273.
John, St., his paramount influence in third period of apostolic age, 415; his natural disposition, 415; his vocation, 415; his method, 416; not the type of feminine gentleness, 417; his ardor, 417; his early life and preparation for his work, 418; his first religious impressions, 418; his call, 418; his view of Christ's doctrine-compared with that of other disciples, 419; his association with Peter, 420; his residence in Jerusalem, and supposed journeys to Rome and the country of the Parthians, 420; his temporary obscurity, 420; his view of Christ's doctrine and work, 421; his contact with philosophic culture, 422; his residence at Ephesus, 423; his sphere of action, 424; striking incident in his apostolic visitation, 424; his relation to Judæo-Christianity, 426; his banishment, 427; his gospel and epistles, 428; his last years, 429; his influence on after ages, 430; his theology, 430; source of his theology, 431; his doctrinal statements compared with Paul's, 442; his doctrinal starting-point, 442; his mysticism, 442; his teaching concerning the Divine Being, 443; prologue of his gospel, 445, 475; his recognition of the Holy Spirit, 446; on the Word and the world, 447; on the Word and redemption, 450; on the drawing of the Father, 45; on Moses and Christ, 452; on the incarnation and its significance, 453; on the Saviour's death, 456; on the Word in the Christian and in the Church, 458; on election and faith, 459; on the morality of love, 461; on the future of the Church, 461; his democratic view of the constitution of the Church, 476; closes the apostolic age, 479; authenticity of his gospel and epistles, Note M,
509. See Apocalypse and Primitive Church.
Judaizing teachers, in Galatian Church, 304; among the Philippians, 306; among the Thessalonians, 307; among the Romans, 308; among the Corinthians, 309; their real influence upon primitive Church, 316.
Judaizing tendency in primitive Church, its development, 298; among Galatians and others, 303 et seq.
Judas Thaddeus, in Mesopotamia, 208.
Jude, brother of our Lord, his work, 206.
Laodicea, 148; epistle to Church at,193.
Laying on of hands, 59, 357.
Literature of the subject of the volume, Note A, 48I.
Lord's Supper, the, celebration of, in primitive Church, 52, 377; grossly misrepresented by enemies of Christianity, 226.
Luke, the physician, his history, 151; his gospel, 292.
Lydia, 152.
Lysias, the tribune at Jerusalem, 187.
Macedonia, the appeal from, to Paul, 149.
Magicians, their influence in first days of Christianity, 66.
Mark, his gospel, 219, 252. See Gospel.
Mark, John, companion of Paul, 116, 143.
Matthew, in Arabia, 208.
Matthias, in Ethiopia, 208.
Miracles, distinguished from magic, 172; influence of on the spread of Christianity, 43.
Missions, character of, undertaken by Paul, 203.
Missions of primitive Church, part taken in, by the several apostles, 204 et seq.; value of traditions concerning the, 207; extreme eastern point of the, 208; mode of evangelization adopted in the, 216.
Moral affinity, its influence on the apprehension of religious truth, 421.
Nathanael and Bartholomew in Arabia, 208.
Nero, 200; as a representative of paganism, 221; his part in persecution of Christian Church, 224; his mingled cruelty and buffoonery, 229; his persecution confined to Rome, 229.
Nicholas, the Deacon, 57; heresy attributed to, 473.
Octavia Poppæa, 200.
Offices in primitive Church, the, 343.
Onesimus, 194.
Origin of evil, the, Paul's teaching upon, 261.
Original sin, Paul's teaching upon, 262.
Paganism, of Greece and Christianity, 162; of Rome and Christianity, 221.
Palestine, Christian Churches of, persecution of, 230; development of Judaistic tendencies in, 299; how affected by the fall of Jerusalem, 406.
Pantheism, as taught by Simon Magus, 320.
Paul, St., his great natural qualities, 95; his testimony to Christianity, 96; characteristics of his reasonings, 96; considered as a reformer, 97; preparation for his work, 97; early training, 98; early religious development, 1o; unlike the Pharisees condemned by Christ, 102; dramatic form of some of his arguments, 103; contact with Stephen, 105; preparatory period before his conversion, 106; miraculous circumstances attending his conversion, 1o6; discrepancies in narratives of his conversion, 107 n.; his conversion not completed on the way to Damascus, 109; his residence in Arabia, 110; visits Jerusalem, 111; commanded to preach to the Gentiles, 111; his work in Jerusalem and at Antioch with Barnabas, 112; commencement of his apostolic work, 112; his claim to the apostolate, 1 12; how he obtained knowledge of the divine history of salvation, 115; his first missionary journey, 116; his change of name, 118 n.; at Antioch in Pisidia, 118; his first proclamation of salvation by faith alone, 120; at Iconium, 121; at Lystra, 121; end of first missionary journey, 123; his apostleship discussed at the conference in Jerusalem, 125; his defense of his apostleship, 129; in the Council of his dispute with Peter at Antioch, 138; his second missionary journey, 143; accompanied by Silas, 144; his preaching, 144; his labors, 145; his asceticism, 145, 390; his thorn in the flesh, 145; his relations with Timothy, 146; relations with Epaphras, 147; in Galatia, 148; his summons to Macedonia, 149; at Philippi, 152; at Thessalonica, 155; at Athens, 157; at Corinth, 162; his Nazaritish vow, 166; keeping the Pentecost at Jerusalem, 167; his third missionary journey, 169; at Ephesus, 169; his epistle to the Galatians, 169; at Crete, 174; at Corinth, 174; first epistle to Timothy, 175; epistle to Titus, 175; epistle to Corinthians, 176; persecuted at Ephesus, 177; into Europe again, 18o; second epistle to Corinthians, 180; in Achaia, 81; epistle to the Romans, 181; to Jerusalem again, 181; his payment of charges for certain sacrifices, 185; his imprisonment, 189; before Ananias, 190; before Felix, 192; at Cæsarea, 193; epistles to Ephesians, Colossians, Laodiceans, and Philemon, 193; before Festus, appeals to Cæsar, 195; before Agrippa, 196; voyage to Rome, 197; arrival at Rome, 198; his conference with Jews at Rome, 199; affliction added to his bonds, 199; his expectation of death, 200; second epistle to Timothy, 201; his alleged second captivity, Note F, 492; characteristics of his mission work, 203; his death, 230; his influence on Christian doctrine, 234; his particular mode of regarding Christian truth, 240; his doctrine as set forth in his writings, 254; his attitude toward Judaism, 254; fullness of his doctrine, 255; moral character of his religious teaching, 256; on righteousness, 256; on the corruption of mankind, 258; on the opposition between flesh and spirit, 260; on the origin of evil, 261; on original sin, 262; on free grace, 263; on predestination, 264; on the salvation of the individual, 265; on the Mosaic dispensation, 268; on the eternal Sonship of Christ, 271; on redemption, 271; on Christ's humanity, 273; on justification by faith, 279; on the Christian Church, 283; on the last times, 284; on the return of Christ, 286; on the relation between the two covenants, 287; on dualism, and on grace and freedom, 288; his use of Scripture, 290; his teaching based on that of Christ, 290; his influence on the gospel of Luke, the Acts of the Apostles, and the epistle to the Hebrews, 292; his relations with the Church at Jerusalem, 299; his epistles to the Corinthians, with reference to the four parties there, 311; on holy days, 364; on Christian worship, 368; on the sacraments, 373; on the Christian life, 381; as saint and apostle, 396; his statements of doctrine compared with those of St. John, 442 his epistles, Note G, 495.
Pentecost, the day of, 28; miracle of, Note D, 489. See Spirit.
Persecution of the Christian Church, first outbreak of the, 37; officially commenced, 221; determining cause of, under Nero, 224; in Rome by Nero, 228; impression produced on the Church by the first, 229; in Palestine, 230.
Peter, St., his influence in the primitive Church, 33; his history as a disciple, 33; his disposition, 33; his alleged primacy, 34; before the Sanhedrim, after Pentecost, 38; as the first apologist of the Church, 44; on faith in Christ, 47; not first bishop of Antioch, 77; and Cornelius, 79; and the Christians at Jerusalem, 83; his deliverance from prison, 88; tradition of visit to Rome disproved, 89; his part in Council of Jerusalem, 132; his dispute with Paul at Antioch, 138; his secondary part in history of Church after Council of Jerusalem, 210; his relations with Paul, 210; his work, 210; his residence at Babylon, 210; his alleged residence at Rome, 211; occasion and characteristics of his epistle, 211, 247; his Christian maturity, 212; did he go from Babylon to Rome? 213; his death, 214; his share in the gospel of St. Mark, 219; particulars of his death and legend relating thereto, 230; his mode of regarding Christian truth, 241; his conception of the nature and work of Christ compared with that of St. Paul, 249; on faith, 250; on election, 251; influenced by St. Paul, 251; authenticity of the second epistle bearing his name, Note I, 497.
Pharisaism, the spirit of, indestructible, 127.
Philemon, the epistle to, 193.
Philip, the apostle, his sphere of evangelistic work, 207.
Philip, the deacon, 71; and the Ethiopian eunuch, 74.
Philippi, its history and government, 151; Paul's arrival at, 152; the Church at, 155, 306.
Prayer, resorted to by Church in persecution, 41.
Preaching, meaning of word in New Testament, 2I7.
Predestination, Paul's teaching upon, 264.
Primitive Church, the, its peculiar mission, 25; its peculiar gifts, 26; union of human and divine elements in, 27; three periods of its history, 27; its rupture with Judaism, 32; its rapid increase, 35; first persecution of, 37; opposed by ridicule, calumny, and prejudice, 42; miracles in, 42; not to be regarded as a Jewish sect, 46; its faith in Christ, 47; its doctrine not systematic, 48; its expectation of Christ's return, 48; absence of fixed ecclesiastical organization in, 48; influence of apostles in, 49; admission into, 51; discipline of, 51; worship of, 51; community of goods in, 53; jealousy about distribution of alms in, 54; diaconate of the, 55, 354; admission of Gentiles into, 82, 127; the elders of, 85, 346; the prophets of, 86, 341; not free from sectarian influences, 127; its missions, 205; symptoms of heresy in, 297; sacraments in, 345, 373, 377; Sabbath days in, 364 et seq.; in the time of John, 464; progress of, from destruction of Jerusalem to close of first century, 464; intermittent persecution of, 465; its great peril, 468; its more definite forms of heresy, 470; the democratic nature of its constitution, 476; gradual transformation of its style of worship, 468. See Ecclesiastical Organization; Worship; Christian Life, etc.
Priscilla and Aquila, 163, 389; at Ephesus, 167; instruct Apollos, 168.
Prophesying in primitive Church, 341.
Prophets in primitive Church, 86.
Proselytes of the Gate, 135.
Redemption, Paul's teaching upon, 271; judicial theory of, 276, 277 n.
Resurrection, Paul on the, 285, 285 n.; of Christ, its place in apostolic preaching, 44.
Roman paganism and Christianity, 221.
Romans, the epistle to the, 181; the ninth chapter of the epistle to the, 265.
Sabbath, the, under the Christian dispensation, 364; the Lord's day not put in its place, 367. See Paul and Primitive Church.
Sacraments, the Christian, in primitive Church, 373 et seq.
Sadducean spirit, the, essentially persecuting, 37.
Samaria, its people, 64; the Gospel introduced into, 71; the Christian converts in, visited by Peter and John, 71; the influence of the Church in, upon Christian thought, 73.
Sanhedrim, 36; Peter before the, 38. Saul of Tarsus, 64; influence of Stephen's death upon, 63; his preparation and conversion, 95. See Paul.
Scholastic spirit, the, among the Jews, 99.
Scriptures, the holy, appealed to by Peter in proof of Christianity, 44; freedom with which quoted, 45; allegorical interpretation of, by heretics, 325; use of by Paul, 290.
Sergius Paulus, 117.
Silas, or Silvanus, 144; at Babylon with Peter, 212.
Simon Magus, 66; his system, 68, 318; his baptism, 71; his subsequent history, 73; the first heretic, 318; his pantheism, 319; his immorality, 321.
Simon Zelotes, his sphere of evangelistic work, 208.
Socrates before Athenian judges compared with Christians before the Sanhedrim, 39.
Solitude as a preparation for great service, 110.
Spirit, the Holy, progressive action of, 26; on the day of Pentecost, 28; and the gift of tongues, 30; sometimes given before baptism, 51; often given to new converts without their concurrence, 72; never does violence to human freedom, 81.
Spiritual crisis, times of, 101.
Stephen, his natural qualities, 57; his apology, 59; his death, 62, et seq.
Stephanus, Crispus, and Gaius, 164.
Sword, the, not to be appealed to by the persecuted, 40.
Synagogue, rulers of the, 84.
Systems of theology, the product of post-apostolic times, 239.
Tarsus, the schools of, 98.
Teaching, the gift of, in primitive Church, 343.
Theosophy of the East, the attempt to combine Christianity with the, 318.
Thessalonica, 155; epistle to Church at, 165.
Thomas, in Parthia, 208. Thorn in the flesh, the, of Paul, 145.
Timothy, his history and character, 146; Paul's first epistle to, 175; second epistle to, 201.
Titus, with Paul at Jerusalem, 128; Paul's epistle to, 175.
Tongues, the gift of, 30;. error of Irenæus and Tertullian with respect to, 31; in the second period of the apostolic age, 340.
Tübingen School, the hypothesis of, concerning doctrinal differences in the primitive Church, untenable, 236.
Vow of Paul, the disputations respecting, 167 n.
Worship in primitive Church, marked by differences between Jewish and Gentile converts, 361; places in which offered, 363; times for, observed, 364; lack of liturgical element in, 368; rules for, given by Paul, 368; essential acts of, 369; teaching in connection with, 370; prayer, 371; singing, 372; the sacraments, 373; indications of a transformation in the style of, 468. __________________________________________________________________
PASSAGES OF SCRIPTURE QUOTED OR REFERRED TO. __________________________________________________________________
INDEX OF AUTHORS QUOTED OR REFERRED TO,
AND OF THE SUBJECTS OF QUOTATION OR REFERENCE.
ABDIAS. On the apostolic age, 204, n.
AMBROSE. On teaching and baptizing by the laity of the early Church, 345.
ARISTOPHANES. On the use of the word "bishop," 349, n.
AUGUSTI. On the places of Christian worship in the first century, 364; oh holy days in the early Church, 367, 368 n.; on the liturgical element in early Christian worship, 371 n; on the hymns of the early Church, 373 n.; on Christian baptism, 376 n.; on the celebration of the Lord's Supper, 377
AUGUSTINE, ST. The prayer of Stephen, 63; on the decrees of the Council of Jerusalem, 138; on the ministry of James at Jerusalem, 350; on the Law of Christ, 386; on the laying on of hands, 358; on the Apostle John, 422; on tradition that John did not die, 429. 34.
BARONIUS. On Peter's preaching at Rome immediately after his deliverance from prison, 89; on the division of the world into fields of labor by the Apostles, 89; on the date of the Epistle of Peter, 212 n.; on Peter's sojourn at Rome, 213.
BAUMGARTEN. On the relation of the apostolate of the Twelve to the activity of the Christian Church, 78 n.; on the decree of the Council of Jerusalem, 137; on Paul's vow, and its fulfillment at Corinth, 167 n.; on Paul's judgment of the Jews as a nation, 199.
BAUR, F. On the part of the Pharisees in the rupture between the early Church and Judaism, 32; on the number of Christian converts on and immediately after the day of Pentecost, 35; on the identity of primitive Christianity with Judaism, 48; on Stephen's apology, 59; on the different accounts of Paul's conversion, 107 n.; on Paul's recovery from blindness at Damascus, 110 n.; on Paul's first missionary journey, 123 n.; on Paul's farewell to the elders of the Church at Ephesus, 184 n.; on the part of Judaizing Christians in the persecution and arrest of Paul at Jerusalem, 186, 300; on the radical opposition of parties in the Church of the apostolic age, 234; on the founding of the Church at Rome, 308; on the party of Cephas at Corinth, 314; on the first heretics as referred to in the pastoral epistles, 326; on the doctrine of John, 442 n.
BAUR, W. On the hymns of the early Church, 373 n.
BEDE. On the gift of tongues at Pentecost, 32.
BINGHAM. On the constitution of the Christian Churches of the first century, 331 n.; on the episcopacy of the Apostles, 351; on the worship and Christian life of the first century, 36; on the existence of "sanctuaries" in the first century, 364; on the liturgical use of the Lord's Prayer in the first century, 371; on the use of the formula of Christian baptism, 375 n.
BLEEK. On Apollos, I69 n.; on marks of the Pauline school of thought in the Epistle to the Hebrews, 292; on the apostasies which threatened the Church of Jerusalem, 302 n. BLUMHART. On the fragment of the preaching of Peter quoted by Cyprian, 214 n.
BUNSEN. On the authenticity of fragments of a book conmposed by Simon Magus, or one of his disciples, 69 n.; on the constitution of the Churches of the first century, 331 n.; on the visible Church as recognized by the Apostles, 336 n.; on the development of Church organization, 352 n.; on fragments of ancient liturgies, 372 n.; on the significance of Christian baptism in the apostolic age, 373; on the eucharistic prayers of the early Church, 378 n.; on the angels of the seven Churches, 476 n.
CALLIXTUS, N. On the fields of mission-labor occupied by the Apostles, 204 et seq.; on John's residence at Jerusalem, 420.
CALVIN. On the worship of the unknown God at Athens, I6i; on the elders of the primitive Church, 351 n.
CHRYSOSTOM. On the deacons of the primitive Church, 56 n.; on the labors of St. Paul, 203; on the name and office of Bishop, 348; on John the Apostle, 417.
CICERO. On the city of Antioch, 76; on the city of Athens, I58; on the light in which religion was regarded by Pagan antiquity, 222.
CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA. On the daughters of Philip the Apostle, 208 n.; on Peter's words to his wife on going to death, 230; on John's labors and his visitation of the Churches, 424; on John and the robber, 424 et seq.; on John's official position in the Church, 476.
CLEMENT OF ROME. His supposed allusion to Peter's sojourn at Rome, 213; on the organization of the Christian Church, 409.
CRUICE, ABBE. On the early influence of the Church at Rome, 309;
CYPRIAN. His quotation of a fragment of Peter's preaching, 214; on the laying on of hands, 358.
DENYS. On Peter's sojourn at Rome, 214.
DE WETTE. On the Jews who put forward Alexander at Ephesus, 179; on the party "of Christ" at Corinth, 314; on "the Light which lighteth every man," 448.
DIOGENES LAERTIUS. On the altar "to the Unknown God," 260.
DIUS CASSIUS. On appeals to the emperors of Rome, 195 n.; on the martyrdom of Flavius Clement and his wife, 467.
EPIPHANES. On the religious tendencies of the Samaritans, 66; on Dositheus, the pseudo Messiah, 67; on the position of James in the Church at Jerusalem, 350; on the Christians at Jerusalem at the time of its destruction, 406; on John and Ebion, 429 n.
EUSEBIUS. On the Ethiopian eunuch, 74, 75; on the tradition that Peter founded and governed the Church at Antioch, 77; on the martyrdom of James, son of Zebedee, 88; on the position of James "the Just" in the Church at Jerusalem, 90, 350; on John, surnamed Mark, I16; on the birthplace and nationality of Luke, 151; on the mission work of the Apostles, 204 n., 215, 218; on the labors of Andrew, brother of Peter, in Scythia, Thrace, and Macedonia, 207; on the daughters of Philip the Apostle, 207 n.; on the death and tomb of Philip, 209; on the legend of the correspondence between Jesus Christ and the King of Edessa, 217; on the part of Peter in the production of the Gospel according to Mark, 219, 220; on the language of the Gospel according to Matthew, 220; on the apocryphal letter from Pilate to Tiberius, 224; on Nero, 282; on the tombs of Peter and Paul, 230; on the Christians at Jerusalem at the time of its destruction, 406; on the answer of certain Christians in Palestine to the question of Domitian about the kingdom of Christ, 407, 466; on the alleged second Council of Jerusalem, 410 n.; on the proofs of the decay of Judæo-Christianity, 413; on John "the Presbyter," 423 n.; on John and the robber, 426; on the alleged pontificate of John, 426; on the Gospel according to John, 428; on John, and Cerinthus the heretic, 429; on the persecution by Domitian, 467 n.
FABRICIUS. On the mission work of the Apostles, 204, 215.
FROMMAN. On the doctrine of John, 442.
GIESELER. On the confusion in the minds of the Roman Emperors as to the distinction between Christians and Jews, 465.
GRIMM, JOSEPH. On the Samaritans, 66, 74; on the system of Simon Magus, 69 n.
GUERICKE. On Christian worship in apostolic times, 361.
HARNACK. On the worship of the primitive Church, 52, 361, 369; on the first Christians and the Sabbath, 53; on teaching and baptism by the laity in the primitive Church, 345; on the Lord's Supper as observed in the primitive Church, 378.
HERODOTUS. On the city of Corinth, 162.
HEGESIPPUS (in Eusebius.) On the position of James in the Church at Jerusalem, 350; on the answer of certain Christians in Palestine to the question of Domitian about the kingdom of Christ, 407; on the alleged second Council of Jerusalem, 410 n.
HIPPOLYTUS. On the history and doctrines of Simon Magus, 73 et seq.; on the heresies of the second century, 328; on the Nicolaitans and Cerinthus, 473 n., 474 n.; on the Quatordecimonians, 479.
IRENÆUS. On the gift of tongues, 31; on Nicholas, the Deacon, 57 n., 473; on Simon Magus, 68, 70 n., 320; on the place of Peter's death, 214; on the commencement of Ebionitism, 414; on the relations between Peter and John, 420; on John's residence at Ephesus, 423; on the heresy of Cerinthus, 474.
JEROME. On the Ethiopian eunuch, 75; on the founding and government of the Church at Antioch by Peter, 77; on the change of the name of Saul, 18 n.; on the labors of Paul, 203; on the administration of the sacrament by the laity, 345; on the name and office of bishop, 348; on the pontificate of John, 426 n.; on the Gospel according to John, 429.
JOSEPHUS. On the day of Pentecost, 28 n.; on the magistrate who arrested Peter and John after the healing of the lame man, 37; on 533 the Samaritans, 64, 65; on the planting of Christianity in Cyprus, 76; on the city of Antioch, 76; on the death of Herod Agrippa, 89; on the exorcists at Ephesus, 172; on the vow of the Nazarite, 185 n.; on the Egyptian at Jerusalem, who professed to be a prophet, 187; on Felix the procurator, I9I; on Festus, successor of Felix, 194; on the history and position of "King Agrippa," 196; on Octavia Poppæa, 200; on the Jewish colony in Babylon, 210, 211; on the Jewish colony at Rome, 309; on the influence of the ascetic tendency of Judaism on the heresies of Colosse and Ephesus, 327; on the siege and fall of Jerusalem, 400 et seq.
JUSTIN MARTYR. On Simon Magus, 68; on the rulers of synagogues, 84 n.; on the calumnies against the first Christians, 226; on the Sabbath in the primitive Church, 368; on a Nazarite sect in the second century, 413.
LANGE. On the Council of Jerusalem, 137; on the city of Corinth, 163; on the vows fulfilled by Paul at Corinth, I67 n.; on the mission-work of the Apostles, 209, 210.
LECHLER. On the influence of the fall of Jerusalem upon the relations between Judæo-Christianity and the Church, 412 n.; on the doctrinal basis of the Apocalypse and the fourth Gospel, 431 n.
LEO. On division of the world into fields of labor by the Apostles, 89.
LUCKE. On John the Apostle, 415 n.; on the alleged journeys of John to Rome, and into the country of the Parthians, 420; on John the Presbyter, 423 n.; on the persecution suffered by John, 427 n.; on the posthumous influence of John, 430; on the "Light which lighteth every man," 448.
MARCELLINUS, A. On a pagan custom illustrative of the account given in Acts of the silver-shrine makers at Ephesus, 171 n.
MINUTIUS FELIX. On the practices of the primitive Christians, illustrative of the calumnies against them, 226, 227.
MONOD, A. On John the Apostle, 415 n.
NEANDER. On the community of goods in the primitive Church, 53 n.; on the gift of prophecy in the Christian Church, 87; on the name Saul, 98; on the decree of the Council of Jerusalem, 137; on the vow which Paul fulfilled at Corinth, 167 n.; on the case of Onesimus, 194 n.; on the spiritual position of Paul when he wrote the Epistle to the Philippians, 201 in.; on the death of James, the brother of the Lord, 232 n.; on his doctrine, 241 n., 246; on the gift of teaching in the primitive Church, 351 nt.; on 1 Cor. xvi, 2, 367 zn.; on the doctrine of John the Apostle, 442 n.
OLSHAUSEN. On the Jewish exorcists at Ephesus, 172 n. ORIGEN. On the creed of the Samaritans, 66 n.; on Dositheus the pseudo-Messiah, 67; on the founding and government of the Church at Antioch by Peter, 77 n.; on the different modes in which "the Word" is revealed, 421.
OROSIUS. On the persecution by Nero, 229 n.
PAPIAS (in Eusebius.) On Peter having an interpreter at Rome, 32 ln.; on the preference of the primitive Church for the living to the written word, 218; on the origin of the Gospel according to Mark, 219; on the origin and language of the Gospel according to Matthew, 220; on John the Apostle, and John the Presbyter, 423 n.
PAUSANIAS. On the altar to the unknown God at Athens, I60; on the Temple of Diana at Ephesus, 170.
PHILOSTRATUS. On the school of learning at Tarsus, 98 n.; on the devoutness of the people at Athens, 158, 160; on the inhabitants of Ephesus, 171.
PLINY. On the name of Candace, 74 n.; on the blasphemous assumptions of Domitian, 466 n.
REUSS. On the place where the Epistles to the Thessalonians were written, 165; on the date of Paul's voyage to Crete, 176 n.; on the period in which the Epistles to the Ephesians and Colossians were written, 194 n.; on "the engrafted word," James i, 21, 242 n.; on James's doctrine of faith, 243 n.; on the silence of Peter with respect to the law, 249 n.; on the word "Faith," 281 n.; on the doctrine of faith in the Epistle to the Hebrews, 295 n.; on the party "of Christ" at Corinth, 314 n.; on the first heretics as referred to in the pastoral epistles, 326 n.; on the ecclesiastical constitution described in the pastoral epistles, 352 n.; on the doctrine of John the Apostle, 442 n.; on the nature of "the Word," John i, 18, 446 n.; on the teaching of John concerning the Spirit, 447 n.; on the representation given of Satan in the fourth Gospel, 449 n.; on the humiliation of the Word, 454 n.
RITSCHL. On the identity of primitive Christianity with Judaism, 48 n.; on the constitution of the Churches in the apostolic age, 331 n.; on the right of all believers to teach in the public worship of the primitive Church, 344 n.; on the supposed sacerdotal order in the Churches founded by Paul, 345 n.; on the laying on of hands, 357 n.; on the alleged second Council of Jerusalem, 411 n.; on the influence of the Fall of Jerusalem on the relations between Judæo-Christianity and the Church, 411 n.; on the angels of the Seven Churches, 476 n.
ROUTH (passages given in Routh's "Reliquæ Sacræ.) On the calumnies against the primitive Church, 227; on the circumstances leading to the death of James, brother of the Lord, 231 n.; on the answer given by certain Christians to Domitian concerning Christ's kingdom, 407 n., 466 n.; on the persecution by Domitian, 467 n.
ROTHE. On the constitution of the Churches of the first century, 331 n.; on the words "elder" and "bishop," 348 n.; on the "elders" of the primitive Church, 351 n.; on the deaconesses of the primitive Church, 355 n.; on the laying on of hands, especially in the case of Timothy, 357 n.; on the alleged second Council of Jerusalem, 410 n.; on the angels of the Seven Churches, 476 n.
SCHAFF. On the deaconesses of primitive Church, 355 n.; on the Sabbath in primitive Church, 366; on the Lord's Supper in primitive Church, 379; on the Christian life of primitive Church, 381 n.
SCHENKEL. On the party "of Christ" at Corinth, 314 n.
SCHERER. On the apostolate in general, and that of St. Paul, 114 n.
SCHMID. On the types of doctrine presented in the second period of the apostolic age, 240 n.; on the passage 1 Peter i, 11, 249 n.; on the doctrine of John the Apostle, 442 n.
SCHWEGLER. On the identity of primitive Christianity with Judaism, 48 n., 92 1n.; on the party "of Christ" at Corinth, 314 n.; on the first heretics as referred to in the pastoral epistles, 326 zn.; on the cessation of the Jewish sacrifices, 411 n.; on the alleged confirmation by John of Judeo-Christianity, 426 n.; on the doctrine of John, 442 n.
SENECA. On the disposition of Gallio, the proconsul, 165 7n.
SOCRATES (Ecclesiastical Historian.) On the apostolic teaching concerning holy days, 367.
STRABO. On the school of learning at Tarsus, 98.
SUETONIUS. On the banishment of the Jews from Rome by Claudius, 223; on the blasphemous claims of Domitian, 467 n.
TACITUS. On the agitation of men's minds in the reign of Claudius, I50; on the character of Felix, the Procurator, 191; on the influence of the prefect Burrhus on Nero, I98 n.; on the character of Nero, 201; on the renewal of the Haruspices under Claudius, 222; on Nero's calumnies against the Christians, 225, 226, 228; on Nero's persecution of the Christians, 229; on the miseries of the Jews after the destruction of Jerusalem, 406 n.
TERTULLIAN. On the gift of tongues in the primitive Church, 31I on the imprisonment of Paul and Silas at Philippi, 154; on Peter's residence at Rome, 214; on the supposed letter from Jesus Christ to Tiberius, 224 n.; on the calumnies against the early Christians, 227; on the laying on of hands in baptism, 358 n.; on baptism for the dead, 375 n.; on the martyrdom of John, 427 n.
THEODORET. On the missions of the primitive Church, 216; on the identity of elders and bishops, 348 n.
THILO. On the mission-work of the Apostles, 205 n.
THIERSCH. On the place where the disciples were on the day of Pentecost, 28 n.; on the observance of the Sabbath by the first Christians, 53 n.; on the office of the first deacons, 57 n.; on the apology of Stephen, 62 n.; on the basis of the sacerdotal system, 85 n.; on the preaching of Peter at Rome, 89 n.; on the advice of James concerning Christian converts from paganism, 135 n.; on the monopoly of the gift of teaching claimed for ecclesiastics, 343 n.; on the supposed second Council of Jerusalem, 410 n.; on the angels of the Seven Churches, 476 n.
THOLUCK. On John the Apostle, 415 n.; on "the Light which lighteth every man," 448 n.
TISCHENDORF. (Edition of Apocryphal Acts of Apostles and Gospels.) On the mission-work of the Apostles, 205 n.; on the spring of water said to have gushed from the tomb of John, 430 n.
TILLEMONT, L. DE. On Peter's journey to Rome, 89 n.; on Ananias of Damascus, 110 n.; on Christ's preference for John, 419 n.; on John's supposed journeys to Rome, and into the country of the Parthians, 420 n.; on the tradition that John did not die, 429 n.
VITRINGA. On the difference between the first deacons and those mentioned by St. Paul, 56 n.; on the elders of synagogues, 84 n.; on the rulers of the synagogues, 84 n.; on the constitution of the Churches in apostolic times, 331 n.; on the right of every pious Jew to teach in the synagogue, 343 n.; on the laying on of hands in the appointment of rabbis, 358; on Christian worship in apostolic times, 361 n.; on the church being the house of God, 364; on the parallel between the prayers of the Church and those of the Synagogue, 371 n.; on excommunication from the synagogue, 379.
WIESELER. On Luke's designation of Sergius Paulus, 117 n.; on the date of Paul's voyage to Crete, and of the epistle to Timothy, and that to Titus, 175.; on Paul's payment of the charges of some who had taken the Nazaritish vow, I85 n.; on torture under the Roman law, 189 n.; on the jurisdiction of the Jews in religious matters when under the Romans, 190; on military captivity under the Romans, I93; on the Epistle to Philemon, 194 n.; on the praetorian guard, I97 n.; on the death of Burrhus, and on his successors, 201 n.
WINER. On the brethren of the Lord, go n.
XENOPHON. On a custom illustrative of the usage of the primitive Church in the celebration of the Agapæ, 377 n.
XIPHILINI. See Dius Cassius, 467. __________________________________________________________________
[1] See Note A, at the end of the volume, on the works of reference. __________________________________________________________________
Indexes __________________________________________________________________
Index of Scripture References
Genesis
[1]9:4-5 [2]33:19 [3]46:27
Leviticus
[4]18:1-30 [5]18:1-30
Numbers
[6]6:1-8 [7]6:8-9 [8]6:18
Deuteronomy
[9]16:18 [10]23:1
1 Samuel
[11]16:5
1 Kings
[12]22:11
2 Kings
[13]17:24
Ezra
[14]4:1-2
Job
[15]26:13
Psalms
[16]2:1-12 [17]2:1-12
Isaiah
[18]6:6-7 [19]53:1-12
Matthew
[20]2 [21]3:17 [22]4:18-22 [23]4:21 [24]9:6 [25]9:18
[26]9:28 [27]10:2 [28]10:32 [29]10:37 [30]11:27 [31]13:41
[32]15:20-28 [33]16:16 [34]16:17 [35]16:18 [36]17:1
[37]19:15 [38]19:30 [39]20:16 [40]21:2 [41]21:5 [42]21:7
[43]21:22 [44]23:37 [45]24:1-2 [46]24:5 [47]24:11 [48]26:37
[49]28:20
Mark
[50]1:19 [51]1:19-20 [52]1:20 [53]10:31 [54]11:24
Luke
[55]1:1 [56]1:1-3 [57]3 [58]5:1-11 [59]8:3 [60]9:49-50 [61]9:54 [62]10:1 [63]10:38-42 [64]13:13 [65]15:11-32
John
[66]1 [67]1:1 [68]1:3 [69]1:4 [70]1:5 [71]1:6-8 [72]1:9
[73]1:10 [74]1:11 [75]1:13 [76]1:14 [77]1:14 [78]1:17
[79]1:18 [80]1:18 [81]1:18 [82]1:18 [83]1:29 [84]1:37
[85]1:44 [86]2:18 [87]3:8 [88]3:14 [89]3:16 [90]3:17
[91]3:18-19 [92]3:20-21 [93]3:36 [94]4:9 [95]4:22 [96]4:22
[97]4:24 [98]4:24 [99]4:25 [100]5:21 [101]5:24-30 [102]5:26
[103]5:28 [104]5:40 [105]5:43 [106]5:46 [107]6:29 [108]6:39
[109]6:44 [110]6:48 [111]6:50 [112]6:53 [113]6:53 [114]7:5
[115]7:17 [116]7:28 [117]7:37 [118]7:39 [119]8:23-49
[120]8:42 [121]8:44 [122]8:44 [123]8:48 [124]10:4
[125]10:11 [126]10:18 [127]10:27 [128]10:30 [129]10:37-38
[130]11:24 [131]11:41-42 [132]12:24 [133]12:26 [134]12:36
[135]14:3 [136]14:6 [137]14:7-9 [138]14:26 [139]14:30
[140]15 [141]15:1-4 [142]15:26 [143]16 [144]16:7 [145]16:13
[146]16:13 [147]17:21 [148]19:25 [149]19:26 [150]19:27
[151]19:27 [152]20:8 [153]20:22 [154]21:15 [155]21:22
Acts
[156]1:13-14 [157]1:15 [158]1:21-22 [159]1:21-22 [160]2:4
[161]2:4 [162]2:10 [163]2:14 [164]2:15 [165]2:17
[166]2:17-20 [167]2:22 [168]2:25-34 [169]2:32 [170]2:33-34
[171]2:38 [172]2:38 [173]2:38 [174]2:39 [175]2:42 [176]2:42
[177]2:46 [178]2:46 [179]3:1 [180]3:15 [181]3:15 [182]3:18
[183]3:19-20 [184]4:4 [185]4:7 [186]4:8 [187]4:8-10
[188]4:10 [189]4:11-12 [190]4:12 [191]4:16 [192]4:18
[193]4:24 [194]4:24-30 [195]4:26 [196]4:34-35 [197]4:35
[198]5:1-11 [199]5:4 [200]5:15-16 [201]5:17 [202]5:26
[203]5:30 [204]5:31 [205]5:37 [206]5:39 [207]6:2 [208]6:3
[209]6:5-6 [210]6:6 [211]6:13-14 [212]7:14 [213]7:26-29
[214]7:29-35 [215]7:35 [216]7:46-50 [217]8:2 [218]8:3
[219]8:10 [220]8:13-17 [221]8:14 [222]8:25 [223]8:37
[224]8:38 [225]9:1 [226]9:2 [227]9:7 [228]9:7 [229]9:7
[230]9:7 [231]9:18 [232]9:30 [233]9:35-36 [234]9:36
[235]10:1 [236]10:3-8 [237]10:10-17 [238]10:44 [239]10:44
[240]10:47 [241]10:47 [242]10:47 [243]10:48 [244]11:3
[245]11:17 [246]11:19 [247]11:19-20 [248]11:20 [249]11:26
[250]11:28 [251]11:28 [252]11:28 [253]11:30 [254]11:30
[255]12:1-2 [256]12:12 [257]12:12 [258]12:12 [259]12:23
[260]13:2-3 [261]13:2-3 [262]13:3 [263]13:5 [264]13:9
[265]13:12 [266]13:23 [267]13:25 [268]13:32-33 [269]13:38-42
[270]13:44-45 [271]13:46-48 [272]14:3-6 [273]14:11
[274]14:11-12 [275]14:11-14 [276]14:14 [277]14:15
[278]14:17-18 [279]14:23 [280]14:23 [281]14:27 [282]15:1
[283]15:1 [284]15:1-41 [285]15:6 [286]15:7 [287]15:7
[288]15:7-12 [289]15:12 [290]15:15-18 [291]15:21 [292]15:21
[293]15:22 [294]15:28 [295]15:29 [296]16:10 [297]16:14-15
[298]16:15 [299]16:17 [300]16:20 [301]16:21 [302]16:32
[303]16:33 [304]16:40 [305]17:7 [306]17:7 [307]17:12
[308]17:23 [309]17:26 [310]17:26 [311]17:27 [312]17:28
[313]17:28 [314]18:2 [315]18:2 [316]18:3 [317]18:7
[318]18:8 [319]18:8 [320]18:17 [321]18:18 [322]18:24
[323]18:26 [324]18:28 [325]19:9 [326]19:22 [327]19:27
[328]19:29 [329]20:1 [330]20:4 [331]20:4 [332]20:5
[333]20:7 [334]20:7 [335]20:17 [336]20:17 [337]20:19
[338]20:23-31 [339]20:28 [340]20:28 [341]20:29 [342]20:31-33
[343]20:35 [344]21:17-18 [345]21:19-20 [346]21:20 [347]21:38
[348]22:2 [349]22:3 [350]22:3 [351]22:9 [352]22:9 [353]22:9
[354]22:17-22 [355]23:3 [356]23:5 [357]24:23 [358]25:1
[359]25:8 [360]25:19 [361]26:4-23 [362]26:14 [363]26:14
[364]26:16-18 [365]26:24 [366]26:28 [367]27:1 [368]27:5
[369]28:25-27 [370]28:25-28
Romans
[371]1:3-4 [372]1:6 [373]1:7 [374]1:17 [375]1:18-21
[376]1:23-32 [377]2:5 [378]2:5 [379]2:13 [380]2:14
[381]2:14-15 [382]2:14-15 [383]2:23 [384]3:2 [385]3:10
[386]3:21 [387]3:23 [388]3:23 [389]3:24 [390]3:24 [391]3:25
[392]4:15-22 [393]4:25 [394]4:25 [395]5:12 [396]5:12-15
[397]5:12-19 [398]5:15 [399]5:18 [400]6:4 [401]6:4 [402]6:5
[403]6:23 [404]7:6 [405]7:8 [406]7:8-9 [407]7:9-10
[408]7:12 [409]7:14-24 [410]7:23 [411]7:23 [412]8:3
[413]8:3 [414]8:3 [415]8:3 [416]8:9 [417]8:12 [418]8:15
[419]8:17 [420]8:22 [421]8:26 [422]8:29 [423]8:32 [424]9:5
[425]9:11 [426]9:16 [427]10:1 [428]10:17 [429]10:17
[430]11:13 [431]11:15 [432]11:23-25 [433]11:31 [434]12:1
[435]12:5 [436]12:7 [437]12:7 [438]12:7 [439]12:28
[440]13:2-4 [441]14:6 [442]14:9 [443]14:10 [444]15:15-16
[445]15:16 [446]15:19 [447]15:24 [448]15:24 [449]15:24
[450]15:25-27 [451]15:31 [452]15:32 [453]15:32 [454]16:1
[455]16:4-5 [456]16:5 [457]16:14 [458]16:15 [459]16:16
[460]16:17 [461]16:21 [462]16:23
1 Corinthians
[463]1:2 [464]1:12 [465]1:12 [466]1:13 [467]1:14 [468]1:16
[469]1:18 [470]1:20 [471]1:22 [472]1:26 [473]1:31 [474]2:1
[475]2:2 [476]2:3 [477]2:4 [478]2:4 [479]2:14 [480]2:14-15
[481]3:3 [482]3:4-5 [483]3:16 [484]3:16-17 [485]4:14-15
[486]4:18-20 [487]4:20 [488]5:1 [489]5:2 [490]5:4 [491]5:7
[492]5:9 [493]5:10 [494]5:11-13 [495]6:1 [496]6:1 [497]6:6
[498]6:9 [499]6:15-20 [500]6:19 [501]7:1-5 [502]7:1-40
[503]7:5 [504]7:7-8 [505]7:10 [506]7:13-16 [507]7:17
[508]7:21 [509]7:26 [510]7:32-35 [511]7:39 [512]7:40
[513]8:6 [514]8:10-13 [515]9:1 [516]9:5 [517]9:11 [518]9:12
[519]9:13 [520]9:14 [521]9:27 [522]10:4 [523]10:16
[524]10:16-17 [525]10:23-24 [526]10:27 [527]10:27 [528]11:4-5
[529]11:18-22 [530]11:19 [531]11:20-22 [532]11:20-22
[533]11:23 [534]11:25 [535]11:30-31 [536]12:4 [537]12:8
[538]12:9 [539]12:9-10 [540]12:10 [541]12:12 [542]12:28
[543]12:28 [544]12:28 [545]12:28 [546]13:1 [547]14:2
[548]14:7 [549]14:16 [550]14:25 [551]14:26 [552]14:26-35
[553]14:29 [554]14:34 [555]14:34 [556]15:8 [557]15:9
[558]15:12-38 [559]15:14 [560]15:21 [561]15:24-26 [562]15:28
[563]15:28 [564]15:29 [565]15:32 [566]15:33 [567]15:42-45
[568]15:45 [569]16:2 [570]16:2 [571]16:3 [572]16:5-6
[573]16:7 [574]16:9 [575]16:10-11 [576]16:15 [577]16:15
[578]16:19 [579]16:20
2 Corinthians
[580]1:5 [581]2:6 [582]2:12-13 [583]3:3-7 [584]3:6
[585]3:6-9 [586]3:9 [587]4:4 [588]4:5 [589]4:12-13 [590]5:7
[591]5:10 [592]5:14 [593]5:15 [594]5:19 [595]5:21 [596]6:16
[597]6:16 [598]7:5 [599]8:1-2 [600]8:9 [601]8:18-24
[602]8:23 [603]10:10 [604]11:5 [605]11:5 [606]11:21-28
[607]11:23-28 [608]11:23-30 [609]12:18 [610]13:1 [611]13:4
[612]13:10 [613]13:12
Galatians
[614]1:1 [615]1:1 [616]1:6 [617]1:11-13 [618]1:12 [619]1:14
[620]1:16-24 [621]1:17 [622]1:19 [623]1:19 [624]1:21
[625]2:1 [626]2:1 [627]2:1-11 [628]2:1-21 [629]2:2 [630]2:2
[631]2:4 [632]2:6 [633]2:6 [634]2:6-9 [635]2:7-8 [636]2:8
[637]2:8 [638]2:9 [639]2:9 [640]2:9 [641]2:9 [642]2:11-15
[643]2:16 [644]2:20 [645]3:1 [646]3:10 [647]3:10 [648]3:13
[649]3:16 [650]3:16-27 [651]3:17 [652]3:19-23 [653]3:24
[654]4:1-6 [655]4:4 [656]4:6 [657]4:9-11 [658]4:14-15
[659]4:15 [660]4:22-26 [661]5:2-3 [662]5:10-21 [663]5:15
[664]6:12 [665]6:12 [666]6:13 [667]6:16 [668]6:17 [669]6:18
Ephesians
[670]1:1 [671]1:4 [672]1:9 [673]1:9-10 [674]1:20-21
[675]1:23 [676]1:23 [677]2:1 [678]2:2 [679]2:5 [680]2:8
[681]2:18 [682]2:20 [683]2:20-22 [684]2:22 [685]3:4
[686]3:6 [687]3:10 [688]3:15 [689]3:17-18 [690]3:18
[691]4:1 [692]4:4-5 [693]4:11 [694]4:15-16 [695]5:1
[696]5:1-2 [697]5:1-4 [698]5:2 [699]5:14 [700]5:19
[701]5:23 [702]5:23-27 [703]5:24 [704]5:24 [705]6:6
[706]6:9 [707]6:10 [708]6:12
Philippians
[709]1:1 [710]1:1 [711]1:1 [712]1:1 [713]1:13 [714]1:13
[715]1:14 [716]1:15-16 [717]1:16 [718]1:18 [719]1:19-26
[720]1:20-25 [721]1:21 [722]1:27-28 [723]2:2-3 [724]2:5
[725]2:6-7 [726]2:8 [727]2:8 [728]2:11 [729]2:13 [730]2:17
[731]2:20 [732]2:22 [733]2:25 [734]3:2 [735]3:6 [736]3:18
[737]4:2 [738]4:6 [739]4:14-16 [740]4:16
Colossians
[741]1:7 [742]1:15-16 [743]1:15-17 [744]1:16 [745]1:20
[746]1:20 [747]2:9 [748]2:10 [749]2:15 [750]2:15 [751]2:16
[752]2:17 [753]2:18 [754]2:20-23 [755]2:21 [756]3:1
[757]3:5-9 [758]3:11 [759]3:11 [760]3:12-13 [761]3:14
[762]3:16 [763]4:10 [764]4:12 [765]4:14 [766]4:15 [767]4:15
[768]4:16 [769]4:16 [770]4:16 [771]4:17
1 Thessalonians
[772]1:5 [773]1:6 [774]1:7 [775]1:10 [776]2:2 [777]2:7
[778]2:13 [779]2:19 [780]3:2 [781]3:6 [782]4:1 [783]4:11
[784]4:13-16 [785]4:14-18 [786]4:15 [787]4:16 [788]5:20
[789]5:26 [790]5:27 [791]5:27
2 Thessalonians
[792]1:4 [793]1:9 [794]2:2 [795]2:3-8 [796]2:5 [797]3:6 [798]3:10 [799]3:10 [800]3:13 [801]3:14
1 Timothy
[802]1:4 [803]1:4 [804]1:7 [805]1:11 [806]1:15 [807]1:19
[808]1:20 [809]2:1-2 [810]2:15 [811]3:1 [812]3:1 [813]3:1
[814]3:2 [815]3:2 [816]3:2 [817]3:8 [818]3:13 [819]3:16
[820]4:3 [821]4:3 [822]4:4 [823]4:6 [824]4:7 [825]4:8
[826]4:13 [827]4:14 [828]4:14 [829]4:14 [830]5:9 [831]5:17
[832]5:17 [833]5:23 [834]6:12 [835]6:20 [836]6:21
2 Timothy
[837]1:1-4 [838]1:13 [839]1:15 [840]2:2 [841]2:3 [842]2:17
[843]2:17 [844]2:18 [845]3:1-2 [846]3:1-5 [847]3:13
[848]3:14-15 [849]3:16 [850]4:1 [851]4:1 [852]4:3 [853]4:4
[854]4:5 [855]4:6 [856]4:8 [857]4:10 [858]4:10 [859]4:11
[860]4:11 [861]4:13 [862]4:16 [863]4:16 [864]4:17 [865]4:20
[866]4:20
Titus
[867]1:3 [868]1:5 [869]1:5 [870]1:7 [871]1:9 [872]1:9
[873]1:9 [874]1:10 [875]1:10 [876]1:11 [877]1:12 [878]1:12
[879]1:14 [880]1:14 [881]2:13 [882]3:12 [883]3:13
Philemon
[884]1:2 [885]1:2 [886]1:10 [887]1:12 [888]1:23 [889]1:24 [890]1:24
Hebrews
[891]1:3 [892]1:3-4 [893]1:5 [894]1:7 [895]1:8 [896]2:1-3
[897]2:3 [898]2:17 [899]3:6 [900]3:6 [901]6:4 [902]6:4-8
[903]7:24 [904]7:26-28 [905]7:27 [906]8:10-11 [907]9:20-26
[908]9:26 [909]9:26 [910]10:1 [911]10:25 [912]11:1
[913]12:24 [914]12:29 [915]13:17 [916]13:23 [917]13:24
James
[918]1:1 [919]1:9-11 [920]1:17 [921]1:17-18 [922]1:21
[923]1:21 [924]1:21 [925]1:22 [926]1:22 [927]1:25 [928]2:1
[929]2:1-7 [930]2:2 [931]2:8 [932]2:11 [933]2:13
[934]2:16-18 [935]2:17 [936]2:18 [937]2:19 [938]2:22
[939]2:23 [940]3:15-16 [941]4:5 [942]4:11 [943]4:15
[944]5:1-7 [945]5:7 [946]5:14 [947]5:14-15
1 Peter
[948]1:1 [949]1:2 [950]1:4 [951]1:4 [952]1:5 [953]1:7
[954]1:10-12 [955]1:11 [956]1:11 [957]1:11 [958]1:13-18
[959]1:19 [960]2:5 [961]2:5-7 [962]2:9 [963]2:9-10
[964]2:17 [965]2:21 [966]2:24 [967]3:15 [968]3:18
[969]3:19-20 [970]3:21 [971]4:1 [972]4:1 [973]4:11
[974]4:12 [975]5:1-2 [976]5:2-3 [977]5:12 [978]5:13
[979]5:13 [980]5:14
2 Peter
[981]3:16
1 John
[982]1:5 [983]1:7 [984]2:1 [985]2:2 [986]2:4 [987]2:5-10
[988]2:13 [989]2:16-17 [990]2:27 [991]2:27-28 [992]3:1
[993]3:2 [994]3:3 [995]3:4 [996]3:5 [997]3:9 [998]3:10-15
[999]3:16 [1000]3:20 [1001]4:1-2 [1002]4:2-3 [1003]4:3
[1004]4:7 [1005]4:8 [1006]4:16 [1007]5:1 [1008]5:5
[1009]5:6 [1010]5:6 [1011]5:16-17 [1012]5:20 [1013]5:20
2 John
[1014]1:12
3 John
[1015]1:5-6 [1016]1:9-10 [1017]1:9-10
Revelation
[1018]1:3 [1019]1:5 [1020]1:9 [1021]1:10 [1022]1:13
[1023]1:17 [1024]1:18 [1025]2:4 [1026]2:4-6 [1027]2:8
[1028]2:9 [1029]2:9-10 [1030]2:13-15 [1031]2:14 [1032]2:14
[1033]2:14-20 [1034]2:15 [1035]2:15 [1036]2:19 [1037]2:24
[1038]3:2 [1039]3:8 [1040]3:9 [1041]3:15 [1042]3:15
[1043]3:17 [1044]3:19 [1045]3:21 [1046]5:5 [1047]5:9
[1048]5:9 [1049]5:13 [1050]6:10 [1051]6:12 [1052]7:1-17
[1053]7:5-9 [1054]7:13-17 [1055]7:14 [1056]7:14-15 [1057]8:1
[1058]11:1-2 [1059]11:9-11 [1060]11:11 [1061]12:1-17
[1062]12:1-16:21 [1063]12:5 [1064]12:6 [1065]12:7 [1066]12:12
[1067]12:13 [1068]12:15 [1069]13:1-14 [1070]13:3 [1071]13:3
[1072]13:3 [1073]13:4 [1074]13:7 [1075]13:10 [1076]13:11
[1077]14:3 [1078]14:3-4 [1079]14:8 [1080]14:10-11 [1081]14:34
[1082]16:15 [1083]17:12-15 [1084]18:1-24 [1085]18:20-24
[1086]19:1-21 [1087]19:13 [1088]19:20 [1089]20:1-6
[1090]20:1-15 [1091]20:11 [1092]20:12-15 [1093]21:1-27
[1094]21:1-22:21 [1095]22:1-21 [1096]22:10 [1097]22:13
[1098]22:16 __________________________________________________________________
Index of Greek Words and Phrases
* Eklekte kuri'a: [1099]1 * Alla gar einai ten tou puros diplen tina ten phusin, kai tes diples tautes kalei to men ti kropton, to de ti phaneron: [1100]1 * Auto`s ilasmo's esti peri` ton amartion emon, ou peri` ton emete'ron de` mo'non, alla` kai` peri` o'lou tou ko'smou: [1101]1 * Autroten: [1102]1 * Ai, Ai: [1103]1 * Ba'ptisma ou sarko`s apo'thesis ru'pou, alla` suneide'seos agathes:
[1104]1 * Batheia de ten polin perieiche sige kai nux thanatou gemousa, kai touton hoi lestai chalepoteroi: [1105]1 * Bomoi theon honomazomenon agnoston: [1106]1 * Geno'menos upe'koos me'chri thana'tou, thana'tou de` staurou:
[1107]1 * Genome'nou ek spe'rmatos Daui`d kata` sa'rka, tou oristhe'ntos uiou Theou en duna'mei kata` pneu?ma: [1108]1 * Gi'nesthe de` poietai` lo'gon: [1109]1 * Gi'nesthe ou?n mimetai` tou theou: [1110]1 * Gi'nesthe oun mimetai` tou Theou, . . . kai` peripateite en aga'pe, katho`s kai` o Christo`s ega'pesen emas: [1111]1 * Ginoskei panta: [1112]1 * Gegone he arche toutou meta Hierosolumon halosin: [1113]1 * Gene glosson: [1114]1 * Dabon de ten dorean para tou Kaisaros: [1115]1 * Daimonio horme hules: [1116]1 * Dedokekenai peponthota.: [1117]1 * Diadechetai ten ekklesian: [1118]1 * Diaire'seis de` charisma'ton eisi'n, to` de` auto` Pneuma: [1119]1 * Diako'nous kaines diathe'kes, ou gra'mmatos alla` pneu'matos:
[1120]1 * Diakonia: [1121]1 * Diakri'seis pneuma'ton: [1122]1 * Didaktiko's: [1123]1 * Didache`n e'chei ermenei'an e'chei: [1124]1 * Dikaiou'menoi dorea`n te autou cha'riti: [1125]1 * Dia ten uperbulen eus dikaiosunes autou ekaleito Dikaios kai Oblias: [1126]1 * Di' autou apokatalla'xai ta` pa'nta eis auto'n: [1127]1 * Dunatos on en taes graphais: [1128]1 * Dikaze de, kai autus hidia ta te ephesima kai ta anapompima hosa an para te ton meizonon archonton aphiknetai, mete gar autodikos met' autotelhes outo tis parapan esto hoste me ouk ephesimon ap, autou diken gignesthai: [1129]1 * Duo eisi taraphuades ton holon aionon apo mius rhies hetis esti dunamis. sige, aoratos akataleptos hon he mia phHoinetai anothen hetis hesti megale dunamis, arsen. He de hetera, epinoia megale theleia: [1130]1 * Ei ga`r su'mphutoi gego'namen to omoio'mati tou thana'tou autou, alla` kai` tes anasta'seos eso'metha: [1131]1 * Ei kai` du'nasai eleu'theros gene'sthai, mallon chresai: [1132]1 * Eiko`n tou Theou: [1133]1 * Eis e'teron euange'lion: [1134]1 * Eis ta` i'dia elthen: [1135]1 * Ei de parekamen, ta pragmata delosei humin, echomen gar pantes to pneuma tou Theou: [1136]1 * Ei me'ntoi no'mon teleite basiliko`n: [1137]1 * Eis ten Alexandrian parrhesia ton Christon kerutton: [1138]1 * Eisi gar diaphoroi hoionei tou logou morphai kathos hekasto ton eis epistemen agomenon phainetai ho lagos analogon te exei tou eisagomenou: [1139]1 * Eisi gar toioutoi ten phusin, en men tais sumphorais ontas tous Ioudaious arnountai sungeneis echein.: [1140]1 * Eita tas cheiras tas eauton epideiknunai marturion tes autourgias:
[1141]1 * Zetein to`n Theon, ei a'rage pselaphe'seian auto`n kai` eu'roien:
[1142]1 * Zetousi de ouk apo ton Graphon, alla kai touto apo ton mustikon:
[1143]1 * Zeon to pneumati: [1144]1 * Theosebes gas en: [1145]1 * Kathos kai ho Loukas en tais praxesi ton apostolon apomnemoneuei ton Paulon legonta andres Athenaioi: [1146]1 * Kath' hemeran: [1147]1 * Kai` auto`s o uio`s upotage'setai to upota'xanti auto ta` pa'nta:
[1148]1 * Kai` proseuxa'menoi epe'thekan autois ta`s cheiras: [1149]1 * Kai` to` phos en te skoti'a phai'nei: [1150]1 * Kaleitai to` o'noma autou, o Lo'gos tou Theou: [1151]1 * Katakauchatai e'leos kri'seos: [1152]1 * Katoikesai to`n Christo`n dia` tes pi'steos en tais kardi'ais umon:
[1153]1 * Kata tou onomatos autou pan hoaimonion exarkizo-enon nikatai:
[1154]1 * Kai autos huios tou theou: [1155]1 * Kai haute mechri nun par' hemin he therapeia pleiston ischuei:
[1156]1 * Kai meta to bapiisma katelthein eis auton ton tes huper ta dla aithentias ton Christon: [1157]1 * Kai ho kletheis athanatos ede thanon apagomai.: [1158]1 * Kerugma: [1159]1 * Klonte's te kat' oikon arton, metelambanon trophes en agalliasei:
[1160]1 * Kretizein: [1161]1 * Kuberneseis: [1162]1 * Kuriake: [1163]1 * Kuriake eme'ra: [1164]1 * Koluo'nton gamein: [1165]1 * Kerenthos de tis autos Aiguption paideio asketheis: [1166]1 * Le'gontes te`n ana'stasin e'de gegone'nai: [1167]1 * Lo'gos sophi'as, lo'gos gno'seos: [1168]1 * Logios: [1169]1 * Logos: [1170]1 * Logos akoes: [1171]1 * Mageias empeiros hon theopoiesai heauton epecheirese: [1172]1 * Makarizousin heautous epi te xene mixei, tauten einai legontes ten teleian agapen: [1173]1 * Matthaios men oun Hebraidi dialekto ta logia sunegrapsato. Hermeneuse d' auta hos en dunatos hekastos: [1174]1 * Memeristai o Christo's: [1175]1 * Metekale'sato tou`s presbute'rous tes ekklesi'as: [1176]1 * Meta ten autou apo tes Patmou epanodon ten epi Klaudiou genomenen Kaisaros: [1177]1 * Meta ten Iakobou martnrian kai ten autika genomenen halosin tes Hierousalem, logos katechei ton apostolon kai ton tou Kuriou matheton tous heiaeti to bio leipumenous epi pauta pantachothen sunelthein: [1178]1 * Markos men hermeneutes Petrou genomenos hosa emnemoneusen akribos egrapsen, ou men toi taxei: [1179]1 * Megethos tou naou ta para pasin anthropois katskeuasmata uperekotos: [1180]1 * Monoi panton anapeisthentes hupo tinon baskanon anthropon, ton kath' hemas en diabole katassesai logon ethelesan Neron kai Dometianos: [1181]1 * Nekra' estin kath' eaute'n: [1182]1 * No'mon te'leion, to`n te?s eleutheri'as: [1183]1 * Nomodidaskaloi: [1184]1 * Noun kai epinoian: [1185]1 * Nuni` de` chori`s no'mou dikaiosu'ne theou pephane'rotai: [1186]1 * Nuni` de` a'pax: [1187]1 * Oi a'lloi diakrine'tosan: [1188]1 * Oi peritetmemenoi: [1189]1 * Oi` ouk ex aima'ton, oude` ek thele'matos sarko`s oude` ek thele'mato's andro`s, all ' ek Theou egenne'thesan: [1190]1 * Oi'tines endei'knuntai to` e'rgon tou? no'mou grapto`n en tais kardi'ais auton: [1191]1 * Ou the'lete: [1192]1 * Ouk e'stin de` e'ntina kakourgi'as ide'an pare'leipen: [1193]1 * Ouk e'stin di'kaios oude` ei?s: [1194]1 * Ouk en to u'dati mo'non all' en to u'dati kai` to ai'mati: [1195]1 * Ouk ex umon; Theou to` doron: [1196]1 * Ouch umeis me exele'xasthe, all ego` exelexa'men umas: [1197]1 * Ou`s proe'gno, kai` proo'rise: [1198]1 * Oide gar pro pollou chronou eorathe, pros to telei tes Dometianou arches: [1199]1 * Hoi tais deuterais ton apostolon diataxesi parekolouthekotes isasi ton Kurion nean prosphoran en te kaine diatheke kathestekenai kata ton Malachian ton propheten : [1200]1 * Ou gar ta ek ton biblion tosouton me hophelein hupelambanon hoson ta para zoses phones: [1201]1 * Ou kosmike men oud' epigeios epouranios de kai angelike tunchanei epi sunteleia tou haionos genesomene: [1202]1 * Ou sabbatizomen: [1203]1 * Ou phusei kakos alla thesei: [1204]1 * Ouden prosanethento: [1205]1 * Ouch oplois chresamenoi alla peithontes: [1206]1 * Houtos tois anthropois soterian paresche dia tes idias epignoseos:
[1207]1 * Hou oiko's esmen emeis: [1208]1 * Houto's estin he dunamis tou theou he kaloumene megale : [1209]1 * Pa'lin e'rchomai: [1210]1 * Pa'nta di' autou ege'neto, kai` chori`s autou ege'neto oude` e'n o` ge'gonen: [1211]1 * Pa'nta eis do'xan Theou poieite: [1212]1 * Pa'ntes ga`r e'marton: [1213]1 * Para'kleton e'chomen pro`s to`n pate'ra: [1214]1 * Paredo'the dia` ta` parapto'mata emon: [1215]1 * Peri` amarti'as kate'krine te`n amarti'an en te sarki': [1216]1 * Peison oun su ton hochlon peri Iesou me planasthai: [1217]1 * Pneuma Christou: [1218]1 * Polemike tis horme labrotera: [1219]1 * Polloi de christianon emarturesan kata Dometianon: [1220]1 * Presbute'rous parakalo . . . poima'nate to` poi'mnion tou Theou episkopou?ntes: [1221]1 * Presbuteriou: [1222]1 * Pro` katabole?s ko'smou: [1223]1 * Pros de to telei, apostenai ton Christon apo tou Iesou: [1224]1 * Prophetei'as me` exoutheneite: [1225]1 * Protos: [1226]1 * Panta pros oikodomen ginestho: [1227]1 * Petros men gar kai Philippos epaidopoiesanto: [1228]1 * Pan pneuma o` omologei Iesoun Christo`n en sarki` elelutho'ta ek tou Theou estin: [1229]1 * Pan pneuma, o` me` omologei to`n Iesoun, ek tou Theou ouk e'sti; kai` touto' esti to` tou antichri'stou: [1230]1 * Pas o agapon ek tou Theou gege'nnetai kai` gino'skei to`n Theo'n:
[1231]1 * Pasa e kti'sis sustena'zei kai` sunodi'nei a'chri tou nun: [1232]1 * Pasin tois agi'ois . . . su`n episko'pois kai` diako'nois: [1233]1 * Pos erei to` ame'n: [1234]1 * Spoudes tes peri to logographein mikran poioumenoi phrontida:
[1235]1 * Strategois: [1236]1 * Sumphe'rei umin i'na ego` ape'ltho: [1237]1 * Sunachthe'nton umon kai` tou emou pneu'matos, su`n te? duna'mei tou Kuri'ou emon Iesou Christou: [1238]1 * Suneko'misan de` to`n Ste'phanon a'ndres eulabeis, kai` epoie'santo kopeto`n me'gan ep' auto: [1239]1 * Sunergos: [1240]1 * Sun hole te ekklesia: [1241]1 * Ta` bathe'a tou Satana: [1242]1 * Ta` ga`r opso'nia tes amarti'as tha'natos: [1243]1 * Ta` pa'nta di' autou kai` eis auto`n e'ktistai: [1244]1 * Ta` pa'nta kai` en pasi Christo's: [1245]1 * Tauten to probaton to peplanemenon: [1246]1 * Te`n aga'pen sou te`n pro'ten aphekes: [1247]1 * Tines peri` te`n pi'stin enaua'gesan: [1248]1 * Tis he thura: [1249]1 * To` Pneu?ma, o` kato'kisen en emi?n: [1250]1 * To` haima Iesou Christou tou uiou autou kathari'zei emas apo` pa'ses amarti'as: [1251]1 * To` en autoi?s pneu?ma Christou: [1252]1 * To` muste'rion tou thele'matos autou kata` te`n eudoki'an autou:
[1253]1 * To` ple'roma tou ta` pa'nta en pasin pleroume'nou: [1254]1 * To` pote'rion o` eulogoumen, to`n a'rton o`n klomen: [1255]1 * To`n e'mphuton lo'gon: [1256]1 * Touto gar phroneistho en umin o` kai` en Christo Iesou: [1257]1 * Touto mono exen eis ta agia eisienai: [1258]1 * Tois en phulake pneu'masi poreuthei`s eke'ruxen: [1259]1 * Tou Kuri'ou emo?n te?s do'xes: [1260]1 * Tou Petrou kai tou Paulou en Rome euangelizomenon: [1261]1 * Tou ga`r kai` ge'nos esme'n: [1262]1 * Tou idi'ou uiou ouk ephei'sato, alla` upe`r emon pa'nton pare'doken auto'n: [1263]1 * Tou pathous axia: [1264]1 * Touto de en tou pro`s Rhomai'ous pole'mou katabole': [1265]1 * Touto, phesin, esti to legomenon en tois euangeliois En to phos to alethinon: [1266]1 * Touto' esti to` e'rgon tou Theou, i'na pisteu'ete eis o`n ape'steilen ekeinos: [1267]1 * Touto esti, phesi, to heiremenon: [1268]1 * Tis ho sozomenos plousios: [1269]1 * Ti me pheugeis, teknon, ton sautou patera, ton gumnon, ton geronta; eleeson me, teknon, me phobou; echeis eti zoes elpida, ego Christo doso logon huper sou; an dee, ton son thanaton ekon hupomeno, os, ho Kurios ton huper hemon; huper sou ten psuchen, antidoso ten hemen. Stethi pisteuon. Christos me apesteilen: [1270]1 * Ti telikouton, ho tlemonestate polis, peponthas hupo Rhomaion, hoi sou ta emphulia muse perikatharountes eiselthon: [1271]1 * To gegennemenon ek tes sarkos, sarx esti, kai to gegennemenon ek tou pneumatos, pneuma estin: [1272]1 * To de thaumaston hoti outo megale susa he boe, ouk esti tracheia tis oude aedes, alla pases mousikes armonias hedion: [1273]1 * To pneuma ean me exeikonisthe meta tou kosmou apoleitai, dunamei meinon monon kai me energeia genomenon: [1274]1 * Phagein eidolo'thuta kai` porneusai: [1275]1 * Chari'smata iama'ton . . . energe'mata duna'meon: [1276]1 * Christo sunestau'romai: [1277]1 * a. o. th: [1278]1 * alla` eauto`n eke'nose: [1279]1 * apolelume'non: [1280]1 * geno'menos upe`r emon kata'ra: [1281]1 * glossais lalein: [1282]1 * demiourgos: [1283]1 * dia` te`n enestosan ana'nken: [1284]1 * dia` to`u lo'gou tou Theou: [1285]1 * dokein: [1286]1 * elogi'sthe eis dikaiosu'nen: [1287]1 * ercho'menon: [1288]1 * eph' ho pa'ntes e'marton: [1289]1 * eis athe'tesin amarti'as: [1290]1 * theo`n oudei`s eo'raken po'pote: [1291]1 * kat' idian: [1292]1 * kai: [1293]1 * kai metaxu epinomen dedokasin hopos ean koimethosin diadexontai heteroi dedokimasmenoi andres ten leitourgian auton: [1294]1 * keiramenos: [1295]1 * kleronomos: [1296]1 * koimethosin: [1297]1 * ma'lista oi ek te?s peritomes: [1298]1 * menegenes: [1299]1 * metensomatoumenen hupo ton angelon: [1300]1 * mias gunaiko`s a'ndra: [1301]1 * nikan laon: [1302]1 * nomos: [1303]1 * oi apo` tos Itali'as: [1304]1 * ou'po ga`r en Pneuma hagion: [1305]1 * ou taxei: [1306]1 * ouk edein: [1307]1 * parabaois: [1308]1 * parousi'a: [1309]1 * pleroma: [1310]1 * pneuma: [1311]1 * porneia: [1312]1 * presbutides: [1313]1 * proto'tokos: [1314]1 [1315]2 * protos: [1316]1 * prototokos: [1317]1 * speires Sebastes: [1318]1 * sunkoinono`s en te thli'psei: [1319]1 * te`n katatome'n: [1320]1 * to'kos: [1321]1 [1322]2 * tokos: [1323]1 * tois ellenikois ethesin hairountai chromenoi zen, : [1324]1 * tropoi tes psuches: [1325]1 * to kuriakon: [1326]1 * ton Ioudaion: [1327]1 * huios: [1328]1 * philoIesous: [1329]1 * philochristos: [1330]1 * psuche: [1331]1 * adelphos: [1332]1 * anthupatos: [1333]1 * Agape: [1334]1 * Age de ten parakatatheken apodos hemin, en ego te kai ho soter soi parakatethemetha epi tes ekklesias es prokatheze marturos: [1335]1 * Antilepseis: [1336]1 * Apara'baton e'chei te`n ierosu'nen: [1337]1 * Apau'gasma tes do'xes kai` charakte`r tes uposta'seos autou:
[1338]1 * Apo` de` ton dokou'nton einai' ti. Oi dokountes stuloi einai:
[1339]1 * Aperanton de einai dunamin ho Simon prosagoreuei ton holon ten archen: [1340]1 * Arsenothelus dunamis: [1341]1 * Autes meter, autes adelphe autes suzugos autes thugater: [1342]1 * Hagnos esti: [1343]1 * Ampho (Petros kai Paulos) kai eis ten hemeteran Korinthon phuteusantes hemas, homoios edidaxan; homoios de kai eis ten Italian homose didaxantes, hemarturesan kata ton auton kairon.:
[1344]1 * en tois heterois sumphonousi: [1345]1 * epimonen: [1346]1 * epinome: [1347]1 * epinomen: [1348]1 [1349]2 * epinomos: [1350]1 * hermeneutes: [1351]1 * Ea`n eise'lthe eis ten sunagoge`n umon ane`r: [1352]1 * Ea`n phanerothe, o'moioi auto eso'metha: [1353]1 * Ego` de` Christou: [1354]1 * Edidasken adiaphorian biou: [1355]1 * Ekklesiai kat' oiko'n: [1356]1 * Emou? te'knou, o`n ege'nnesa, auto'n, tout' e'sti ta` ema` spla'nchna : [1357]1 * En dunamei: [1358]1 * En mia ton sabba'ton, sunegme'non ton matheton: [1359]1 * En omoio'mati sarko`s amarti'as: [1360]1 * En te? anoche tou Theou: [1361]1 * En tou'to egno'kamen te`n aga'pen, o'ti ekeinos upe`r emon te`n psuche'n autou e'theke: [1362]1 * En to? musteri'o tou Christou, . . . einai ta` e'thne sunklerono'ma: [1363]1 * En te alethei'a ouk e'steken: [1364]1 * En to ko'smo en: [1365]1 * En Epheso tes Asias diatribon: [1366]1 * Exousi'an e'cho theinai aute`n, kai` exousi'an e'cho pa'lin labein aute'n: [1367]1 * Epeide gar tou torannou teleuteoantos: [1368]1 * Epeide kalos heauton kathierose kai ten oikoumenen prosenenche.:
[1369]1 * Epenechthe de amphoin enklema atheotetos: [1370]1 * Episke'psasthe: [1371]1 * Episkopous de tous presbuterous kalei: [1372]1 * Episteu'thesan ta` lo'gia tou Theou: [1373]1 * Epoi'ese' te ex eno`s pan e'thnos anthro'pon: [1374]1 * Episkopos cheirotoneistho hupo pantos tou laou eklelegmenos:
[1375]1 * Erga'zesthai tais idi'ais chersi`n umon: [1376]1 * Estin oun tou historikou, to men peri tes tou kosmou geneseos, to de genaalogikon; tou de genealogikou, to men teri kolaseos asebon to de au peri times dikaion: [1377]1 * Eti de kai Ioannes ho epi to stethos tou Kuriou anapeson hos egenethe hiereus to petalon pephorekos kai martus kai didaskalos:
[1378]1 * Ephobeito gar ten parousian tou Christou: [1379]1 * Heautou`s de` dou'lous umon dia` Iesoun: [1380]1 * Heka'ston os ke'kleken o Theo's, ou'to peripatei'to: [1381]1 * Heno`s dikaio'matos eis pa'ntas anthro'pous eis dikai'osin zoes:
[1382]1 * Hepi tho honomati Iesou Christou: [1383]1 * Hestos ano, en te agenneto dunamei, stas kato en te rhoe ton hudaton, en eikoni gennetheis, stesomeno ano, para ten makarian aperanton dunamin ean hexeikonisthe: [1384]1 * Ergon poi'eson euangelistou: [1385]1 * Erchetai ga`r o tou ko'smou a'rchon; kai` en emoi` ouk e'chei oude'n: [1386]1 * Ephasken heauton einai, ton propheteuomenon christon: [1387]1 * Echeis kai` su` kratountas te`n didache`n ton Nikolaiton: [1388]1 * Heteron no'mon en tois me'lesi'n mou: [1389]1 * Heos te?s parousi'as tou? Kuri'ou: [1390]1 * he en Babuloni suneklekte: [1391]1 * hermeneuse: [1392]1 * e tis heteros ton tou Kuriou matheton: [1393]1 * hetis estin prote: [1394]1 * en: [1395]1 * Ege'rthe dia` te`n dikai'osin emon: [1396]1 * En de tosaute tou demou kataplexis hos medena tolmesai mete klaiein phaneros, mete th?ptein: [1397]1 * He amarti'a esti`n e anomi'a: [1398]1 * He zoe` aio'nios: [1399]1 * He pi'stis ex akoes: [1400]1 * He pi'stis sune'rgei toi?s e'rgois autou?: [1401]1 * He soteri'a ek ton Ioudai'on: [1402]1 * Hemeis oi zontes: [1403]1 * Erxato parrhesiazesthai: [1404]1 * En en Christo ko'smon katalla'sson eauto: [1405]1 * En to` phos to` alethino'n, o` photi'zei pa'nta a'nthropon, ercho'menon eis to`n ko'smon: [1406]1 * Iesou Christou, o? estin e do'xa kai` to` kra'tos eis tou`s aio?nas to?n aio'non: [1407]1 * Ioudaioi semeia aitou?si kai` Hellenes sophi'an zetou?sin: [1408]1 * Iakobos Ierosolumon episkopos: [1409]1 * Hina e? o Theo`s ta` pa'nta en pasin: [1410]1 * Hina kai` autoi` en emin e`n osin: [1411]1 * Hina kataste'ses presbute'rous: [1412]1 * hogolos echei: [1413]1 * O de holigon skepsamenos, eirene sui eipe, kai katephilesen auton.:
[1414]1 * Othen didaskousin emas agiai graphai kai pantes hoi pneumatophoroi, ex on Ioannes legei En arche hen ho logos: [1415]1 * Ho Theo`s aga'pe esti'n: [1416]1 * Ho Pantainos eis Indous helthein legetai entha logos auton heurein to kata Matthaion euangelion.: [1417]1 * Ho antitasso'menos te exousi'a te tou Theou diatage anthe'steken:
[1418]1 * Ho de` di'kaios ek pi'steos ze'setai: [1419]1 * Ho de` me` pisteu'on e'de ke'kritai: [1420]1 * Ho didaskon ei kai laikos e: [1421]1 * Ho de Aiguptios autos ek te?s maches aphanes egeneto: [1422]1 * Ho le'gon; egnoka auto'n kai` ta`s entola`s autou me` teron, pseu'stes esti, kai` en tou`to e ale'theia ouk e'stin: [1423]1 * Ho lo'gos sa`rx ege'neto: [1424]1 * Ho lo'gos en pro`s to`n Theo'n, kai` Theo`s en o lo'gos: [1425]1 * Ho me`n no'mos a'gios kai` e entole` agi'a: [1426]1 * Ho monogenes huios, o o`n eis to`n ko'lpon tou patro`s: [1427]1 * Ho no'mos dia` Mouse'os edo'the, e cha'ris kai` e ale'theia dia` Iesou Christou ege'neto: [1428]1 * Ho pisteu'on eis to`n uio`n e'chei zoe`n aio'nion: [1429]1 * Ho poime`n o kalo`s te`n psuche`n autou ti'thesin upe`r ton proba'ton: [1430]1 * Ho protos a'nthropos Ada`m eis psuche`n zosan, o e'schatos Ada`m eis pneuma zoopoiou?n: [1431]1 * Ho o`n epi` pa'nton Theo`s: [1432]1 * Hoi par' Athenaion eis tas hupekoous poleis episkepsasthai ta par' hekastois pempomenoi episkopoi kai phulakes ekalounto: [1433]1 * Hopoia didaskusin hoi Archisunagogoi humon meta ten proseuchen.:
[1434]1 * Hori'sas prostetagme'nous kairous kai` ta`s orothesi'as tes katoiki'as auton: [1435]1 * Hotan lege treis patriarchas Abraam, Isaak, Iakob: [1436]1 * Hos en morphe theou upa'rchon ouch arpagmo`n ege'sato to` ei?nai i'sa Theo: [1437]1 * Olethron aio'nion: [1438]1 * Hos kai ton ep' Haithiopias kai Indous kleron lachon: [1439]1 * Hos kekoimetai en Ierapolei: [1440]1 * Hotan ga`r e'thne ta` me` no'mon e'chonta phu'sei ta` tou no'mou poie, . . . eautoi?s eisin no'mos: [1441]1 * Huma?s o'ntas nekrou`s tois parapto'masi kai` tais amarti'ais:
[1442]1 * Humas to` Pneu?ma to` a'gion e'theto episko'pous: [1443]1 * Hupe`r emon amarti'an epoi'esen: [1444]1 * Hupo dunameos tinos kechorismenes, tes huper ta hola exousias:
[1445]1 * Hupo tinon baskai on anthropon anapeisthentes: [1446]1 * Husterountai tes do'xes tou theou: [1447]1 * Hupsousthai: [1448]1 * hos ton proton theon: [1449]1 * On pollois etesin elathen he kata Christou dusphemia: [1450]1 * Hos douloi tou Christou: [1451]1 * Hosper epi` timori'a katakri'ton pemphthei`s de'mios.: [1452]1 * Hoste o no'mos paidagogo`s emo?n ge'gonen eis Christo'n: [1453]1 * rhabdouchoi: [1454]1 * ?Ginoskete to`n adelpho`n emon Timo'theon apolelume'non: [1455]1 * ?Eisi`n ga`r polloi` . . . ma'lista oi ek peritomes: [1456]1 * ?Kai` umeis to` chrisma o` ela'bete ap? autou, en umin me'nei, kai` ou chrei'an e'chete, i'na tis dida'ske umas; all' os to` auto chrisma dida'skei umas peri` pa'nton, kai` alethe's esti kai` ouk e'sti pseudos, kai` katho`s edi'daxen umas, me'nete en auto:
[1457]1 * ?Pas ga`r o phau?la pra'sson, misei to` phos kai` ouk e'rchetai pro`s to` phos, i'na me` elenchthe? ta` e'rga autou. Ho de` poion te`n ale'theian e'rchetai pro`s to` phos: [1458]1 * ?Cheirotone'santes de` autois presbute'rous kat' ekklesi'an:
[1459]1 * ?Ego` kai` o pate`r e'n esmen: [1460]1 * ?En auto zoe` en: [1461]1 * ?En ho kai` umeis sunoikodomeisthe eis katoikete'rion tou theou en Pneu'mati: [1462]1 * ?Heme'ras paratereisthe, kai` menas, kai` kairou`s, kai` eniautou's: [1463]1 __________________________________________________________________
Index of Latin Words and Phrases
* "Cæterum," he says, in his introduction, "de auctore non constat, nunc Petri nunc apostoli nomini promiscue mihi permittam.": [1464]1 * "Qui vocatus a Domino: [1465]1 * Apostoli Petrus et Jacobus et Johannes religiose agebant circa dispositionem legis quæ est secundum Moysem.: [1466]1 * Apostolus a primo ecclesiæ spolio proconsule Sergio victoriæ suæ tropoea retulit, erexitque vexillum ut Paulus ex Saulo vocaretur:
[1467]1 * Asclepiades philosophus deæ coelestis argenteum breve figmentum quocumque ibat secum solitus efferre.: [1468]1 * Benedictus tu, Domini Deus noster, qui producis panem e terra creans fructum vitis.: [1469]1 * Celeber quondam urbs et copiosa, atque eruditissimis hominibus liberalissimisque studiis affluens.: [1470]1 * Coactus est ab omnibus pene tune Asiæ episcopis et multarum ecclesiarum legationibus de divinitate Salvatoris altius scribere.:
[1471]1 * Cum in eodem commentario Lucæ tertia hora orationis demonstretur.:
[1472]1 * De illo pectore in secreto bibebat: [1473]1 * Dicimur sceleratissimi de sacramento infanticidii et pabulo inde et post convivium incesto.: [1474]1 * Diis Asiæ et Europæ et Africæ, Diis ignotis et peregrinis.: [1475]1 * Dominica: [1476]1 * Dominus et Deus noster hoc fieri jubet.: [1477]1 * Edictum divi Augusti extat: quæstiones neque semper in omni causa et persona desiderari debere arbitror, sed cum capitalia et atrocia maleficia non aliter explorari et investigari possunt quam per servorum quæstiones, efficacissimas eas esse ad requirendam veritatem existimo.: [1478]1 * Egressi de lavacro de hinc manus imponitur per benedictionem advocans Spiritum Sanctum.: [1479]1 * Ergo abolendo rumori Nero subdidit reos, et quæsitissimis poenis affecit quos, per flagitia invisos, vulgus Christianos appellabat.:
[1480]1 * Est capax divinitatis.: [1481]1 * Eunoiam: [1482]1 * Festinat ad res.: [1483]1 * Flagitia pudenda: [1484]1 * Forma: [1485]1 * Hanc formam tenentes.: [1486]1 * Haud perinde in crimine incendii quam odio humani generis convicti sunt.: [1487]1 * Hic Petrus ingressus in urbem Romam sub Nerone Cæsare.: [1488]1 * Hoc praestat carcer Christiano quod eremus prophetis. Nihil crus sentit in nervo, cum animus in cælo est.: [1489]1 * Homines deploratæ illicitæ ac desperatæ factionis. Latebrosa et lucifugax natio. . . . se promiscue appellant fratres et sorores.:
[1490]1 * Ignatium dico episcopum Antiochiæ post Petrum secundum.: [1491]1 * Illa vox et imploratio: Civis Romanus sum! sæpe multis in ultimis terris opem inter barbaros et salutem tulit.: [1492]1 * In insulam relegatus.: [1493]1 * In usum nocturni luminis.: [1494]1 * Ingressus in synagogam ipsi sit prohibitus.: [1495]1 * Ipsa Ecclesia, ipse fidelium coetus est domus Dei.: [1496]1 * Jacobus, qui appellatur frater Domini, post passionem Domini, statim ab apostolis Hierosolymorum episcopus ordinatur.: [1497]1 * Judæos, impulsore Chresto, assidue tumultuantes, Roma expulsit.:
[1498]1 * Nemo mortalium unus tam dulcis est quam hic omnibus.: [1499]1 * Neque licentiam habebunt hi qui ab iis majores omnibus Archiphericitæ: [1500]1 * Nero primus omnium persecusus Dei servos, dejectus itaque fastigio imperii nusquam repente compariuit; ut ne sepulturæ quidem looees in terra tam malu bestiæ appareret. Unde ilium quidam deliri credunt esse translatum ac vivum reservatum, sibylla dicente matricidum profugum a finibus esse venturum ut qui primus persecutus est idem etiam persequatur et Antichristi præcedat adventum.: [1501]1 * Nisi publice adscitos.: [1502]1 * Nonnulli putant duas memorias ejusdem Johannis evangelistæ esse.:
[1503]1 * Nullus est senex nisi qui sibi acquisivit sapientiam.: [1504]1 * Odi profanum vulgus: [1505]1 * Ordinatio autem non tantum fit manu: [1506]1 * Pectus est quod facit theologum: [1507]1 * Per nostram orationem ac manus impositionem Spiritum Sanctum consequantur.: [1508]1 * Per omnem sævitiam ac libidinem jus regium servili ingenio exercuit.: [1509]1 * Plus in deserto fonte Ecclesiæ reperuit quam in aurato synagogæ templo.: [1510]1 * Porcia lex: [1511]1 * Primum omnes docebant et omnes baptizabant quibuscumque diebus ut temporibus fuisset occasio.: [1512]1 * Prophetis non credunt Samaritæ, resurrectionem mortuorum negant.:
[1513]1 * Qui supra pectus Domini recubuit et pontifex ejus: [1514]1 * Quid est aliud manuum impositio, quam oratio?: [1515]1 * Quis jam Christianus observat ut turdas vel minutiores aviculas non attingat, nisi quarum sanguis effusus est.: [1516]1 * Quod enim accepit quis, ita et dare potest.: [1517]1 * Quoniam autem is Lucas inseparabilis fuit a Paulo, et cooperarius ejus in Evangelio, ipse fecit manifestum.: [1518]1 * Salutaris lux Evangelii toto orbi oriens: [1519]1 * Scripsit Petrus duas Epistolas, quae Catholicæ nominantur, quarum secunda a plerisqne ejus esse negatur propter styli cum priore dissonantiam.: [1520]1 * Sed profectionem Pauli ad urbe id Spaniam proficiscentis.: [1521]1 * Semoni: [1522]1 * Si Stephanus non orasset, Ecclesia Paulum non haberet.: [1523]1 * Si nec senex sit nec sapiens, constituant aliquem spectatæ formæ integritatisqua virum.: [1524]1 * Sicariii: [1525]1 * Simoni: [1526]1 * Simoni Deo Sancto.: [1527]1 * Tres Tabernæ: [1528]1 * Tu es Petrus: [1529]1 * Ubi Christus, ibi Ecclesia: [1530]1 * Ubi Petrus passioni dominicæ adæquatur.: [1531]1 * Unde humanitas, doctrina, religio, fruges, jura, leges, artes in omnes terras distributæ putantur.: [1532]1 * Unitatem linguarum quam superbia Babylonis disperserate humilitas Ecclesiæ recolligit.: [1533]1 * Viderent pontifices quæ retinenda firmandaque haruspicum ne vetustissima Italiæ disciplina per desidiam exolesceret.: [1534]1 * Vox populi, vox Dei: [1535]1 * custodia libera: [1536]1 * opus operatum: [1537]1 [1538]2 [1539]3 * peccatores publice confundunt.: [1540]1 * primus inter pares: [1541]1 * senatus consultum: [1542]1 * sicarii: [1543]1 * vice versa: [1544]1 * à priori: [1545]1 __________________________________________________________________
Index of German Words and Phrases
* Die Kirchenverfassung war wesentlich Gemeindeverfassung.: [1546]1 * In der Volksage selbst liegt eine Wahrheit.: [1547]1 * Kirche: [1548]1 * Pflanzung: [1549]1 __________________________________________________________________
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This document is from the Christian Classics Ethereal Library at Calvin College, http://www.ccel.org, generated on demand from ThML source.
References
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