chapter in: a field not yet entered by any church historian.

a field not yet entered by any church historian.

With all the ascetic narrowness of the time, which fettered even these enlightened fathers, they still had minds susceptible to science and art and the beauties of nature. In the works of Basil and of the two Gregories occur pictures of nature such as we seek in vain in the heathen classics. The descriptions of natural scenery among the poets and philosophers of ancient Greece and Rome can be easily compressed within a few pages. Socrates, as we learn from Plato, was of the opinion that we can learn nothing from trees and fields, and hence he never took a walk; he was so bent upon self-knowledge, as the true aim of all learning, that he regarded the whole study of nature as useless, because it did not tend to make man either more intelligent or more virtuous. The deeper sense of the beauty of nature is awakened by the religion of revelation alone, which teaches us to see everywhere in creation the traces of the power, the wisdom, and the goodness of God. The book of Ruth, the book of Job, many Psalms, particularly the 104th, and the parables, are without parallel in Grecian or Roman literature. The renowned naturalist, Alexander von Humboldt, collected some of the most beautiful descriptions of nature from the fathers for his purposes. [1936] They are an interesting proof of the transfiguring power of the spirit of Christianity even upon our views of nature.

A breath of sweet sadness runs through them, which is entirely foreign to classical antiquity. This is especially manifest in Gregory of Nyssa, the brother of Basil. "When I see," says he, for example, "every rocky ridge, every valley, every plain, covered with new-grown grass; and then the variegated beauty of the trees, and at my feet the lilies doubly enriched by nature with sweet odors and gorgeous colors; when I view in the distance the sea, to which the changing cloud leads out--my soul is seized with sadness which is not without delight. And when in autumn fruits disappear, leaves fall, boughs stiffen, stripped of their beauteous dress--we sink with the perpetual and regular vicissitude into the harmony of wonder-working nature. He who looks through this with the thoughtful eye of the soul, feels the littleness of man in the greatness of the universe." [1937] Yet we find sunny pictures also, like the beautiful description of spring in an oration of Gregory Nazianzen on the martyr Mamas. [1938]

A second characteristic of these representations of nature, and for the church historian the most important, is the reference of earthly beauty to an eternal and heavenly principle, and that glorification of God in the works of creation, which transplanted itself from the Psalms and the book of Job into the Christian church. In his homilies on the history of the Creation, Basil describes the mildness of the serene nights in Asia Minor, where the stars, "the eternal flowers of heaven, raised the spirit of man from the visible to the invisible." In the oration just mentioned, after describing the spring in the most lovely and life-like colors, Gregory Nazianzen proceeds: "Everything praises God and glorifies Him with unutterable tones; for everything shall thanks be offered also to God by me, and thus shall the song of those creatures, whose song of praise I here utter, be also ours .... Indeed it is now [alluding to the Easter festival] the spring-time of the world, the spring-time of the spirit, spring-time for souls, spring-time for bodies, a visible spring, an invisible spring, in which we also shall there have part, if we here be rightly transformed, and enter as new men upon a new life." Thus the earth becomes a vestibule of heaven, the beauty of the body is consecrated an image of the beauty of the spirit.

The Greek fathers placed the beauty of nature above the works of art, having a certain prejudice against art on account of the heathen abuses of it. "If thou seest a splendid building, and the view of its colonnades would transport thee, look quickly at the vault of the heavens and the open fields, on which the flocks are feeding on the shore of the sea. Who does not despise every creation of art, when in the silence of the heart he early wonders at the rising sun, as it pours its golden (crocus-yellow) light over the horizon? when, resting at a spring in the deep grass or under the dark shade of thick trees, he feeds his eye upon the dim vanishing distance?" So Chrysostom exclaims from his monastic solitude near Antioch, and Humboldt [1939] adds the ingenious remark: "It was as if eloquence had found its element, its freedom, again at the fountain of nature in the then wooded mountain regions of Syria and Asia Minor."

In the rough times of the first introduction of Christianity among the Celtic and Germanic tribes, who had worshipped the dismal powers of nature in rude symbols, an opposition to intercourse with nature appeared, like that which we find in Tertullian to pagan art; and church assemblies of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, at Tours (1163) and at Paris (1209), forbid the monks the sinful reading of books on nature, till the renowned scholastics, Albert, the Great ( 1280), and the gifted Roger Bacon ( 1294), penetrated the mysteries of nature and raised the study of it again to consideration and honor.

We now return to the life of Basil. After finishing his studies in Athens he appeared in his native city of Caesarea as a rhetorician. But he soon after (a.d. 360) took a journey to Syria, Palestine, and Egypt, to become acquainted with the monastic life; and he became more and more enthusiastic for it. He distributed his property to the poor, and withdrew to a lonely romantic district in Pontus, near the cloister in which his mother Emmelia, with his sister Macrina, and other pious and cultivated virgins, were living. "God has shown me," he wrote to his friend Gregory, "a region which exactly suits my mode of life; it is, in truth, what in our happy jestings we often wished. What imagination showed us in the distance, that I now see before me. A high mountain, covered with thick forest, is watered towards the north by fresh perennial streams. At the foot of the mountain a wide plain spreads out, made fruitful by the vapors which moisten it. The surrounding forest, in which many varieties of trees crowd together, shuts me off like a strong castle. The wilderness is bounded by two deep ravines. On one side the stream, where it rushes foaming down from the mountain, forms a barrier hard to cross; on the other a broad ridge obstructs approach. My hut is so placed upon the summit, that I overlook the broad plain, as well as the whole course of the Iris, which is more beautiful and copious than the Strymon near Amphipolis. The river of my wilderness, more rapid than any other that I know, breaks upon the wall of projecting rock, and rolls foaming into the abyss: to the mountain traveller, a charming, wonderful sight; to the natives, profitable for its abundant fisheries. Shall I describe to you the fertilizing vapors which rise from the (moistened) earth, the cool air which rises from the (moving) mirror of the water? Shall I tell of the lovely singing of the birds and the richness of blooming plants? What delights me above all is the silent repose of the place. It is only now and then visited by huntsmen; for my wilderness nourishes deer and herds of wild goats, not your bears and your wolves. How would I exchange a place with him? Alcmaeon, after he had found the Echinades, wished to wander no further." [1940]

This romantic picture shows that the monastic life had its ideal and poetic side for cultivated minds. In this region Basil, free from all cares, distractions, and interruptions of worldly life, thought that he could best serve God. "What is more blessed than to imitate on earth the choir of angels, at break of day to rise to prayer, and praise the Creator with anthems and songs; then go to labor in the clear radiance of the sun, accompanied everywhere by prayer, seasoning work with praise, as if with salt? Silent solitude is the beginning of purification of the soul. For the mind, if it be not disturbed from without, and do not lose itself through the senses in the world, withdraws into itself, and rises to thoughts of God." In the Scriptures he found, "as in a store of all medicines, the true remedy for his sickness."

Nevertheless, he had also to find that flight from the city was not flight from his own self. "I have well forsaken," says he in his second Epistle, [1941] "my residence in the city as a source of a thousand evils, but I have not been able to forsake myself. l am like a man who, unaccustomed to the sea, becomes seasick, and gets out of the large ship, because it rocks more, into a small skiff, but still even there keeps the dizziness and nausea. So is it with me; for while I carry about with me the passions which dwell in me, I am everywhere tormented with the same restlessness, so that I really get not much help from this solitude." In the sequel of the letter, and elsewhere, he endeavors, however, to show that seclusion from worldly business, celibacy, solitude, perpetual occupation with the Holy Scriptures, and with the life of godly men, prayer and contemplation, and a corresponding ascetic severity of outward life, are necessary for taming the wild passions, and for attaining the true quietness of the soul.

He succeeded in drawing his friend Gregory to himself. Together they prosecuted their prayer, studies, and manual labor; made extracts from the works of Origen, which we possess, under the name of Philocalia, as the joint work of the two friends; and wrote monastic rules which contributed largely to extend and regulate the coenobite life.

In the year 364 Basil was made presbyter against his will, and in 370, with the co-operation of Gregory and his father, was elected bishop of Caesarea and metropolitan of all Cappadocia. In this capacity he had fifty country bishops under him, and devoted himself thenceforth to the direction of the church and the fighting of Arianism, which had again come into power through the emperor Valens in the East. He endeavored to secure to the catholic faith the victory, first by close connection with the orthodox West, and then by a certain liberality in accepting as sufficient, in regard to the not yet symbolically settled doctrine of the Holy Ghost, that the Spirit should not be considered a creature. But the strict orthodox party, especially the monks, demanded the express acknowledgment of the divinity of the Holy Ghost, and violently opposed Basil. The Arians pressed him still more. The emperor wished to reduce Cappadocia to the heresy, and threatened the bishop by his prefects with confiscation, banishment, and death. Basil replied: "Nothing more? Not one of these things touches me. His property cannot be forfeited, who has none; banishment I know not, for I am restricted to no place, and am the guest of God, to whom the whole earth belongs; for martyrdom I am unfit, but death is a benefactor to me, for it sends me more quickly to God, to whom I live and move; I am also in great part already dead, and have been for a long time hastening to the grave."

The emperor was about to banish him, when his son, six years of age, was suddenly taken sick, and the physicians gave up all hope. Then he sent for Basil, and his son recovered, though he died soon after. The imperial prefect also recovered from a sickness, and ascribed his recovery to the prayer of the bishop, towards whom he had previously behaved haughtily. Thus this danger was averted by special divine assistance.

But other difficulties, perplexities, and divisions, continually met him, to obstruct the attainment of his desire, the restoration of the peace of the church. These storms, and all sorts of hostilities, early wasted his body. He died in 379, two years before the final victory of the Nicene orthodoxy, with the words: "Into Thy hands, O Lord I commit my spirit; Thou hast redeemed me, O Lord, God of truth." [1942] He was borne to the grave by a deeply sorrowing multitude.

Basil was poor, and almost always sickly; he had only a single worn-out garment, and ate almost nothing but bread, salt, and herbs. The care of the poor and sick he took largely upon himself. He founded in the vicinity of Caesarea that magnificent hospital, Basilias, which we have already mentioned, chiefly for lepers, who were often entirely abandoned in those regions, and left to the saddest fate; he himself took in the sufferers, treated them as brethren, and, in spite of their revolting condition, was not afraid to kiss them. [1943]

Basil is distinguished as a pulpit orator and as a theologian, and still more as a shepherd of souls and a church ruler; and in the history of monasticism he holds a conspicuous place. [1944] In classical culture he yields to none of his contemporaries, and is justly placed with the two Gregories among the very first writers among the Greek fathers. His style is pure, elegant, and vigorous. Photius thought that one who wished to become a panegyrist, need take neither Demosthenes nor Cicero for his model, but Basil only.

Of his works, his Five Books against Eunomius, written in 361, in defence of the deity of Christ, and his work on the Holy Ghost, written in 375, at the request of his friend Amphilochius, are important to the history of doctrine. [1945] He at first, from fear of Sabellianism, recoiled from the strong doctrine of the homoousia; but the persecution of the Arians drove him to a decided confession. Of importance in the East is the Liturgy ascribed to him, which, with that of St. Chrysostom, is still in use, but has undoubtedly reached its present form by degrees. We have also from St. Basil nine Homilies on the history of the Creation, which are full of allegorical fancies, but enjoyed the highest esteem in the ancient church, and were extensively used by Ambrose and somewhat by Augustine, in similar works; [1946] Homilies on the Psalms; Homilies on various subjects; several ascetic and moral treatises; [1947] and three hundred and sixty-five Epistles,
[1948] which furnish much information concerning his life and times. __________________________________________________________________

[1929] Particularly in the Letters of Isidore of Pelusium, who flourished in the beginning of the fifth century. Gregory Nazianzen gives a more favorable picture of the Cappadocians, and boasts of their orthodoxy, which, however, might easily be united with the faults above mentioned, especially in the East.

[1930] According to Garnier; Comp. his Vita Bas. c. 1, § 2. Fabricius puts the birth erroneously into the year 816.

[1931] On the time of his residence in Athens, see Tillemont and Garnier.

[1932] On this Athenian student-life of that day see especially the 43d, ch. 14 sqq. (in older editions the 20th) Oration of Gregory Nazianzen, and Libanius, De vita sua, p. 13, ed. Reiske.

[1933] The Oratio funebris in laudem Basilii M. c. 21 (Opera, ed. Migne, ii. p. 523).

[1934] Hemin de to mega pragma kai onoma, Christianous kai einai kai onomazesthai.

[1935] Oratio ad adolescentes, quomodo possint ex gentilium libris fructum capere? or more simply, De legendis libris gentilium (in Gamier's ed. tom. ii. P. i. pp. 243-259). This famous oration, which helped to preserve at least some regard for classical studies in the middle age, has been several times edited separately; as by Hugo Grotius (with a new Latin translation and Prolegomena), 1623; Joh. Potter, 1694; J. H. Majus, 1714; &c.

[1936] In the second volume of his Kosmos, Stuttgart and Tübingen, 1847, p. 27 ff. Humboldt justly observes, p. 26: "The tendency of Christian sentiment was, to prove from the universal order and from the beauty of nature the greatness and goodness of the Creator. Such a tendency, to glorify the Deity from His works, occasioned a prepension to descriptions of nature." The earliest and largest picture of this kind he finds in the apologetic writer, Minucius Felix. Then he draws several examples from Basil (for whom he confesses he had "long entertained a special predilection"), Epist. xiv. and Epist. ccxxiii. (tom. iii. ed. Gamier), from Gregory of Nyasa, and from Chrysostom.

[1937] From several fragments of Gregory of Nyasa combined and translated (into German) by Humboldt, l.c. p. 29 f.

[1938] See Ullmann's Gregor von Nazianz, p. 210 ff.

[1939] L.. c. p. 30.

[1940] Ep. xiv. Gregorio hetairo(tom. iii. p. 132, ed. nova Paris. Garn.), elegantly reproduced in German by Humboldt, l.c. p. 28, with the observation: "In this simple description of landscape and of forest-life, sentiments are expressed which more intimately blend with those of modem times, than anything that has come down to us from Greek or Roman antiquity."

[1941] Addressed to his friend Gregory, Ep. ii. c. 1 (tom. iii. p. 100).

[1942] With this prayer of David, Ps. xxxi. 5, Lutheralso took leave of the world.

[1943] Greg. Naz. Orat. xliii. 63, p. 817 sq.

[1944] K. Hase (§ 102) thus briefly and concisely characterizes him: "An admirer of Libanius and St. Anthony, as zealous for science as for monkery, greatest in church government."

[1945] The former in tom. i., the latter in tom. iii., ed. Garnier. Both are incorporated in Thilo's Bibliotheca Patr. Graec. dogm. tom. ii.

[1946] Exaemeron, or Homiliae ix. in Hexaëmeron. Opera, i. pp. 1-125, ed. Garnier (new ed.). An extended analysis of these sermons is given by Schröckh, xiii. pp. 168-181.

[1947] Moralia, or short ethical rules, Constitutiones monasticae, &c., in tom. ii.

[1948] Including some spurious, some doubtful, and some from other persons. Tom. iii, pp. 97-681. The numbering of Garnier differs from those of former editors. __________________________________________________________________

§ 165. Gregory of Nyssa.

I. S. Gregorius Nyssenus: Opera omnia, quae reperiri potuerunt, Gr. et Lat., nunc primum e mss. codd. edita, stud. Front. Ducaei (Fronto le Duc, a learned Jesuit). Paris, 1615, 2 vols. fol. To be added to this. Appendix Gregorii ex ed. Jac. Gretseri, Par. 1618, fol.; and the Antirrhetoricus adv. Apollinar., first edited by L. Al. Zacagni, Collectanea monum. vet. eccl. Graec. et Lat. Rom. 1698, and in Gallandi, Bibliotheca, tom. vi. Later editions of the Opera by Aeg. Morél, Par. 1638, 3 vols. fol. ("moins belle que cello de 1615, mais plus ample et plus commode ... peu correcte," according to Brunet); by Migne, Petit-Montrouge (Par.), 1858, 3 vols.; and by Franc. Oehler, Halis Saxonum, 1865 sqq. (Tom. i. continens libros dogmaticos, but only in the Greek original.) Oehler has also commenced an edition of select treatises of Gregory of Nyasa in the original with a German version. The Benedictines of St. Maur had prepared the critical apparatus for an edition of Gregory, but it was scattered during the French Revolution. Angelo Mai, in the Nov. Patrum Biblioth. tom. iv. Pars i. pp. 1-53 (Rom. 1847), has edited a few writings of Gregory unknown before, viz., a sermon Adversus Arium et Sabellium, a sermon De Spiritu Sancto adv. Macedonianos, and a fragment De processione Spiritus S. a Filio (doubtful).

II. Lives in the Acta Sanctorum, and in Butler, sub Mart. 9. Tillemont: Mém. tom. ix. p. 561 sqq. Schröckh: Part xiv. pp. 1-147. Jul. Rupp: Gregors des Bischofs von Nyssa Leben und Meinungen. Leipz. 1834 (unsatisfactory). W. Möller: Gregorii Nyss. doctrina de hominis natura, etc. Halis, 1854, and article in Herzog's Encykl. vol. v. p. 354 sqq.

Gregory of Nyssa was a younger brother of Basil, and the third son of his parents. Of his honorable descent he made no account. Blood, wealth, and splendor, says he, we should leave to the friends of the world; the Christian's lineage is his affinity with the divine, his fatherland is virtue, his freedom is the sonship of God. He was weakly and timid, and born not so much for practical life, as for study and speculation. He formed his mind chiefly upon the writings of Origen, and under the direction of his brother, whom he calls his father and preceptor. Further than this his early life is unknown.

After spending a short time as a rhetorician he broke away from the world, retired into solitude in Pontus, and became enamored of the ascetic life.

Quite in the spirit of the then widely-spread tendency towards the monastic life, he, though himself married, commends virginity in a special work, as a higher grade of perfection, and depicts the happiness of one who is raised above the incumbrances and snares of marriage, and thus, as he thinks, restored to the original state of man in Paradise. [1949] "From all the evils of marriage," he says, "virginity is free; it has no lost children, no lost husband to bemoan; it is always with its Bridegroom, and delights in its devout exercises, and, when death comes, it is not separated from him, but united with him forever." The essence of spiritual virginity, however, in his opinion, by no means consists merely in the small matter of sensual abstinence, but in the purity of the whole life. Virginity is to him the true philosophy, the perfect freedom. The purpose of asceticism in general he considered to be not the affliction of the body--which is only a means--but the easiest possible motion of the spiritual functions.

His brother Basil, in 372, called him against his will from his learned ease into his own vicinity as bishop of Nyssa, an inconsiderable town of Cappadocia. He thought it better that the place should receive its honor from his brother, than that his brother should receive his honor from his place. And so it turned out. As Gregory labored zealously for the Nicene faith, he drew the hatred of the Arians, who succeeded in deposing him at a synod in 376, and driving him into exile. But two years later, when the emperor Valens died and Gratian revoked the sentences of banishment, Gregory recovered his bishopric.

Now other trials came upon him. His brothers and sisters died in rapid succession. He delivered a eulogy upon Basil, whom he greatly venerated, and he described the life and death of his beautiful and noble sister Macrina, who, after the death of her betrothed, that she might remain true to him, chose single life, and afterwards retired with her mother into seclusion, and exerted great influence over her brothers.

Into her mouth he put his theological instructions on the soul, death, resurrection, and final restoration. [1950] She died in the arms of Gregory, with this prayer: "Thou, O God, hast taken from me the fear of death. Thou hast granted me, that the end of this life should be the beginning of true life. Thou givest our bodies in their time to the sleep of death, and awakest them again from sleep with the last trumpet .... Thou hast delivered us from the curse and from sin by Thyself becoming both for us; Thou hast bruised the head of the serpent, hast broken open the gates of hell, hast overcome him who had the power of death, and hast opened to us the way to, resurrection. For the ruin of the enemy and the security of our life, Thou hast put upon those who feared Thee a sign, the sign of Thy holy cross, O eternal God, to whom I am betrothed from the womb, whom my soul has loved with all its might, to whom I have dedicated, from my youth up till now, my flesh and my soul. Oh! send to me an angel of light, to lead me to the place of refreshment, where is the water of peace, in the bosom of the holy fathers. Thou who hast broken the flaming sword, and bringest back to Paradise the man who is crucified with Thee and flees to Thy mercy. Remember me also in Thy kingdom!... Forgive me what in word, deed, or thought, I have done amiss! Blameless and without spot may my soul be received into Thy hands, as a burnt-offering before Thee!" [1951]

Gregory attended the ecumenical council of Constantinople, and undoubtedly, since he was one of the most eminent theologians of the time, exerted a powerful influence there, and according to a later, but erroneous, tradition, he composed the additions to the Nicene Creed which were there sanctioned. [1952] The council intrusted to him, as "one of the pillars of catholic orthodoxy," a tour of visitation to Arabia and Jerusalem, where disturbances had broken out which threatened a schism. He found Palestine in a sad condition, and therefore dissuaded a Cappadocian abbot, who asked his advice about a pilgrimage of his monks to Jerusalem. "Change of place," says he, "brings us no nearer God, but where thou art, God can come to thee, if only the inn of thy soul is ready .... It is better to go out of the body and to raise one's self to the Lord, than to leave Cappadocia to journey to Palestine." He did not succeed in making peace, and he returned to Cappadocia lamenting that there were in Jerusalem men "who showed a hatred towards their brethren, such as they ought to have only towards the devil, towards sin, and towards the avowed enemies of the Saviour."

Of his later life we know very little. He was in Constantinople thrice afterwards, in 383, 385, and 394, and he died about the year 395.

The wealth of his intellectual life he deposited in his numerous writings, above all in his controversial doctrinal works: Against Eunomius; Against Apollinaris; On the Deity of the Son and the Holy Ghost; On the difference between ousia and hypostasis in God; and in his catechetical compend of the Christian faith. [1953] The beautiful dialogue with his sister Macrina on the soul and the resurrection has been already mentioned. Besides these he wrote many Homilies, especially on the creation of the world, and of man, [1954] on the life of Moses, on the Psalms, on Ecclesiastes, on the Song of Solomon, on the Lord's Prayer, on the Beatitudes; Eulogies on eminent martyrs and saints (St. Stephen, the Forty Martyrs, Gregory Thaumaturgus, Ephrem, Meletius, his brother Basil); various valuable ascetic tracts; and a biography of his sister Macrina, addressed to the monk Olympios.

Gregory was more a man of thought than of action. He had a fine metaphysical head, and did lasting service in the vindication of the mystery of the Trinity and the incarnation, and in the accurate distinction between essence and hypostasis. Of all the church teachers of the Nicene age he is the nearest to Origen. He not only follows his sometimes utterly extravagant allegorical method of interpretation, but even to a great extent falls in with his dogmatic views. [1955] With him, as with Origen, human freedom plays a great part. Both are idealistic, and sometimes, without intending it or knowing it, fall into contradiction with the church doctrine, especially in eschatology. Gregory adopts, for example, the doctrine of the final restoration of all things. The plan of redemption is in his view absolutely universal, and embraces all spiritual beings. Good is the only positive reality; evil is the negative, the non-existent, and must finally abolish itself, because it is not of God. Unbelievers must indeed pass through a second death, in order to be purged from the filthiness of the flesh. But God does not give them up, for they are his property, spiritual natures allied to him. His love, which draws pure souls easily and without pain to itself, becomes a purifying fire to all who cleave to the earthly, till the impure element is driven off. As all comes forth from God, so must all return into him at last. __________________________________________________________________

[1949] That he was married appears from his own concession, De virginitate, c. 3, where by Theosebia he means his wife (not, as some earlier Roman scholars, and Rupp, l. c. p. 25, suppose, his sister), and from Gregory Nazianzen's letter of condolence, Ep. 95. He laments that his eulogy of parthenia can no longer bring him the desired fruit. Theosebia seems to have lived till 384. Gregory Nazianzen, in his short eulogy of her, says that she rivalled her brothers-in-law (Basil and Peter) who were in the priesthood.

[1950] In his dialogue, De anima et resurrectione (Peri psuches kai anastaseos meta tes idias adelphes Makrines dialogo?s), Opp. iii. 181 sqq. (ed. Morell. 1638), also separately edited by J. G. Krabinger, Lips. 1837, and more recently, together with his biography of his sister, by Franc. Oehler, with a German translation, Leipz. 1858. The last-mentioned edition is at the same time the first volume of a projected Select Library of the Fathers, presenting the original text with a new German translation. The dialogue was written after the death of his brother Basil, and occasioned by it.

[1951] Nyss. Peri tou biou tes makarias Makrines.

[1952] In Niceph. Call. H. E. xiii. 13. These additions were in use several years before 881, and are found in Epiphanius, Anchorate, n. 120 (tom. ii. p. 122).

[1953] The Logos katechetikos ho megasstands worthily by the side of the similar work of Origen, De principiis. Separate edition, Gr. and Lat. with notes, by J. G. Krabinger, Munich, 1888.

[1954] The Hexaëmeron of Gregory is a supplement to his brother Basil's Hexaëmeron, and discusses the more obscure metaphysical questions connected with this subject. His book on the Workmanship of Man, though written first, may be regarded as a continuation of the Hexaëmeron, and beautifully sets forth the spiritual and royal dignity and destination of man, for whom the world was prepared and adorned as his palace.

[1955] On his relation to Origen, Comp. the appendix of Rupp, l.c. pp. 243-262. __________________________________________________________________

§ 166. Gregory Nazianzen.

I. S. Gregorius Theologus, vulgo Nazianzenus: Opera omnia, Gr. et Lat. opera et studio monachorum S. Benedicti e congreg. S. Mauri (Clemencet). Paris, 1778, tom. i. (containing his orations). This magnificent edition (one of the finest of the Maurian editions of the fathers) was interrupted by the French Revolution, but afterwards resumed, and with a second volume (after papers left by the Maurians) completed by A. B. Caillau, Par. l837-'40, 2 vols. fol. Reprinted in Migne's Patrolog. Graec. (tom. 35-38), Petit-Montrouge, 1857, in 4 vols. (on the separate editions of his Orationes and Carmina, see Brunet, Man. du libraire, tom. ii. 1728 sq.)

II. Biographical notices in Gregory's Epistles and Poems, in Socrates, Sozomen, Theodoret, Rufinus, and Suidas (s. v. Gregorios). Gregorius Presbyter (of uncertain origin, perhaps of Cappadocia in the tenth century): Bios tou Gregoriou(Greek and Latin in Migne's ed. of the Opera, tom. i. 243-304). G. Hermant: La vie de S. Basile le Grand et celle de S. Gregoire de Nazianz. Par. 1679, 2 vols. Acta Sanctorum, tom. ii. Maji, p. 373 sqq. Bened. Editores: Vita Greg. ex iis potissimum scriptis adornata (in Migne's ed. tom. i. pp. 147-242). Tillemont: Mémoires, tom. ix. pp. 305-560, 692-731. Le Clerc: Bibliothèque Universelle, tom. xviii. pp. 1-128. W. Cave: Lives of the Fathers, vol. iii. pp. 1-90 (ed. Oxf. 1840). Schröckh: Part xiii. pp. 275-466. Carl Ullmann: Gregorius von Nazianz, der Theologe. Ein Beitrag zur Kirchen- und Dogmengeschichte des 4ten Jahrhunderts. Darmstadt,
1825. (One of the best historical monographs by a theologian of kindred spirit.) Comp. also the articles of Hefele in Wetzer und Welte's Kirchenlexikon, vol. iv. 736 ff., and Gass in Herzog's Encykl. vol. v. 349.

Gregory Nazianzen, or Gregory the Theologian, is the third in the Cappadocian triad; inferior to his bosom friend Basil as a church ruler, and to his namesake of Nyssa as a speculative thinker, but superior to both as an orator. With them he exhibits the flower of Greek theology in close union with the Nicene faith, and was one of the champions of orthodoxy, though with a mind open to free speculation. His life, with its alternations of high station, monastic seclusion, love of severe studies, enthusiasm for poetry, nature, and friendship, possesses a romantic charm. He was "by inclination and fortune tossed between the silence of a contemplative life and the tumult of church administration, unsatisfied with either, neither a thinker nor a poet, but, according to his youthful desire, an orator, who, though often bombastic and dry, labored as powerfully for the victory of orthodoxy as for true practical Christianity." [1956]

Gregory Nazianzen was born about 330, a year before the emperor Julian, either at Nazianzum, a market-town in the south-western part of Cappadocia, where his father was bishop, or in the neighboring village of Arianzus. [1957]

In the formation of his religious character his mother Nonna, one of the noblest Christian women of antiquity, exerted a deep and wholesome influence. By her prayers and her holy life she brought about the conversion of her husband from the sect of the Hypsistarians, who, without positive faith, worshipped simply a supreme being; and she consecrated her son, as Hannah consecrated Samuel, even before his birth; to the service of God. "She was," as Gregory describes her, "a wife according to the mind of Solomon; in all things subject to her husband according to the laws of marriage, not ashamed to be his teacher and his leader in true religion. She solved the difficult problem of uniting a higher culture, especially in knowledge of divine things and strict exercise of devotion, with the practical care of her household. If she was active in her house, she seemed to know nothing of the exercises of religion; if she occupied herself with God and his worship, she seemed to be a stranger to every earthly occupation: she was whole in everything. Experiences had instilled into her unbounded confidence in the effects of believing prayer; therefore she was most diligent in supplications, and by prayer overcame even the deepest feelings of grief over her own and others' sufferings. She had by this means attained such control over her spirit, that in every sorrow she encountered, she never uttered a plaintive tone before she had thanked God." He especially celebrates also her extraordinary liberality and self-denying love for the poor and the sick. But it seems to be not in perfect harmony with this, that he relates of her: "Towards heathen women she was so intolerant, that she never offered her mouth or hand to them in salutation. [1958] She ate no salt with those who came from the unhallowed altars of idols. Pagan temples she did not look at, much less would she have stepped upon their ground; and she was as far from visiting the theatre." Of course her piety moved entirely in the spirit of that time, bore the stamp of ascetic legalism rather than of evangelical freedom, and adhered rigidly to certain outward forms. Significant also is her great reverence for sacred things. "She did not venture to turn her back upon the holy table, or to spit upon the floor of the church." Her death was worthy of a holy life. At a great age, in the church which her husband had built almost entirely with his own means, she died, holding fast with one hand to the altar and raising the other imploringly to heaven, with the words: "Be gracious to me, O Christ, my King!" Amidst universal sorrow, especially among the widows and orphans whose comfort and help she had been, she was laid to rest by the side of her husband near the graves of the martyrs. Her affectionate son says in one of the poems in which he extols her piety and her blessed end: "Bewail, O mortals, the mortal race; but when one dies, like Nonna, praying, then weep I not."

Gregory was early instructed in the Holy Scriptures and in the rudiments of science. He soon conceived a special predilection for the study of oratory, and through the influence of his mother, strengthened by a dream, [1959] he determined on the celibate life, that he might devote himself without distraction to the kingdom of God. Like the other church teachers of this period, he also gave this condition the preference, and extolled it in orations and poems, though without denying the usefulness and divine appointment of marriage. His father, and his friend Gregory of Nyssa were among the few bishops who lived in wedlock.

From his native town he went for his further education to Caesarea in Cappadocia, where he probably already made a preliminary acquaintance with Basil; then to Caesarea in Palestine, where there were at that time celebrated schools of eloquence; thence to Alexandria, where his revered Athanasius wore the supreme dignity of the church; and finally to Athens, which still maintained its ancient renown as the seat of Grecian science and art. Upon the voyage thither he survived a fearful storm, which threw him into the greatest mental anguish, especially because, though educated a Christian, he, according to a not unusual custom of that time, had not yet received holy baptism, which was to him the condition of salvation. His deliverance he ascribed partly to the intercession of his parents, who had intimation of his peril by presentiments and dreams, and he took it as a second consecration to the spiritual office.

In Athens be formed or strengthened the bond of that beautiful Christian friendship with Basil, of which we have already spoken in the life of Basil. They were, as Gregory says, as it were only one soul animating two bodies. He became acquainted also with the prince Julian, who was at that time studying there, but felt wholly repelled by him, and said of him with prophetic foresight: "What evil is the Roman empire here educating for itself!" [1960] He was afterwards a bitter antagonist of Julian, and wrote two invective discourses against him after his death, which are inspired, however, more by the fire of passion than by pure enthusiasm for Christianity, and which were intended to expose him to universal ignominy as a horrible monument of enmity to Christianity and of the retributive judgment of God. [1961]

Friends wished him to settle in Athens as a teacher of eloquence, but he left there in his thirtieth year, and returned through Constantinople, where he took with him his brother Caesarius, a distinguished physician, [1962] to his native city and his parents' house. At this time his baptism took place. With his whole soul he now threw himself into a strict ascetic life. He renounced innocent enjoyments, even to music, because they flatter the senses. "His food was bread and salt, his drink water, his bed the bare ground, his garment of coarse, rough cloth. Labor filled the day; praying, singing, and holy contemplation, a great part of the night. His earlier life, which was anything but loose, only not so very strict, seemed to him reprehensible; his former laughing now cost him many tears. Silence and quiet meditation were law and pleasure to him." [1963] Nothing but love to his parents restrained him from entire seclusion, and induced him, contrary to talent and inclination, to assist his father in the management of his household and his property.

But he soon followed his powerful bent toward the contemplative life of solitude, and spent a short time with Basil in a quiet district of Pontus in prayer, spiritual contemplations, and manual labors. "Who will transport me," he afterwards wrote to his friend concerning this visit, [1964] "back to those former days, in which I revelled with thee in privations? For voluntary poverty is after all far more honorable than enforced enjoyment. Who will give me back those songs and vigils? who, those risings to God in prayer, that unearthly, incorporeal life, that fellowship and that spiritual harmony of brothers raised by thee to a God-like life? who, the ardent searching of the Holy Scriptures, and the light which, under the guidance of the Spirit, we found therein?" Then he mentions the lesser enjoyments of the beauties of surrounding nature.

On a visit to his parents' house, Gregory against his will, and even without his previous knowledge, was ordained presbyter by his father before the assembled congregation on a feast day of the year 361. Such forced elections and ordinations, though very offensive to our taste, were at that time frequent, especially upon the urgent wish of the people, whose voice in many instances proved to be indeed the voice of God. Basil also, and Augustine, were ordained presbyters, Athanasius and Ambrose bishops, against their will. Gregory fled soon after, it is true, to his friend in Pontus, but out of regard to his aged parents and the pressing call of the church, he returned to Nazianzum towards Easter in 362, and delivered his first pulpit discourse, in which he justified himself in his conduct, and said: "It has its advantage to hold back a little from the call of God, as Moses, and after him Jeremiah, did on account of their age; but it has also its advantage to come forward readily, when God calls, like Aaron and Isaiah; provided both be done with a devout spirit, the one on account of inherent weakness, the other in reliance upon the strength of him who calls." His enemies accused him of haughty contempt of the priestly office; but he gave as the most important reason of his flight, that he did not consider himself worthy to preside over a flock, and to undertake the care of immortal souls, especially in such stormy times.

Basil, who, as metropolitan, to strengthen the catholic interest against Arianism, set about the establishment of new bishoprics in the small towns of Cappadocia, intrusted to his young friend one such charge in Sasima, a poor market town at the junction of three highways, destitute of water, verdure, and society, frequented only by rude wagoners, and at the time an apple of discord between him and his opponent, the bishop Anthimus of Tyana. A very strange way of showing friendship, unjustifiable even by the supposition that Basil wished to exercise the humility and self-denial of Gregory. [1965] No wonder that, though a bishopric in itself was of no account to Gregory, this act deeply wounded his sense of honor, and produced a temporary alienation between him and Basil. [1966] At the combined request of his friend and his aged father, he suffered himself indeed to be consecrated to the new office; but it is very doubtful whether he ever went to Sasima. [1967] At all events we soon afterwards find him in his solitude, and then again, in 372, assistant of his father in Nazianzum. In a remarkable discourse delivered in the presence of his father in 372, he represented to the congregation his peculiar fluctuation between an innate love of the contemplative life of seclusion and the call of the Spirit to public labor.

"Come to my help," said he to his hearers, [1968] "for I am almost torn asunder by my inward longing and by the Spirit. The longing urges me to flight, to solitude in the mountains, to quietude of soul and body, to withdrawal of spirit from all sensuous things, and to retirement into myself, that I may commune undisturbed with God, and be wholly penetrated by the rays of His Spirit .... But the other, the Spirit, would lead me into the midst of life, to serve the common weal, and by furthering others to further myself, to spread light, and to present to God a people for His possession, a holy people, a royal priesthood (Tit. ii. 14; 1 Pet. ii. 9), and His image again purified in many. For as a whole garden is more than a plant, and the whole heaven with all its beauties is more glorious than a star, and the whole body more excellent than one member, so also before God the whole well-instructed church is better than one well-ordered person, and a man must in general look not only on his own things, but also on the things of others. So Christ did, who, though He might have remained in His own dignity and divine glory, not only humbled Himself to the form of a servant, but also, despising all shame, endured the death of the cross, that by His suffering He might blot out sin, and by His death destroy death."

Thus he stood a faithful helper by the side of his venerable and universally beloved father, who reached the age of almost an hundred years, and had exercised the priestly office for forty-five; and on the death of his father, in 374, he delivered a masterly funeral oration, which Basil attended. [1969] "There is," said he in this discourse, turning to his still living mother, "only one life, to behold the (divine) life; there is only one death--sin; for this is the corruption of the soul. But all else, for the sake of which many exert themselves, is a dream which decoys us from the true; it is a treacherous phantom of the soul. When we think so, O my mother, then we shall not boast of life, nor dread death. For whatsoever evil we yet endure, if we press out of it to true life, if we, delivered from every change, from every vortex, from all satiety, from all vassalage to evil, shall there be with eternal, no longer changeable things, as small lights circling around the great."

A short time after he had been invested with the vacant bishopric, he retired again, in 375, to his beloved solitude, and this time be went to Seleucia in Isauria, to the vicinity of a church dedicated to St. Thecla.

There the painful intelligence reached him of the death of his beloved Basil, a.d. 379. On this occasion be wrote to Basil's brother, Gregory of Nyssa: "Thus also was it reserved for me still in this unhappy life to hear of the death of Basil and the departure of this holy soul, which is gone out from us, only to go in to the Lord, after having already prepared itself for this through its whole life." He was at that time bodily and mentally very much depressed. In a letter to the rhetorician Eudoxius he wrote: "You ask, how it fares with me. Very badly. I no longer have Basil; I no longer have Caesarius; my spiritual brother, and my bodily brother. I can say with David, my father and my mother have forsaken me. My body is sickly, age is coming over my head, cares become more and more complicated, duties overwhelm me, friends are unfaithful, the church is without capable pastors, good declines, evil stalks naked. The ship is going in the night, a light nowhere, Christ asleep. What is to be done? O, there is to me but one escape from this evil case: death. But the hereafter would be terrible to me, if I had to judge of it by the present state."

But Providence had appointed him yet a great work and in exalted position in the Eastern capital of the empire. In the year 379 he was called to the pastoral charge by the orthodox church in Constantinople, which, under the oppressive reign of Arianism, was reduced to a feeble handful; and he was exhorted by several worthy bishops to accept the call. He made his appearance unexpectedly. With his insignificant form bowed by disease, his miserable dress, and his simple, secluded mode of life, he at first entirely disappointed the splendor-loving people of the capital, and was much mocked and persecuted. [1970] But in spite of all he succeeded, by his powerful eloquence and faithful labor, in building up the little church in faith and in Christian life, and helped the Nicene doctrine again to victory. In memory of this success his little domestic chapel was afterwards changed into a magnificent church, and named Anastasia, the Church of the Resurrection.

People of all classes crowded to his discourses, which were mainly devoted to the vindication of the Godhead of Christ and to the Trinity, and at the same time earnestly inculcated a holy walk befitting the true faith. Even the famous Jerome, at that time already fifty years old, came from Syria to Constantinople to hear these discourses, and took private instruction of Gregory in the interpretation of Scripture. He gratefully calls him his preceptor and catechist.

The victory of the Nicene faith, which Gregory had thus inwardly promoted in the imperial city, was outwardly completed by the celebrated edict of the new emperor Theodosius, in February, 380. When the emperor, on the 24th of December of that year, entered Constantinople, he deposed the Arian bishop, Demophilus, with all his clergy, and transferred the cathedral church [1971] to Gregory with the words: "This temple God by our hand intrusts to thee as a reward for thy pains." The people tumultuously demanded him for bishop, but he decidedly refused. And in fact he was not yet released from his bishopric of Nazianzum or Sasima (though upon the latter he had never formally entered); he could be released only by a synod.

When Theodosius, for the formal settlement of the theological controversies, called the renowned ecumenical council in May, 381, Gregory was elected by this council itself bishop of Constantinople, and, amidst great festivities, was inducted into the office. In virtue of this dignity he held for a time the presidency of the council.

When the Egyptian and Macedonian bishops arrived, they disputed the validity of his election, because, according to the fifteenth canon of the council of Nice, he could not be transferred from his bishopric of Sasima to another; though their real reason was, that the election had been made without them, and that Gregory would probably be distasteful to them as a bold preacher of righteousness. This deeply wounded him. He was soon disgusted, too, with the operations of party passions in the council, and resigned with the following remarkable declaration:

"Whatever this assembly may hereafter determine concerning me, I would fain raise your mind beforehand to something far higher: I pray you now, be one, and join yourselves in love! Must we always be only derided as infallible, and be animated only by one thing, the spirit of strife? Give each other the hand fraternally. But I will be a second Jonah. I will give myself for the salvation of our ship (the church), though I am innocent of the storm. Let the lot fall upon me, and cast me into the sea. A hospitable fish of the deep will receive me. This shall be the beginning of your harmony. I reluctantly ascended the episcopal chair, and gladly I now come down. Even my weak body advises me this. One debt only have I to pay: death; this I owe to God. But, O my Trinity! for Thy sake only am I sad. Shalt Thou have an able man, bold and zealous to vindicate Thee? Farewell, and remember my labors and my pains."

In the celebrated valedictory which be delivered before the assembled bishops, he gives account of his administration; depicts the former humiliation and the present triumph of the Nicene faith in Constantinople, and his own part in this great change, for which he begs repose as his only reward; exhorts his hearers to harmony and love; and then takes leave of Constantinople and in particular of his beloved church, with this address:

"And now, farewell, my Anastasia, who bearest a so holy name; thou hast exalted again our faith, which once was despised; thou, our common field of victory, thou new Shiloh, where we first established again the ark of the covenant, after it had been carried about for forty years on our wandering in the wilderness."

Though this voluntary resignation of so high a post proceeded in part from sensitiveness and irritation, it is still an honorable testimony to the character of Gregory in contrast with the many clergy of his time who shrank from no intrigues and by-ways to get possession of such dignities. He left Constantinople in June, 381, and spent the remaining years of his life mostly in solitude on his paternal estate of Arianzus in the vicinity of Nazianzum, in religious exercises and literary pursuits. Yet he continued to operate through numerous epistles upon the affairs of the church, and took active interest in the welfare and sufferings of the men around him. The nearer death approached, the more he endeavored to prepare himself for it by contemplation and rigid ascetic practice, that he "might be, and might more and more become, in truth a pure mirror of God and of divine things; might already in hope enjoy the treasures of the future world; might walk with the angels; might already forsake the earth, while yet walking upon it; and might be transported into higher regions by the Spirit." In his poems he describes himself, living solitary in the clefts of the rocks among the beasts, going about without shoes, content with one rough garment, and sleeping upon the ground covered with a sack. He died in 390 or 391; the particular circumstances of his death being now unknown. His bones were afterwards brought to Constantinople; and they are now shown at Rome and Venice.

Among the works of Gregory stand pre-eminent his five Theological Orations in defence of the Nicene doctrine against the Eunomians and Macedonians, which he delivered in Constantinople, and which won for him the honorary title of the Theologian (in the narrower sense, i.e., vindicator of the deity of the Logos). [1972] His other orations (forty-five in all) are devoted to the memory of distinguished martyrs, friends, and kindred, to the ecclesiastical festivals, and to public events or his own fortunes. Two of them are bitter attacks on Julian after his death. [1973] They are not founded on particular texts, and have no strictly logical order and connection.

He is the greatest orator of the Greek church, with the exception perhaps of Chrysostom; but his oratory often degenerates into arts of persuasion, and is full of labored ornamentation and rhetorical extravagances, which are in the spirit of his age, but in violation of healthful, natural taste.

As a poet he holds a subordinate, though respectable place. He wrote poetry only in his later life, and wrote it not from native impulse, as the bird sings among the branches, but in the strain of moral reflection, upon his own life, or upon doctrinal and moral themes. Many of his orations are poetical, many of his poems are prosaic. Not one of his odes or hymns passed into use in the church. Yet some of his smaller pieces, apothegms, epigrams, and epitaphs, are very beautiful, and betray noble affections, deep feeling, and a high order of talent and cultivation. [1974]

We have, finally, two hundred and forty-two (or 244) Epistles from Gregory, which are important to the history of the time, and in some cases very graceful and interesting. __________________________________________________________________

[1956] So K. Haseadmirably characterizes him, in his Lehrbuch, p. 138 (7th ed.). The judgment of Gibbon(Decline and Fall, ch. xxii.) is characteristic: "The title of Saint has been added to his name: but the tenderness of his heart, and the elegance of his genius, reflect a more pleasing lustre on the memory of Gregory Nazianzen." The praise of "the tenderness of his heart" suggests to the skeptical historian another fling at the ancient church, by adding the note: "I can only be understood to mean, that such was his natural temper when it was not hardened, or inflamed, by religious zeal. From his retirement, he exhorts Nectarius to prosecute the heretics of Constantinople."

[1957] Respecting the time and place of his birth, views are divided. According to Suidas, Gregory was over ninety years old, and therefore, since he died in 389 or 390, must have been born about the year 800. This statement was accepted by Pagi and other Roman divines, to remove the scandal of his canonized father's having begotten children after he became bishop; but it is irreconcilable with the fact that Gregory, according to his own testimony (Carmen de vita sua, v. 112 and 238, and Orat. v. c. 23), studied in Athens at the same time with Julianthe Apostate, therefore in 355, and left Athens at the age of thirty years. Comp. Tillemont, tom. ix. pp. 693-697; Schröckh, Part xiii. p. 276, and the admirable monograph of Ullmann, p. 548 sqq. (of which I have made special use in this section).

[1958] Against the express injunction of love for enemies, Hatt. v. 44 ff. The command of 2 John v. 10, 11, which might be quoted in justification of Nonna, refers not to pagans, but to anti-Christian heretics.

[1959] There appeared to him two veiled virgins, of unearthly beauty, who called themselves Purity and Chastity, companions of Jesus Christ, and friends of those who renounced all earthly connections for the sake of leading a perfectly divine life. After exhorting the youth to join himself to them in spirit, they rose again to heaven. Carmen iv. v. 205-285.

[1960] Hoion kakon he Rhomaion trephei.

[1961] These Invectivae, or logoisteliteutikoi, are, according to the old order, the 3d and 4th, according to the new the 4th and 5th, of Gregory's Orations, tom. i. pp. 78-176, of the Benedictine edition.

[1962] To this Caesarius, who was afterwards physician in ordinary to the emperor in Constantinople, many, following Photius, ascribe the still extant collection of theological and philosophical questions, Dialogi iv sive Quaestiones Theol. et philos. 145; but without sufficient ground. Comp. Fabricius, Bibl. Gr. viii. p. 435. He was a true Christian, but was not baptized till shortly before his death in
368. His mother Nonna followed the funeral procession in the white raiment of festive joy. He was afterwards, like his brother Gregory, his sister Gorgonia, and his mother, received into the number of the saints of the Catholic church.

[1963] Ullmann, l. c. p. 50.

[1964] Epist. ix. p. 774, of the old order, or Ep. vi. of the new (ed. Bened. ii. p. 6).

[1965] Gibbon (ch. xxvii.) very unjustly attributes this action of Basil to hierarchical pride and to an intention to insult Gregory. Basil treated his own brother not much better; for Nyssa was likewise an insignificant place.

[1966] Gregory gave to the pangs of injured friendship a touching expression in the following lines from the poem on his own Life (De vita sua, vss. 476 sqq. tom. ii. p. 699, of the Bened.ed., or tom. iii. 1062, in Migne's ed.): Toiaut Athenai, kai ponoi koino logon, omO'ogets's iak et` enus'oitss ib'os, Nous eis en amphoin, ou duo, thuam Hellados, Kai dexiai, kosmon men hos porrho balein, Autous de koinon totheo zesai bion, Logous te dounai to mono sopho Logo. Dieskedastai panta, errhiptai chamai, Aurai phepousi tas palaiaselpidas. "Talia Athenae, et communia studia, Ejusdem texti et mensae consors vita, Mena una, non duae in ambobus, res mira Graeciae, Dataeque dexterae, mundum ut procul rejiceremus, Deoque simul viveremus, Et literas soli sapienti Verbo dedicaremus. Dissipata haec sunt omnia, et humi projects, Venti auferunt spes nostras antiquas." Gibbon (ch. xxvii.) quotes this passage with admiration, though with characteristic omission of vss. 479-481, which refer to their harmony in religion; and he aptly alludes to a parallel from Shakespeare, who had never read the poems of Gregory Nazianzen, but who gave to similar feelings a similar expression, in the Midsummer Night's Dream, where Helena utters the same pathetic complaint to her friend Hermia: "Is all the counsel that we two have shared, The sister's vows," &e.

[1967] Gibbon says: "He solemnly protests, that he never consummated his spiritual marriage with this disgusting bride."

[1968] Orat. xii. 4; tom. i. 249 sq. (in Migne's ed. tom. i. p. 847).

[1969] Orat. xviii. Epitaphios eis ton patera, parontos Basileiou (ed. Bened. tom. i. pp. 330-362; in Migne's ed. i. 981 sqq.).

[1970] Once the Arian populace even stormed his church by night, desecrated the altar, mixed the holy wine with blood, and Gregory but barely escaped the fury of common women and monks, who were armed with clubs and stones. The next day he was summoned before the court for the tumult, but so happily defended himself, that the occurrence heightened the triumph of his just cause. Probably from this circumstance he afterwards received the honorary title of confessor. See Ullmann, p. 176.

[1971] Not the church of St. Sophia, as Tillemont assumes, but the church of the Apostles, as Ullmann, p. 223, supposes; for Gregory never names the former, but mentions the latter repeatedly, and that as the church in which he himself preached. Constantinebuilt both, but made the church of the Apostles the more magnificent, and chose it for his own burial place (Euseb. Vita Const. iv. 58-60); St. Sophia afterwards became under Justinian the most glorious monument of the later Greek architecture, and the cathedral of Constantinople.

[1972] Hence called also logoi theologikoi, Orationes theologicae. They are Orat. xxvii.-xxxi. in the Bened. ed. tom. i. pp. 487-577 (in Migne, tom. ii. 9 sqq.), and in the Bibliotheca Patrum Graec. dogmatica of Thilo, vol. ii. pp. 366-537.

[1973] Invectivae, Orat. iv. et v. in the Bened. ed. tom. i. 73-176 (in Migne's ed. tom. i. pp. 531-722). His horror of Julianmisled him even to eulogize the Arian emperor Constantius, to whom his brother was physician.

[1974] His poems fill together with the Epistles the whole second tome of the magnificent Benedictine edition, so delightful to handle, which was published at Paris, 1842 (edente et curante D. A. B. Caillau), and vols. iii. and iv. of Migne's reprint. They are divided by the Bened. editor into: I. Poëmata theologica (dogmatica, moralia); II. historica (a. autobiographical, quae spectant ipsum Gregorium, peri heautou, De seipso; and b. peri ton heteron, quae spectant alios); III. epitaphia; IV. epigrammata; and V. a long tragedy, Christus patiens, with Christ, the Holy Virgin, Joseph, Theologus, Mary Magdalene, Nicodemus, Nuntius, and Pilate as actors. This is the first attempt at a Christian drama. The order of the poems, as well as the Orations and Epistles, differs in the Benedictine from that of the older editions. See the comparative table in tom. ii. p. xv. sqq. One of the finest passages in his poems is his lamentation over the temporary suspension of his friendship with Basil, quoted above, p. 914. __________________________________________________________________

§ 167. Didymus of Alexandria.

I. Didymi Alexandrini Opera omnia: accedunt S. Amphilochii et Nectarii scripta quae supersunt Graece, accurante et denuo recognoscente J. P. Migne. Petit-Montrouge (Paris), 1858. (Tom. xxxix. of the Patrologia Graeca.)

II. Hieronymus: De viris illustr. c. 109, and Prooem. in Hoseam. Scattered accounts in Rufinus, Palladius, Socrates, Sozomen, and Theodoret. Tillemont: Mémoires, x. 164. Fabricius: Bibl. Gr. tom. ix. 269 sqq. ed. Harless (also in Migne's ed. of the Opera, pp. 131-140). Schröckh: Church History, vii. 74-87. Guericke: De schola Alexandrina. Hal. 1824.

Didymus, the last great teacher of the Alexandrian catechetical school, and a faithful follower of Origen, was born probably at Alexandria about the year 309. Though he became in his fourth year entirely blind, and for this reason has been surnamed Caecus, yet by extraordinary industry he gained comprehensive and thorough knowledge in philosophy, rhetoric, and mathematics. He learned to write by means of wooden tablets in which the characters were engraved; and he became so familiar with the Holy Scriptures by listening to the church lessons, that he knew them almost all by heart.

Athanasius nominated him teacher in the theological school, where he zealously labored for nearly sixty years. Even men like Jerome, Rufinus, Palladius, and Isidore, sat at his feet with admiration. He was moreover an enthusiastic advocate of ascetic life, and stood in high esteem with the Egyptian anchorites; with St. Anthony in particular, who congratulated him, that, though blind to the perishable world of sense, he was endowed with the eye of an angel to behold the mysteries of God. He died at a great age, in universal favor, in 395.

Didymus was thoroughly orthodox in the doctrine of the Trinity, and a discerning opponent of the Arians, but at the same time a great venerator of Origen, and a participant of his peculiar views concerning the pre-existence of souls, and probably concerning final restoration. For this reason he was long after his death condemned with intolerant zeal by several general councils. [1975]

We have from him a book On the Holy Ghost, translated by Jerome into Latin, in which he advocates, with much discrimination, and in simple, biblical style, the consubstantiality of the Spirit with the Father, against the Semi-Arians and Pneumatomachi of his time; [1976] and three books on the Trinity, in the Greek original. [1977] He wrote also a brief treatise against the Manichaeans. Of his numerous exegetical works we have a commentary on the Catholic Epistles, [1978] and large fragments, in part uncertain, of commentaries on the Psalms, Job, Proverbs, and some Pauline Epistles. [1979] __________________________________________________________________

[1975] First at the fifth ecumenical council in 553. The sixth council in 680 stigmatized him as a defender of the abominable doctrine of Origen, who revived the heathen fables of the transmigration of souls; and the seventh repeated this in 787

[1976] Didymus wrote only one book De Spiritu Sancto (see Jerome, De viris illustr. c. 135: librum unum de Sp. S. Didymi quem in Latinum transtuli). The division into three books is of later date.

[1977] Discovered and edited by Joh. Aloys. Mingarelli, at Bologna, 1769, with a Latin translation and learned treatises on the life, doctrine, and writings of Didymus. (Dr. Herzog, Encykl. iii. p. 384, confounds this edition with a preliminary advertisement by the brother Ferdinand Mingarelli: Veterum testimonia de Didymo Alex. coeco, ex quibus tres libri de Trinitate nuper detecti eidem asseruntur, Rom.
1764. The title of the work itself is: Didymus, De Trinitate libri tres, nunc primum ex Passioneiano codice Gr. editi, Latine conversi, ac notis illustrati a D. Joh. Aloys. Mingarellio, Bononiae 1769, fol.)

[1978] The Latin version is found in the libraries of the church fathers. The original Greek has been edited by Dr. Fr. Lücke from Muscovite manuscripts in four academic dissertations: Quaestiones ac vindiciae Didymianae, sive Didymi Alex. enarratio in Epistolas Catholicas Latina, Graeco exemplari magnam partem e Graecis scholiis restituta, Gotting. 1829-'32. Reprinted in Migne's edition of Opera Didymi, pp. 1731-1818.

[1979] In Migne's ed. p. 1109 sqq. __________________________________________________________________

§ 168. Cyril of Jerusalem.

I. S. Cyrilus, archiepisc. Hierosolymitanus: Opera quae exstant omnia, &c., cura et studio Ant. Aug. Touttaei (Touttée), presb. et monachi Bened. e congreg. S. Mauri. Paris, 1720. 1 vol. fol. (edited after Touttée's death by the Benedictine D. Prud. Maranus. Comp. therewith Sal. Deyling: Cyrillus Hieros. a corruptelis Touttaei aliorumque purgatus. Lips. 1728). Reprint, Venice, 1763. A new ed. by Migne, Petit-Montrouge, 1857 (Patrol. Gr. tom. xxxiii., which contains also the writings of Apollinaris of Laodicea, Diodor of Tarsus, and others). The Catecheses of Cyril have also been several times edited separately, and translated into modern languages. Engl. transl. in the Oxford Library of the Fathers, vol. ii. Oxf. 1839.

II. Epiphanius: Haer. lx. 20; lxxiii. 23, 27, 37. Hieronymus: De viris illustr. c. 112. Socrates: H. E. ii. 40, 42, 45; iii. 20. Sozomen: iv. 5, 17, 20, 22, 25. Theodoret: H. E. ii. 26, 27; iii. 14; v. 8. The Dissertationes Cyrillianae de vita et scriptis S. Cyr. &c. in the Benedictine edition of the Opera, and in Migne's reprint, pp. 31-822. The Acta Sanctorum, and Butler, sub mense Martii 18. Tillemont: tom. viii. pp. 428-439, 779-787. Also the accounts in the well-known patristic works of Dupin, Ceillier, Cave, Fabricius. Schröckh: Part xii. pp. 369-476.

Cyrilus, presbyter and, after 350, bishop of Jerusalem, was extensively involved during his public life in the Arian controversies. His metropolitan, Acacius of Caesarea, an Arian, who had elevated him to the episcopal chair, fell out with him over the Nicene faith and on a question of jurisdiction, and deposed him at a council in 357. His deposition was confirmed by an Arian council at Constantinople in 360.

After the death of the emperor Constantius he was restored to his bishopric in 361, and in 363 his embittered adversary, Acacius, converted to the orthodox faith. When Julian encouraged the Jews to rebuild the temple, Cyril is said to have predicted the miscarriage of the undertaking from the prophecies of Daniel and of Christ, and he was justified by the result. Under the Arian emperor Valens he was again deposed and banished, with all the other orthodox bishops, till he finally, under Theodosius, was permitted to return to Jerusalem in 379, to devote himself undisturbed to the supervision and restoration of his sadly distracted church until his death.

He attended the ecumenical council in Constantinople in 381, which confirmed him in his office, and gave him the great praise of having suffered much from the Arians for the faith. He died in 386, with his title to office and his orthodoxy universally acknowledged, clear of all the suspicions which many had gathered from his friendship with Semi-Arian bishops during his first exile. [1980]

From Cyril we have an important theological work, complete, in the Greek original: his twenty-three Catecheses. [1981] The work consists of connected religious lectures or homilies, which he delivered while presbyter about the year 347, in preparing a class of catechumens for baptism. It follows that form of the Apostles' Creed or the Rule of Faith which was then in use in the churches of Palestine and which agrees in all essential points with the Roman; it supports the various articles with passages of Scripture, and defends them against the heretical perversions of his time. The last five, called the Mystagogic Catecheses, [1982] are addressed to newly baptized persons, and are of importance in the doctrine of the sacraments and the history of liturgy. In these he explains the ceremonies then customary at baptism: Exorcism, the putting off of garments, anointing, the short confession, triple immersion, confirmation by the anointing oil; also the nature and ritual of the holy Supper, in which he sees a mystical vital union of believers with Christ, and concerning which he uses terms verging at least upon the doctrine of transubstantiation. In connection with this he gives us a full account of the earliest eucharistic liturgy, which coincides in all essential points with such other liturgical remains of the Eastern church, as the Apostolic Constitutions and the Liturgy of St. James.

The Catecheses of Cyril are the first example of a popular compend of religion; for the catechetical work of Gregory of Nyssa (logos katechetikos ho megas) is designed not so much for catechumens, as for catechists and those intending to become teachers.

Besides several homilies and tracts of very doubtful genuineness, a homily on the healing of the cripple at Bethesda [1983] and a remarkable letter to the emperor Constantius of the year 351, are also ascribed to Cyril. [1984] In the letter he relates to the emperor the miraculous appearance of a luminous cross extending from Golgotha to a point over the mount of Olives (mentioned also by Socrates, Sozomen, and others), and calls upon him to praise the "consubstantial Trinity."
[1985] __________________________________________________________________

[1980] His sentiments on the holy Trinity are discussed at length in the third preliminary dissertation of the Bened. editor (in Migne's ed. p. 167 sqq.).

[1981] Katecheseis photizomenon(or baptizomenon), catecheses illuminandorum. They are preceded by a procatechesis.

[1982] Katecheseis mustagogikai. The name is connected with the mysterious practices of the disciplina arcani of the early church. Comp. the conclusion of the first Mystagogic Catechesis, c. 11 (Migne, p. 1075). The mystagogic lectures are also separately numbered. The first is a general exhortation to the baptized on 1 Pet. v. 8; the second treats De baptismo; the third, De chrismate; the fourth, De corpore et sanguine Christi; the fifth, De sacra liturgia et communione.

[1983] Homilia in paralyticum, John v. 2-16 (in Migne's ed. pp. 1131-1158).

[1984] Ep. ad Constantium imper. De viso Hierosolymus lucidae crucis signo, pp. 1154-1178.

[1985] Ten hagian kai homoousion Triada, ton alethinon Theon hemon, oHu prepei pasa doxa eis tous ; aionos ton aionon. __________________________________________________________________

§ 169. Epiphanius.

I. S. Epiphanius: Opera omnia, Gr. et Lat., Dionysius Petavius ex veteribus libris recensuit, Latine vertit et animadversionibus illustravit. Paris, 1622, 2 vols. fol. The same edition reprinted with additions at Cologne (or rather at Leipsic), 1682, and by J. P. Migne Petit-Montrouge, 1858, in 3 vols. (tom. xli.-xliii. of Migne's Patrologia Graeca). The Panarionor Panaria of Epiphanius, together with his Anacephalaeosis, with the Latin version of both by Petavius, has also been separately edited by Fr. Oehler, as tom. ii. and iii. of his Corpus haereseologicum, Berol. 1859-'61. (Part second of tom. iii. contains the Animadversiones of Petavius, and A. Jahn's Symbolae ad emendanda et illustranda S. Epiphanii Panaria.)

II. Hieronymus: De viris illustr. c. 114, and in several of his Epistles relating to the Origenistic controversies, Epp. 66 sqq. ed. Vallarsi. Socrates: Hist. Eccl. l. vi. c. 10-14. Sozomen: H. E. viii. 11-15. Old biographies, full of fables, see in Migne's edition, tom. i., and in Petav. ii. 318 sqq. The Vita Epiph. in the Acta Sanctorum for May, tom. iii. die 12, pp. 36-49 (also reprinted in Migne's ed. tom. i.). Tillemont: Mémoires, tom. x. pp. 484-521, and the notes, pp. 802-809. Fr. Arm. Gervaise: L'histoire et la vie De saint Epiphane. Par. 1738. Fabricius: Biblioth. Graeca ed. Harless, tom. viii. p. 255 sqq. (also reprinted in Migne's ed. of Epiph. i. 1 sqq.). W. Cave: Lives of the Fathers, iii. 207-236 (new Oxf. ed.). Schröckh: Th. x. 3 ff. R. Adelb. Lipsius: Zur Quellenkritik des Epiphanies. Wien, 1865. (A critical analysis of the older history of heresies, in Epiph. haer. 13-57, with special reference to the Gnostic systems.)

Epiphanius, [1986] who achieved his great fame mainly by his learned and intolerant zeal for orthodoxy, was born near Eleutheropolis in Palestine, between 310 and 320, and died at sea, at a very advanced age, on his way back from Constantinople to Cyprus, in 403. According to an uncertain, though not improbable tradition, he was the son of poor Jewish parents, and was educated by a rich Jewish lawyer, until in his sixteenth year he embraced the Christian religion, [1987] --the first example, after St. Paul, of a learned Jewish convert and the only example among the ancient fathers; for all the other fathers were either born of Christian parents, or converted from heathenism.

He spent several years in severe ascetic exercises among the hermits of Egypt, and then became abbot of a convent near Eleutheropolis. In connection with his teacher and friend Hilarion he labored zealously for the spread of monasticism in Palestine. [1988]

In the year 367 he was unanimously elected by the people and the monks bishop of Salamis (Constantia), the capital of the island of Cyprus. Here he wrote his works against the heretics, and took active part in the doctrinal controversies of his age. He made it his principal business to destroy the influence of the arch-heretic Origen, for whom he had contracted a thorough hatred from the anchorites of Egypt. On this mission he travelled in his old age to Palestine and Constantinople, and died in the same year in which Chrysostom was deposed and banished, an innocent sacrifice on the opposite side in the violent Origenistic controversies. [1989]

Epiphanius was revered even by his cotemporaries as a saint and as a patriarch of orthodoxy. Once as he passed through the streets of Jerusalem in company with bishop John, mothers brought their children to him that he might bless them, and the people crowded around him to kiss his feet and to touch the hem of his garment. After his death his name was surrounded by a halo of miraculous legends. He was a man of earnest, monastic piety, and of sincere but illiberal zeal for orthodoxy. His good nature easily allowed him to be used as an instrument for the passions of others, and his zeal was not according to knowledge. He is the patriarch of heresy-hunters. He identified Christianity with monastic piety and ecclesiastical orthodoxy and considered it the great mission of his life to pursue the thousand-headed hydra of heresy into all its hiding places. Occasionally, however, his fiery zeal consumed what was subsequently considered an essential part of piety and orthodoxy. Sharing the primitive Christian abhorrence of images, he destroyed a picture of Christ or some saint in a village church in Palestine; and at times he violated ecclesiastical order.

The learning of Epiphanius was extensive, but ill digested. He understood five languages: Hebrew, Syriac, Egyptian, Greek, and a little Latin. Jerome, who himself knew but three languages, though he knew these far better than Epiphanius, called him the Five-tongued,
[1990] and Rufinus reproachfully says of him that he considered it his sacred duty as a wandering preacher to slander the great Origen in all languages and nations. [1991] He was lacking in knowledge of the world and of men, in sound judgment, and in critical discernment. He was possessed of a boundless credulity, now almost proverbial, causing innumerable errors and contradictions in his writings. His style is entirely destitute of beauty or elegance.

Still his works are of considerable value as a storehouse of the history of ancient heresies and of patristic polemics. They are the following:

1. The Anchor, [1992] a defence of Christian doctrine, especially of the doctrines of the Trinity, the incarnation, and the resurrection; in one hundred and twenty-one chapters. He composed this treatise a.d. 373, at the entreaty of clergymen and monks, as a stay for those who are tossed about upon the sea by heretics and devils. In it he gives two creeds, a shorter and a longer, which show that the addition made by the second ecumenical council to the Nicene symbol, in respect to the doctrine of the Holy Ghost and of the church, had already been several years in use in the church. [1993] For the shorter symbol, which, according to Epiphanius, had to be said at baptism by every orthodox catechumen in the East, from the council of Nicaea to the tenth year of Valentinian and Valens (a.d. 373), is precisely the same as the Constantinopolitan; and the longer is even more specific against Apollinarianism and Macedonianism, in the article concerning the Holy Ghost. Both contain the anathemas of the Nicene Creed; the longer giving them in an extended form.

2. The Panarium, or Medicine-chest, [1994] which contains antidotes for the poison of all heresies. This is his chief work, composed between the years 374 and 377, in answer to solicitations from many quarters. And it is the chief hereseological work of the ancient church. It is more extensive than any of the similar works of Justin Martyr, Irenaeus, and Hippolytus before it, and of Philastrius (or Philastrus), Augustine, Theodoret, pseudo-Tertullian, pseudo-Jerome, and the author of Praedestinatus, after it. [1995] Epiphanius brought together, with the diligence of an unwearied compiler, but without logical or chronological arrangement, everything he could learn from written or oral sources concerning heretics from the beginning of the world down to his time. But his main concern is the antidote to heresy, the doctrinal refutations, in which he believed himself to be doing God and the church great service, and which, with all their narrowness and passion, contain many good thoughts and solid arguments. He improperly extends the conception of heresy over the field of all religion; whereas heresy is simply a perversion or caricature of Christian truth, and lives only upon the Christian religion. He describes and refutes no less than eighty heresies, [1996] twenty of them preceding the time of Christ. [1997] The pre-Christian heresies are: Barbarism, from Adam to the flood; Scythism; Hellenism (idolatry proper, with various schools of philosophy); Samaritanism (including four different sects); and Judaism (subdivided into seven parties: Pharisees, Sadducees, Scribes, Hemerobaptists, Osseans, Nazarenes, and Herodians). [1998] Among the Christian heresies, of which Simon Magus, according to ancient tradition, figures as patriarch, the different schools of Gnosticism (which may be easily reduced to about a dozen) occupy the principal space. With the sixty-fourth heresy Epiphanius begins the war upon the Origenists, Arians, Photinians, Marcellians, Semi-Arians, Pneumatomachians, Antidikomarianites, and other heretics of his age. In the earlier heresies he made large use, without proper acknowledgment, of the well-known works of Justin Martyr, Irenaeus, and Hippolytus, and other written sources and oral traditions. In the latter sections he could draw more on his own observation and experience.

3. The Anacephalaeosis is simply an abridgment of the Panarion, with a somewhat different order. [1999]

This is the proper place to add a few words upon similar works of the post-Nicene age.

About the same time, or shortly after Epiphanius (380), Philastrius or Philastrus, bishop of Brixia (Brescia), wrote his Liber de haeresibus (in 156 chapters). [2000] He was still more liberal with the name of heresy, extending it to one hundred and fifty-six systems, twenty-eight before Christ, and a hundred and twenty-eight after. He includes peculiar opinions on all sorts of subjects: Haeresis de stellis coelo affixis, haeresis de peccato Cain, haeresis de Psalterii inequalitate, haeresis de animalibus quatuor in prophetis, haeresis de Septuaginta interpretibus, haeresis de Melchisedech sacerdote, haeresis de uxoribus, et concubinis Salomonis!

He was followed by St. Augustine, who in the last years of his life wrote a brief compend on eighty-eight heresies, commencing with the Simonians and ending with the Pelagians. [2001]

The unknown author of the book called Praedestinatus added two more heretical parties, the Nestorians and the Predestinarians, to Augustine's list; but the Predestinarians are probably a mere invention of the writer for the purpose of caricaturing and exposing the heresy of an absolute predestination to good and to evil. [2002]

4. In addition to those anti-heretical works, we have from Epiphanius a biblical archeological treatise on the Measures and Weights of the Scriptures, [2003] and another on the Twelve Gems on the breastplate of Aaron, with an allegorical interpretation of their names. [2004]

A Commentary of Epiphanius on the Song of Songs was published in a Latin translation by Foggini in 1750 at Rome. Other works ascribed to him are lost, or of doubtful origin. __________________________________________________________________

[1986] There are several prominent ecclesiastical writers of that name. Compare a list of them in Fabricius, l. c.

[1987] See the biography of his pupil John, ch. 2, in Migne's ed. i. 25 sqq. Cave accepts this story, and it receives some support from the Palestine origin of Epiphanius, and from his knowledge of the Hebrew language, which was then so rare that Jeromewas the only father besides Epiphanius who possessed it.

[1988] He composed a eulogy on Hilarion, which, with some others of his works, is lost

[1989] Comp. above, §§ 133 and 134.
[1990] Pentaglottos.

[1991] Hieron. Apol. adv. Rufinum, l. iii. c. 6 (Opera, tom. ii. 537, ed. Vall.) and l. ii. 21 and 22 (tom. ii. 515). Jeromesays that "papa" Epiphanius had read the six thousand [?] books of Origen, and in his apology against Rufinus and in his letters he speaks of him with great respect as a confederate in the war upon Origen. He acknowledges, however, that his statements need an accurate and careful verification. In his Liber de viris illustribus, cap. 114, he disposes of him very summarily with two sentences: "Epiphanius, Cypri Salaminae episcopus, scripsit adversus omnes haereses libros, et multa alia, quae ab eruditus propter res, a simplicioribus propter verba lectitantur. Superest usque hodie, et in extrema jam senectute varia cudit opera."

[1992] Ankurotos, Ancoratus, or Ancora fidei catholicae in tom, ii of Petavius; tom. iii. 11-236 of Migne.

[1993] Anc. n. 119 and 120 (tom. iii. 23 sqq. ed. Migne).

[1994] Panarion, Panarium (Panaria), sive Arcula, or Adversus lxxx. haereses (Petavius, tom. i. f. 1-1108; Migne, tom. i. 173-1200, and tom. ii. 10-832). Epiphanius himself names it panarion, eit oun kibotion iatrikon kai theriodektikon, Panarium, sive Arculam Medicam ad eorum qui a serpentibus icti sunt remedium (Epist. ad Acacium et Paulum, in Oehler's ed. i. p. 7).

[1995] Compare the convenient collection of the Latin writers De haeresibus, viz.: Philastrius, Augustine, the author of Praedestinatus (the first book), pseudo-Tertullian, pseudo-Jerome, Isdortis Hispalensis, and Gennadius (De ecclesiasticis dogmatibus), in the first volume of Franz Oehler's Corpus haereseologicum, Berolini, 1856. This collection is intended to embrace eight volumes. Tom. ii. and iii. contain the anti-heretical works of Epiphanius; the remaining volumes are intended for Theodoret, pseudo-Origen, John of Damascus, Leontius, Timotheus, Irenaeus, and Nicetae Choniatae Thesaurus orthodoxae fidei.

[1996] Perhaps with a mystic reference to the eighty concubines in the Song of Songs, vi. 8: "Sexaginta sunt reginae et octoginta concubinae, et adolescentularum non est numerus. Una est columba mea, perfecta mea." (Vulgate.)

[1997] Pseudo-Tertullian(in Libellus adversus omnes haereses), Philastrus, and pseudo-Hieronymus (Indiculus de haeresibus) likewise include the Jewish sects among the heresies; while Irenaeus, Augustine, Theodoret, and the unknown author of the Semi-Pelagian work Praedestinatus more correctly begin with the Christian sects. For further particulars, see the comparative tables of Lipsius, l.c. p. 4 ff.

[1998] Epiphanius in his shorter work, the Anacephalaeosis, deviates somewhat from the order in the Panarion. His twenty heresies before Christ are as follows: Order in the Panarion: 1. Barbarismus, 2. Scythismus, 3. Hellenismus, 4. Judaismus, Hellenismi 5. Stoici, 6. Platonici, 7. Pythagorei, 8. Epicurei, Samaritismi 9. Samaritae, 10. Esseni, 11. Sebuaei, 12. Gortheni, 13. Dosithei, Judaismi 14. Saducaei,
15. Scribae, 16. Pharisaei, 17. Hemerobaptistae 18. Nazaraei, 19. Osseni or Ossaei, 20. Herodiani Order in the Anacephalaeosis: 1. Barbarismus, 2. Scythismus, 3. Hellenismus, 4. Judaismus. 5. Samaritismus, Hellenismi 6. Pythagorei,
7. Platonici, 8. Stoici, 9. Epicurei, Sararitismi 10. Gortheni, 11. Sebuaei, 12. Esseni, 13. Dosithei, Judaismi 14. Scribae, 15. Pharisaei,
16. Sadducaei, 17. Hemerobaptistae, 18. Ossaei, 19. Nazaraei, 20. Herodiani

[1999] Anakephalaiosis, or Epitome Panarii (tom. ii. 126, ed. Patav.; tom. ii. 834-886, ed. Migne).

[2000] Edited by J. A. Fabricius, Hamburg, 1728; by Gallandi, Bibliotheca, tom. vii. pp. 475-521; and by Oehler in tom. i. of his Corpus haereseolog. pp. 5-185. The close affinity of Philastrus with Epiphanius is usually accounted for on the ground of the dependence of the former on the latter. This seems to have been the opinion of Augustine, Epistola 222 ad Quodvultdeum. But Lipsius (l.c. p. 29 ff.) derives both from a common older source, viz., the work of Hippolytus against thirty-two heresies and explains the offence of Epiphanius (who mentions Hippolytus only once) by the unscrupulousuess of the authorship of the age, which had no hesitation in decking itself with borrowed plumes.

[2001] Liber de haeresibus, addressed to Quodvultdeus, a deacon who had requested him to write such a work. Augustine, in his letter of reply to Quodvultdeus (Ep. 222 in the Bened. edition) alludes to the work of Philastrus, whom he had seen with Ambrosein Milan, and to that of Epiphanius, and calls the latter "longe Philastrio doctiorem." The work of Augustineis also embodied in Oehler's Corpus haereseol. tom. i. pp. 189-225. The following is a complete list of the heresies of Augustineas given by him at the close of the preface: 1. Simoniani; 2. Menandriani; 3. Saturniniani; 4. Basilidiani; 5. Nicolaitae; 6. Gnostici; 7. Carpocratiani; 8. Cerinthiani, vel Merinthiani; 9. Nazaraei; 10. Hebio-naei; 11. Valentiniani; 12. Secundiani; 13. Ptolemaei; 14. Marcitae; 15. Colorbasii; 16. Heracleonitae; 17. Ophitae; 18. Caiani; 19. Sethiani; 20. Archontici; 21. Cerdoniani; 22. Marcionitae; 23. Apellitae; 24. Se-veriani; 25. Tatiani, vel Encratitae; 26. Cataphryges; 27. Pepuziani, alias Quintilliani; 28. Artotyritae; 29. Tessarescaedecatitae; 30. Alegi; 31. Adamiani; 32. Elcesaei et Sampsaei; 33. Theodotiani; 34. Mel-chisedechiani; 35. Bardesanistae; 36. Noëtiani; 37. Valesii; 38. Ca-thari, sive Novatiani;
39. Angelici; 40. Apostolici; 41. Sabelliani; 42. Ori-geniani; 43. Alii Origeniani; 44. Pauliani; 45. Photiniani; 46. Manichaei; 47. Hieracitae; 48. Meletiani; 49. Ariani; 50. Vadiani, sive Anthropo-morphitae; 51. Semiariani; 52. Macedoniani; 53. Aëriani; 54. Aëtiani, qui et Eunomiani; 55. Apollinaristae; 56. Antidicomarianitae;
57. Mas-saliani, sive Euchitae; 58. Metangismonitae; 59. Seleuciani, vel Her-miani; 60. Proclianitae; 61. Patriciani; 62. Ascitae; 63. Passaloryn-chitae; 64. Aquarii; 65. Coluthiani; 66. Floriniani; 67. De mundi statu dissentientes; 68. Nudis pedibus ambulantes; 69. Donatistae, sive Do-natiani; 70. Priscillianistae; 71. Cum hominibus non manducantes; 72. Rhetoriani; 73. Christi divinitatem passibilem dicentes; 74. Triformem deum putantes; 75. Aquam Deo coaeternam dicentes; 76. Imaginem Dei non esse animam dicentes; 77. Innumerabiles mundos opinantes; 78. Animas converti in daemones et in quaecunque animalia existi-mantes; 79. Liberationem omnium apud inferos factam Christi descen-sione credentes; 80. Christi de Patre nativitati initium temporis dantes; 81. Luciferiani; 82. Iovinianistae; 83. Arabici; 84. Helvidiani; 85. Pater-niani, sive Venustiani; 86. Tertullianistae; 87. Abeloitae; 88. Pelagiani, qui et Caelestiani.

[2002] Corpus haereseol. i. 229-268. Comp. above, § 159.

[2003] Peri metron kai stathmon, De ponderibus et mensuris, written in 392. (Tom. ii. 158, ed. Petav.; tom. iii. 237, ed. Migne.)

[2004] Peri ton dodeka lithon, De xii. gemmis in veste Aaronis. (Tom. ii. 233, ed. Pet; iii. 293, ed. Migne.) __________________________________________________________________

§ 170. John Chrysostom.

I. S. Joannis Chrysostomi. archiepiscopi Constantinopolitani, Opera omnia quae exstant vel quae ejus nomine circumferuntur, ad MSS. codices Gallic. etc. castigata, etc. (Gr. et Lat.). Opera et studio D. Bernardi de Montfaucon, monachi ordinis S. Benedicti e congregatione S. Mauri, opem ferentibus aliis ex eodem sodalitio monachis. Paris. 1718-'38, in 13 vols. fol. The same edition reprinted at Venice, 1734-'41, in 13 vols. fol. (after which I quote in this section); also at Paris by Sinner (Gaume), 1834-'39, in 13 vols. (an elegant edition, with some additions), and by J. P. Migne, Petit-Montrouge, 1859-'60, in 13 vols. Besides we have a number of separate editions of the Homilies, and of the work on the Priesthood, both in Greek, and in translations. A selection of his writings in Greek and Latin was edited by F. G. Lomler, Rudolphopoli, 1840, 1 volume. German translations of the Homilies (in part) by J. A. Cramer (Leipzig, 1748-'51), Feder (Augsburg, 1786), Ph. Mayer (Nürnberg, 1830), W. Arnoldi (Trier, 1831), Jos. Lutz (Tübingen, 1853); English translations of the Homilies on the New Testament in the Oxford Library of the Fathers, 1842-'53.

II. Palladius (a friend of Chrysostom and bishop of Helenopolis in Bithynia, author of the Historia Lausiaca; according to others a different person): Dialogus historicus de vita et conversatione beati Joannis Chrysostomi cum Theodoro ecclesiae Romanae diacono (in the Bened. ed. of the Opera, tom. xiii. pp. 1-89). Hieronymus: De viris illustribus, c. 129 (a very brief notice, mentioning only the work de sacerdotio). Socrates: H. E. vi. 3-21. Sozomen: H. E. viii. 2-23. Theodoret: H. E. v. 27-36. B. de Montfaucon: Vita Joannis Chrys. in his edition of the Opera, tom. xiii. 91-178. Testimonia Veterum de S. Joann. Chrys. scriptis, ibid. tom. xiii. 256-292. Tillemont: Mémoires, vol. xi. pp. 1-405. F. Stilting: Acta Sanctorum, Sept. 14 (the day of his death), tom. iv. pp. 401-709. A. Butler: Lives of Saints, sub Jan.
27. W. Cave: Lives of the Fathers, vol. iii. p. 237 ff. J. A. Fabricius: Biblioth. Gr. tom. viii. 454 sqq. Schröckh: Vol. x. p. 309 ff. A. Neander: Der heilige Chrysostomus (first 1821), 3d edition, Berlin, 1848, 2 vols. Abbé Rochet: Histoire de S. Jean Chrysostome. Par. 1866, 2 vols. Comp. also A. F. Villemain's Tableau de l'éloquence chrétienne au IVe siècle. Paris, 1854.

John, to whom an admiring posterity since the seventh century has given the name Chrysostomus, the Golden-mouthed, is the greatest expositor and preacher of the Greek church, and still enjoys the highest honor in the whole Christian world. No one of the Oriental fathers has left a more spotless reputation; no one is so much read and so often quoted by modern commentators.

He was born at Antioch, a.d. 347. [2005] His father was a distinguished military officer. His mother Anthusa, who from her twentieth year was a widow, shines with Nonna and Monica among the Christian women of antiquity. She was admired even by the heathen, and the famous rhetorician Libanius, on hearing of her consistency and devotion, felt constrained to exclaim: "Ah! what wonderful women there are among the Christians." [2006] She gave her son an admirable education, and early planted in his soul the germs of piety, which afterwards bore the richest fruits for himself and for the church. By her admonitions and the teachings of the Bible he was secured against the seductions of heathenism.

He received his literary training from Libanius, who accounted him his best scholar, and who, when asked shortly before his death (395) whom he wished for his successor, replied: "John, if only the Christians had not carried him away."

After the completion of his studies he became a rhetorician. He soon resolved, however, to devote himself to divine things, and after being instructed for three years by bishop Meletius in Antioch, he received baptism.

His first inclination after his conversion was to adopt the monastic life, agreeably to the ascetic tendencies of the times; and it was only by the entreaties of his mother, who adjured him with tears not to forsake her, that he was for a while restrained. Meletius made him reader, and so introduced him to a clerical career. He avoided an election to the bishopric (370) by putting forward his friend Basil, whom he accounted worthier, but who bitterly complained of the evasion. This was the occasion of his celebrated treatise On the Priesthood, in which, in the form of a dialogue with Basil, he vindicates his not strictly truthful conduct, and delineates the responsible duties of the spiritual office. [2007]

After the death of his mother he fled from the seductions and tumults of city life to the monastic solitude of the mountains near Antioch, and there spent six happy years in theological study and sacred meditation and prayer, under the guidance of the learned abbot Diodorus (afterwards bishop of Tarsus, 394), and in communion with such like-minded young men as Theodore of Mopsuestia, the celebrated father of Antiochian (Nestorian) theology ( 429). Monasticism was to him a most profitable school of experience and self-government; because he embraced this mode of life from the purest motives, and brought into it intellect and cultivation enough to make the seclusion available for moral and spiritual growth.

In this period he composed his earliest writings in praise of monasticism and celibacy, and his two long letters to the fallen Theodore (subsequently bishop of Mopsuestia), who had regretted his monastic vow and resolved to marry. [2008] Chrysostom regarded this small affair from the ascetic stand-point of his age as almost equal to an apostasy from Christianity, and plied all his oratorical arts of sad sympathy, tender entreaty, bitter reproach, and terrible warning, to reclaim his friend to what he thought the surest and safest way to heaven. To sin, he says, is human, but to persist in sin is devilish; to fall is not ruinous to the soul, but to remain on the ground is. The appeal had its desired effect, and cannot fail to make a salutary impression upon every reader, provided we substitute some really great offence for the change of a mode of life which can only be regarded as a temporary and abnormal form of Christian practice.

By excessive self-mortifications John undermined his health, and returned about 380 to Antioch. There he was immediately ordained deacon by Meletius in 386, and by Flavian was made presbyter. By his eloquence and his pure and earnest character he soon acquired great reputation and the love of the whole church.

During the sixteen or seventeen years of his labors in Antioch he wrote the greater part of his Homilies and Commentaries, his work on the Priesthood, a consolatory Epistle to the despondent Stagirius, and an admonition to a young widow on the glory of widowhood and the duty of continuing in it. He disapproved second marriage, not as sinful or illegal, but as inconsistent with an ideal conception of marriage and a high order of piety.

After the death of Nectarius (successor of Gregory Nazianzen), towards the end of the year 397, Chrysostom was chosen, entirely without his own agency, patriarch of Constantinople. At this post he labored several years with happy effect. But his unsparing sermons aroused the anger of the empress Eudoxia, and his fame excited the envy of the ambitious patriarch Theophilus of Alexandria. An act of Christian love towards the persecuted Origenistic monks of Egypt involved him in the Origenistic controversy, and at last the united influence of Theophilus and Eudoxia overthrew him. Even the sympathy of the people and of Innocent I., the bishop of Rome, was unavailing in his behalf. He died in banishment on the fourteenth of September, a.d. 407, thanking God for all. [2009] The Greeks celebrate his memorial day on the thirteenth of November, the Latins on the twenty-seventh of January, the day on which his remains in 438 were solemnly deposited in the Church of the Apostles in Constantinople with those of the emperors and patriarchs.

Persecution and undeserved sufferings tested the character of Chrysostom, and have heightened his fame. The Greek church honors him as the greatest teacher of the church, approached only by Athanasius and the three Cappadocians. His labors fall within the comparatively quiet period between the Trinitarian and the Christological controversies. He was not therefore involved in any doctrinal controversy except the Origenistic; and in that he had a very innocent part, as his unspeculative turn of mind kept him from all share in the Origenistic errors. Had he lived a few decades later he would perhaps have fallen under suspicion of Nestorianism; for he belonged to the same Antiochian school with his teacher Diodorus of Tarsus, his fellow-student Theodore of Mopsuestia, and his successor Nestorius. From this school, whose doctrinal development was not then complete, he derived a taste for the simple, sober, grammatico-historical interpretation, in opposition to the arbitrary allegorizing of the Alexandrians, while he remained entirely free from the rationalizing tendency which that school soon afterwards discovered. He is thus the soundest and worthiest representative of the Antiochian theology. In anthropology he is a decided synergist; and his pupil Cassian, the founder of Semi-Pelagianism, gives him for an authority. [2010] But his synergism is that of the whole Greek church; it had no direct conflict with Augustinianism, for Chrysostom died several years before the opening of the Pelagian controversy. He opposed the Arians and Novatians, and faithfully and constantly adhered to the church doctrine, so far as it was developed; but he avoided narrow dogmatism and angry controversy, and laid greater stress on practical piety than on unfruitful orthodoxy. [2011]

Valuable as the contributions of Chrysostom to didactic theology may be, his chief importance and merit lie not in this department, but in homiletical exegesis, pulpit eloquence, and pastoral care. Here he is unsurpassed among the ancient fathers, whether Greek or Latin. By talent and culture he was peculiarly fitted to labor in a great metropolis. At that time a bishop, as he himself says, enjoyed greater honor at court, in the society of ladies, in the houses of the nobles, than the first dignitaries of the empire. [2012] Hence the great danger, of hierarchical pride and worldly conformity, to which so many of the prelates succumbed. This danger Chrysostom happily avoided. He continued his plain monastic mode of life in the midst of the splendor of the imperial residence, and applied all his superfluous income to the support of the sick and the stranger. Poor for himself, he was rich for the poor. He preached an earnest Christianity fruitful in good works, he insisted on strict discipline, and boldly attacked the vices of the age and the hollow, worldly, hypocritical religion of the court. He, no doubt, transcended at times the bounds of moderation and prudence, as when he denounced the empress Eudoxia as a new Herodias thirsting after the blood of John; but he erred "on virtue's side," and his example of fearless devotion to duty has at all times exerted a most salutary influence upon clergymen in high and influential stations. Neander not inaptly compares his work in the Greek church with that of Spener, the practical reformer in the Lutheran church of the seventeenth century, and calls him a martyr of Christian charity, who fell a victim in the conflict with the worldly spirit of his age.
[2013]

In the pulpit Chrysostom was a monarch of unlimited power over his hearers. His sermons were frequently interrupted by noisy theatrical demonstrations of applause, which he indignantly rebuked as unworthy of the house of God. [2014] He had trained his natural gift of eloquence, which was of the first order, in the school of Demosthenes and Libanius, and ennobled and sanctified it in the higher school of the Holy Spirit. [2015] He was in the habit of making careful preparation for his sermons by the study of the Scriptures, prayer, and meditation; but he knew how to turn to good account unexpected occurrences, and some of his noblest efforts were extemporaneous effusions under the inspiration of the occasion. His ideas are taken from Christian experience and especially from the inexhaustible stores of the Bible, which he made his daily bread, and which he earnestly recommended even to the laity. He took up whole books and explained them in order, instead of confining himself to particular texts, as was the custom after the introduction of the pericopes. His language is noble, solemn, vigorous, fiery, and often overpowering. Yet he was by no means wholly free from the untruthful exaggerations and artificial antitheses, which were regarded at that time as the greatest ornament and highest triumph of eloquence, but which appear to a healthy and cultivated taste as defects and degeneracies. The most eminent French preachers, Bossuet, Massillon, and Bourdaloue, have taken Chrysostom for their model.

By far the most numerous and most valuable writings of this father are the Homilies, over six hundred in number, which he delivered while presbyter at Antioch and while bishop at Constantinople. [2016] They embody his exegesis; and of this they are a rich storehouse, from which the later Greek commentators, Theodoret, Theophylact, and Oecumenius, have drawn, sometimes content to epitomize his expositions. Commentaries, properly so called, he wrote only on the first eight chapters of Isaiah and on the Epistle to the Galatians. But nearly all his sermons on Scripture texts are more or less expository. He has left us homilies on Genesis, the Psalms, the Gospel of Matthew, the Gospel of John, the Acts, and all the Epistles of Paul, including the Epistle to the Hebrews. His homilies on the Pauline Epistles are especially esteemed. [2017]

Besides these expository sermons on whole books of the Scriptures, Chrysostom delivered homilies on separate sections or verses of Scripture, festal discourses, orations in commemoration of apostles and martyrs, and discourses on special occasions. Among the last are eight homilies Against the Jews (against Judaizing tendencies in the church at Antioch), twelve homilies Against the Anomoeans (Arians), and especially the celebrated twenty and one homilies On the Statues, which called forth his highest oratorical powers. [2018] He delivered the homilies on the Statues at Antioch in 387 during a season of extraordinary public excitement, when the people, oppressed by excessive taxation, rose in rebellion, tore down the statues of the emperor Theodosius I., the deceased empress Flacilla, and the princes Arcadius and Honorius, dragged them through the streets, and so provoked the wrath of the emperor that he threatened to destroy the city--a calamity which was avoided by the intercession of bishop Flavian.

The other works of Chrysostom are his youthful treatise on the Priesthood already alluded to; a number of doctrinal and moral essays in defence of the Christian faith, and in commendation of celibacy and the nobler forms of monastic life; [2019] and two hundred and forty-two letters, nearly all written during his exile between 403 and 407. The most important of the letters are two addressed to the Roman bishop Innocent I., with his reply, and seventeen long letters to his friend Olympias, a pious widow and deaconess. They all breathe a noble Christian spirit, not desiring to be recalled from exile, convinced that there is but one misfortune,--departure from the path of piety and virtue, and filled with cordial friendship, faithful care for all the interests of the church, and a calm and cheerful looking forward to the glories of heaven. [2020]

The so-called Liturgy of Chrysostom, which is still in use in the Greek and Russian churches, has been already noticed in the proper place.
[2021]

Among the pupils and admirers of Chrysostom we mention as deserving of special notice two abbots of the first half of the fifth century: the elder Nilus of Sinai, who retired with his son from one of the highest civil stations of the empire to the contemplative solitude of Mount Sinai, while his wife and daughter entered a convent of Egypt; [2022] and Isidore of Pelusium, or Pelusiota, a native of Alexandria, who presided over a convent not far from the mouth of the Nile, and sympathized with Cyril against Nestorius, but warned him against his violent passions. [2023] They are among the worthiest representatives of ancient monasticism, and, in a large number of letters and exegetical and ascetic treatises, they discuss, with learning, piety, judgment, and moderation, nearly all the theological and practical questions of their age. __________________________________________________________________

[2005] Baur(Vorlesungen über die Dogmengeschichte, Bd. i. Abthlg. ii. p. 50) and others erroneously state the year 354 as that of his birth. Comp. Tillemont and Montfaucon (tom. xiii. 91).

[2006] Babai, hoiai para christianois gunaikes eisi . Chrysostom himself relates this of his heathen teacher (by whom undoubtedly we are to understand Libanius), though, it Is true, with immediate reference only to the twenty years' widowhood of his mother; Ad viduam juniorem, Opera, tom. i. p. 340. Comp. the remarks of Montfaucon in the Vita, tom. xiii. 92.

[2007] Peri hierosunes. De sacerdotio libri vi. Separate editions are: That of Frobenius at Basel, 1525, Greek, with a preface by Erasmus; that of Hughes at Cam. bridge, 1710, Greek and Latin, with the Life of Chrysostomby Cave; that of J. A. Bengel, Stuttgart, 1725, Greek and Latin, reprinted at Leipsic in 1825 and 1834; besides several translations into modern languages. Comp. above, § 51, p. 253.

[2008] Compare Tillemont, Montfaucon, and Neander (l.c. i. p. 86 ff.).

[2009] Compare particulars above, § 134.

[2010] Julianof Eclanum had already appealed several times to Chrysostomagainst Augustine, as Augustinenotes Contra Jul., and in the Opus imperfectum.

[2011] Niedner(Geschichte der christl. Kirche, 1846, p. 323, and in his posthumous Lehrbuch, 1866, p. 303) briefly characterizes him thus: "In him we find a most complete mutual interpenetration of theoretical and practical theology, as well as of the dogmatical and ethical elements, exhibited mainly in the fusion of the exegetical and homiletical. Hence his exegesis was guarded against barren philology and dogma; and his pulpit discourse was free from doctrinal abstraction and empty rhetoric. The introduction of the knowledge of Christianity from the sources into the practical life of the people left him little time for the development of special dogmas.

[2012] The toparchoiand huparchoi, the praefect praetorio. Homil. iii. in Acta Apost.

[2013] In his monograph on Chrysostom, vol. i. p. 5.

[2014] This Greek custom of applauding the preacher by clapping the hands and stamping the feet (called krotos, from krouo) was a sign of the secularization of the church after its union with the state. It is characteristic of his age that a powerful sermon of Chrysostomagainst this abuse was most enthusiastically applauded by his hearers!

[2015] Karl Hase(Kirchengeschichte, § 104, seventh edition) truly says of Chrysostomthat "he complemented the sober clearness of the Antiochian exegesis and the rhetorical arts of Libanius with the depth of his warm Christian heart, and that he carried out in his own life, as far as mortal man can do it, the ideal of the priesthood which, in youthful enthusiasm, he once described."

[2016] They are contained in vols. ii.-xii of the Benedictine edition.

[2017] A beautiful edition of the Homilies on the Pauline Epistles in Greek (but without the Latin version) has been recently published in connection with the Oxford Library of the Fathers under the title: S. Joannis Chrysostomi interpretatio omnium Epistolarum Paulinarum per homilias facta, Oxon. 1849-'52, 4 vols. The English translation has already been noticed.

[2018] The Homiliae xii contra Anomoeans de incomprehensibili Dei natura, and the Orationes viii adversus Judaeos are in the first, the Homilies xxi ad populum Antiochenum, de statuis, and the six Orationes de fato et providential in the second volume of the Bened. edition. The Homilies on the Statues are translated into English in the Oxford Library of the Fathers, 1842, 1 volume.

[2019] Ad Theodorum lapsum; Adversus oppugnatores vitae monasticae; Comparatio regis et monachi; De compunctione cordis; De virginitate; Ad viduam juniorem, etc.,--all in the first volume of the Bened. edition together with the vi Libri de Sacerdotio; also in Lomler's selection of Chrys. Opera praestantissima.

[2020] The Epistles are in tom. iii. The Epistolae ad Olympiadem, and ad Innocentium are also included in Lomler's selection (pp. 165-252). On Olympias, compare above, § 52, and especially Tillemont, tom. xi. pp. 416-440.

[2021] See above, § 99.

[2022] Comp. S. P. N. Niliabbatis opera omnia, variorum curis, nempe Leonis Allatii, Petri Possini, etc., edita, nunc primum in unum collecta et ordinata, accurante J. P. Migne, Par. 1860, 1 volume. (Patrol. Gr. tom. 79.)

[2023] Comp. S. Isidori PelusiotaeEpistolarum libri v, ed. Possinus (Jesuit), republished by Migne, Par. 1860. (Patrol. Gr. tom. 78, including the dissertation of H. Ag. Niemeyer: De Isid. Pel. vita, scriptis et doctrina, Hal. 1825.) It is not certain that Isidore was a pupil of Chrysostom, but he frequently mentions him with respect, and was evidently well acquainted with his writings. See the dissertation of Niemeyer, in Migne's ed. p. 15 sq. __________________________________________________________________

§ 171. Cyril of Alexandria.

I. S. Cyrillus, Alex. archiepisc.: Opera omnia, Gr. et Lat., cura et studio Joan. Auberti. Lutetiae, 1638, 6 vols. in 7 fol. The same edition with considerable additions by J. P. Migne, Petit-Montrouge, 1859, in 10 vols. (Patrol. Gr. tom. lxviii-lxxvii.). Comp. Angelo Mai's Nova Bibliotheca Patrum, tom. ii. pp. 1-498 (Rom. 1844), and tom. iii. (Rom. 1845), where several writings of Cyril are printed for the first time, viz.: De incarnatione Domini; Explanatio in Lucam; Homiliae; Excerpta; Fragments of Commentaries on the Psalms, and the Pauline and Catholic Epistles. (These additional works are incorporated in Migne's edition.) Cyrilli Commentarii in Lucca Evangelium quae supersunt, Syriace, e manuscriptis spud museum Britannicum edidit Rob. Payne Smith, Oxonii, 1858. The same also in an English version with valuable notes by R. P. Smith, Oxford, 1859, in 2 vols.

II. Scattered notices of Cyril in Socrates, Marius Mercator, and the Acts of the ecumenical Councils of Ephesus and Chalcedon. Tillemont: Tom. xiv. 267-676, and notes, pp. 747-795. Cellier: Tom. xiii. 241 sqq. Acta Sanctorum: Jan. 28, tom. ii. A. Butler: Jan. 28. Fabricius: Biblioth. Gr. ed. Harless, vol. ix. p. 446 sqq. (The Vita of the Bollandists and the Noticia literaria of Fabricius are also reprinted in Migne's edition of Cyril, tom. i. pp. 1-90.) Schröckh Theil xviii. 313-354. Comp. also the Prefaces of Angelo Mai to tom. ii. of the Nova Bibl. Patrum, and of R. P. Smith to his translation of Cyril's Commentary on Luke.

While the lives and labors of most of the fathers of the church continually inspire our admiration and devotion, Cyril of Alexandria makes an extremely unpleasant, or at least an extremely equivocal, impression. He exhibits to us a man making theology and orthodoxy the instruments of his passions.

Cyrillus became patriarch of Alexandria about the year 412. He trod in the footsteps of his predecessor and uncle, the notorious Theophilus, who had deposed the noble Chrysostom and procured his banishment; in fact, he exceeded Theophilus in arrogance and violence. He had hardly entered upon his office, when he closed all the churches of the Novatians in Alexandria, and seized their ecclesiastical property. In the year 415 he fell upon the synagogues of the very numerous Jews with armed force, because, under provocation of his bitter injustice, they had been guilty of a trifling tumult; he put some to death, and drove out the rest, and exposed their property to the excited multitude.

These invasions of the province of the secular power brought him into quarrel and continual contest with Orestes, the imperial governor of Alexandria. He summoned five hundred monks from the Nitrian mountains for his guard, who publicly insulted the governor. One of them, by the name of Ammon, wounded him with a stone, and was thereupon killed by Orestes. But Cyril caused the monk to be buried in state in a church as a holy martyr to religion, and surnamed him Thaumasios, the Admirable; yet he found himself compelled by the universal disgust of cultivated people to let this act be gradually forgotten.

Cyril is also frequently charged with the instigation of the murder of the renowned Hypatia, a friend of Orestes. But in this cruel tragedy he probably had only the indirect part of exciting the passions of the Christian populace which led to it, and of giving them the sanction of his high office. [2024]

From his uncle he had learned a strong aversion to Chrysostom, and at the notorious Synodus ad Quercum near Chalcedon, a.d. 403, he voted for his deposition. He therefore obstinately resisted the patriarchs of Constantinople and Antioch, when, shortly after the death of Chrysostom, they felt constrained to repeal his unjust condemnation; and he was not even ashamed to compare that holy man to the traitor Judas. Yet he afterwards yielded, at least in appearance, to the urgent remonstrances of Isidore of Pelusium and others, and admitted the name of Chrysostom into the diptychs [2025] of his church (419), and so brought the Roman see again into communication with Alexandria.

From the year 428 to his death in 444 his life was interwoven with the Christological controversies. He was the most zealous and the most influential champion of the anti-Nestorian orthodoxy at the third ecumenical council, and scrupled at no measures to annihilate his antagonist. Besides the weapons of theological learning and acumen, he allowed himself also the use of wilful misrepresentation, artifice, violence, instigation of people and monks at Constantinople, and repeated bribery of imperial officers, even of the emperor's sister Pulcheria. By his bribes he loaded the church property at Alexandria with debt, though he left considerable wealth even to his kindred, and adjured his successor, the worthless Dioscurus, with the most solemn religious ceremonies, not to disturb his heirs. [2026]

His subsequent exertions for the restoration of peace cannot wipe these stains from his character; for he was forced to those exertions by the power of the opposition. His successor Dioscurus, however (after 444), made him somewhat respectable by inheriting all his passions without his theological ability, and by setting them in motion for the destruction of the peace.

Cyril furnishes a striking proof that orthodoxy and piety are two quite different things, and that zeal for pure doctrine may coëxist with an unchristian spirit. In personal character he unquestionably stands far below his unfortunate antagonist. The judgment of the Catholic historians is bound by the authority of their church, which, in strange blindness, has canonized him. [2027] Yet Tillemont feels himself compelled to admit that Cyril did much that is unworthy of a saint.
[2028] The estimate of Protestant historians has been the more severe. The moderate and honest Chr. W. Franz Walch can hardly give him credit for anything good; [2029] and the English historian, H. H. Milman, says he would rather appear before the judgment-seat of Christ, loaded with all the heresies of Nestorius, than with the barbarities of Cyril.
[2030]

But the faults of his personal character should not blind us to the merits of Cyril as a theologian. He was a man of vigorous and acute mind and extensive learning and is clearly to be reckoned among the most important dogmatic and polemic divines of the Greek church. [2031] Of his contemporaries Theodoret alone was his superior. He was the last considerable representative of the Alexandrian theology and the Alexandrian church, which, however, was already beginning to degenerate and stiffen; and thus be offsets Theodoret, who is the most learned representative of the Antiochian school. He aimed to be the same to the doctrine of the incarnation and the person of Christ, that his purer and greater predecessor in the see of Alexandria had been to the doctrine of the Trinity a century before. But he overstrained the supranaturalism and mysticism of the Alexandrian theology, and in his zeal for the reality of the incarnation and the unity of the person of Christ, he went to the brink of the monophysite error; even sustaining himself by the words of Athanasius, though not by his spirit, because the Nicene age had not yet fixed beyond all interchange the theological distinction between ousia and hupostasis. [2032]

And connected with this is his enthusiastic zeal for the honor of Mary as the virgin-mother of God. In a pathetic and turgid eulogy on Mary, which he delivered at Ephesus during the third ecumenical council, he piles upon her predicates which exceed all biblical limits, and border upon idolatry. [2033] "Blessed be thou," says he, "O mother of God! Thou rich treasure of the world, inextinguishable lamp, crown of virginity, sceptre of true doctrine, imperishable temple, habitation of Him whom no space can contain, mother and virgin, through whom He is, who comes in the name of the Lord. Blessed be thou, O Mary, who didst hold in thy womb the Infinite One; thou through whom the blessed Trinity is glorified and worshipped, through whom the precious cross is adored throughout the world, through whom heaven rejoices and angels and archangels are glad, through whom the devil is disarmed and banished, through whom the fallen creature is restored to heaven, through whom every believing soul is saved." [2034] These and other extravagant praises are interspersed with polemic thrusts against Nestorius.

Yet Cyril did not, like Augustine, exempt the Virgin from sin or infirmity, but, like Basil, he ascribed to her a serious doubt at the crucifixion concerning the true divinity of Christ, and a shrinking from the cross, similar to that of Peter, when he was scandalized at the bare mention of it, and exclaimed: "Be it far from thee, Lord!" (Matt. xvi. 22.) In commenting on John xix. 25, Cyril says: The female sex somehow is ever fond of tears, [2035] and given to much lamentation .... It was the purpose of the holy evangelist to teach, that probably even the mother of the Lord Himself took offence [2036] at the unexpected passion; and the death upon the cross, being so very bitter, was near unsettling her from her fitting mind .... Doubt not that she admitted [2037] some such thoughts as these: I bore Him who is laughed at on the wood; but when He said He was the true Son of the Omnipotent God, perhaps somehow He was mistaken. [2038] He said, 'I am the Life;' how then has He been crucified? how has He been strangled by the cords of His murderers? how did He not prevail over the plot of His persecutors? why does He not descend from the cross, since He bade Lazarus to return to life, and filled all Judaea with amazement at His miracles? And it is very natural that woman, [2039] not knowing the mystery, should slide into some such trains of thought. For we should understand, that the gravity of the circumstances of the Passion was enough to overturn even a self-possessed mind; it is no wonder then if woman [2040] slipped into this reasoning." Cyril thus understands the prophecy of Simeon (Luke ii. 35) concerning the sword, which, he says, "meant the most acute pain, cutting down the woman's mind into extravagant thoughts. For temptations test the hearts of those who suffer them, and make bare the thoughts which are in them." [2041]

Aside from his partisan excesses, he powerfully and successfully represented the important truth of the unity of the person of Christ against the abstract dyophysitism of Nestorius.

For this reason his Christological writings against Nestorius and Theodoret are of the greatest importance to the history of doctrine.
[2042] Besides these he has left us a valuable apologetic work, composed in the year 433, and dedicated to the emperor Theodosius II., in refutation of the attack of Julian the Apostate upon Christianity;
[2043] and a doctrinal work on the Trinity and the incarnation. [2044] As an expositor he has the virtues and the faults of the arbitrary allegorizing and dogmatizing method of the Alexandrians, and with all his copiousness of thought he affords far less solid profit than Chrysostom or Theodoret. He has left extended commentaries, chiefly in the form of sermons, on the Pentateuch (or rather on the most important sections and the typical significance of the ceremonial law), on Isaiah, on the twelve Minor Prophets, and on the Gospel of John. [2045] To these must now be added fragments of expositions of the Psalms, and of some of the Epistles of Paul, first edited by Angelo Mai; and a homiletical commentary on the Gospel of Luke, which likewise has but recently become known, first by fragments in the Greek original, and since complete in a Syriac translation from the manuscripts of a Nitrian monastery. [2046] And, finally, the works of Cyril include thirty Easter Homilies (Homiliae paschales), in which, according to Alexandrian custom, he announced the time of Easter; several homilies delivered in Ephesus and elsewhere; and eighty-eight Letters, relating for the most part, to the Nestorian controversies. [2047] __________________________________________________________________

[2024] Comp. above, § 6, p. 67, and Tillemont, tom. xiv. 274-'76. The learned, but superstitious and credulous Roman Catholic hagiographer, Alban Butler (Lives of the Saints, sub Jan. 28), considers Cyril innocent, and appeals to the silence of Orestes and Socrates. But Socrates, H. E. l. vii. c. 15, expressly says of this revolting murder: Touto ou mikron momon Kurillo, kai te ton Alexandreon ekklesia eirgasato, and adds that nothing can be so contrary to the spirit of Christianity as the permission of murders and similar acts of violence. Walch, Schröckh, Gibbon, and Milman incline to hold Cyril responsible for the murder of Hypatia, which was perpetrated under the direction of a reader of his church, by the name of Peter. But the evidence is not sufficient. J. C. Robertson (History of the Christian Church, i. p.
401) more cautiously says: "That Cyril had any share in this atrocity appears to be an unsupported calumny; but the perpetrators were mostly officers of his church, and had unquestionably drawn encouragement from his earlier proceedings; and his character deservedly suffered in consequence." Similarly W. Bright (A History of the Church from 313 to 451, p. 275): "Had there been no onslaught on the syna gogues, there would doubtless have been no murder of Hypatia."

[2025] That is, the diptucha nekron, or two-leaved tablets, with the list of names of distinguished martyrs and bishops, and other persons of merit, of whom mention was to be made in the prayers of the church. The Greek church has retained the use of diptychs to this day.

[2026] Dioscurus, however, did not keep his word, but extorted from the heirs of Cyril immense sums of money, and reduced them to extreme want. So one of Cyril's relatives complained to the Conc, Chalc. Act. iii. in Hardouin, tom. ii. 406). A verification of the Proverb: Ill gotten, ill gone.

[2027] Even the monophysite Copts and Abyssinians celebrate his memory under the abbreviated name of Kerlos, and the title of Doctor of the World.

[2028] Mémoires, xiv. 541: "S. Cyrille est Saint: mais on ne peut pas dire que toutes es actions soient saintes."

[2029] Comp. the description at the close of the fifth volume of his tedious but thorough Ketzerhistorie, where, after recounting the faults of Cyril, he exclaims, p. 932: "Can a man read such a character without a shudder? And yet nothing is fabricated here, nothing overdrawn; nothing is done but to collect what is scattered in history. And what is worst: I find nothing at all that can be said in his praise." Schröckh(l.c. p. 352), in his prolix and loquacious way, gives an equally unfavorable opinion, and the more extols his antagonist Theodoret (p. 355 sqq.), who was a much more learned and pious man, but in his life-time was persecuted, and after his death condemned as a heretic, while Cyril was pronounced a saint.

[2030] History of Latin Christianity, vol. i. p. 210: "Cyril of Alexandria, to those who esteem the stern and uncompromising assertion of certain Christian tenets the one paramount Christian virtue, may be the hero, even the saint: but while ambition, intrigue, arrogance, rapacity, and violence, are proscribed as unchristian means--barbarity, persecution, bloodshed, as unholy and unevangelic wickednesses--posterity will condemn the orthodox Cyril as one of the worst heretics against the spirit of the Gospel. Who would not meet the judgment of the divine Redeemer loaded with the errors of Nestorius rather than the barbarities of Cyril?"

[2031] Baur(Vorlesungen über Dogmengeschichte, i. ii. p. 47) says of Cyril: "The current estimate of him is not altogether just. As a theologian he must be placed higher than he usually is. He remained true to the spirit of the Alexandrian theology, particularly in his predilection for the allegorical and the mystical, and he had a doctrine consistent with itself."

[2032] This is not considered by R. P. Smith, when, in the Preface to his English translation of Cyril's Commentary on the Gospel of Luke from the Syriac (p. v.), he says, that Cyril never transcended Athanasius' doctrine of mia phusis tou Theoulogou sesarkomene, and that both are irreconcilable with the dogma of Chalcedon, which rests upon the Antiochian theology. Comp. §§ 137-140, above.

[2033] Encomium in sanctam Mariam Deiparam, in tom. v. Pars ii. p. 880 (in Migne's ed. tom. x. 1029 sqq.).

[2034] Di hes pasa pnoe pisteuousa sozetai
[2035] Philodakru
[2036] Eskandalise pathos.
[2037] Eisedexato.

[2038] All huion heauton alethinon einai legon tou panton kratountos Theou, tacha pou kai diesphalleto.

[2039] Or woman's nature, to gunaion, which is sometimes used in a contemptuous sense, like the German Weibsbild.

[2040] To gunaion.

[2041] Cyril, in Joann. lib. xii. (in Migne's ed. of Cyril, vol. vii. col. 661 sq.). Dr. J. H. Newman(in his Letter to Dr. Pusey on his Eirenicon, Lond. 1866, p. 136) escapes the force of the argument of this and similar passages of Basil and Chrysostomagainst the Roman Mariolatry by the sophistical distinction, that they are not directed against the Virgin's person, so much as against her nature (to gunaion), of which the fathers had the low estimation then prevalent, looking upon womankind as the "varium et mutabile semper," and knowing little of that true nobility which is exemplified in the females of the Germanic races, and in those of the old Jewish stock, Miriam, Deborah, Judith, Susanna. But it was to the human nature of Mary, and not to human nature in the abstract, that Cyril, whether right or wrong, attributed a doubt concerning the true divinity of her Son. I think there is no warrant for such a supposition in the accounts of the crucifixion, and the sword in the prophecy of Simeon means anguish rather than doubt. But this makes the antagonism of these Greek fathers with the present Roman Mariology only the more striking. Newman(l.c. p.
144) gratuitously assumes that the tradition of the sinlessness of the holy Virgin was obliterated and confused at Antioch and New Caesarea by the Arian troubles. But this would apply at best only to Chrysostomand Basil, and not to Cyril of Alexandria, who lived half a century after the defeat of Arianism at the second ecumenical council, and who was the leading champion of the theotokos in the Nestorian controversy. Besides there is no clear trace of the doctrine of the sinlessness of Mary before St. Augustine, either among the Greek or Latin fathers; for the tradition of Mary as the second Eve does not necessarily imply that doctrine, and was associated in Irenaeus and Tertullianwith views similar to those expressed by Basil, Chrysostom, and Cyril. Comp. §§ 81 and 82, above.

[2042] Adversus Nestorii blasphemias contradictionum libri v (Kata ton Nestoriou dusphemion pentabiblos antirrhetos); Explanatio xii capitum s. anathematismorum (Epilusis ton dodeka kephalaion); Apologeticus pro xii capitibus adversus Orientales episcopos; Contra Theodoretum pro xii capitibus--all in the last volume of the edition of Aubert (in Migne, in tom. ix.).

[2043] Contra Julianum Apostatam libri x, tom. vi. in Aubert (tom. ix. in Migne); also in Spanheim's Opera Juliani. Comp. §§ 4 and 9, above.

[2044] De S. Trinitate, et de incarnatione Unigeniti, etc., tom. v. Pars i. Not to be confounded with the spurious work Detrinitate, in tom. vi. 1-35, which combats the monothelite heresy, and is therefore of much later origin.

[2045] Tom. i.-iv.

[2046] By Angelo Mai and R. P. Smith. See the Literature above.

[2047] The Homilies and Letters in tom. v. Pars ii. ed. Aubert (in Migne, with additions, in tom. x.). __________________________________________________________________

§ 172. Ephraem the Syrian.

I. S. Ephraem Syrus: Opera omnia quae exstant Greece, Syriace, Latine, in sex tomos distributa, ad MSS. codices Vaticanos aliosque castigata, etc.: nunc primum, sub auspiciis S. P. Clementis XII. Pontificis Max. e Bibl. Vaticana prodeunt. Edited by the celebrated Oriental scholar J.
S. Assemani (assisted by his nephew Stephen Evodius Assemani, 1732-'43, 6 vols. and the Maronite Jesuit Peter Benedict). Romae, fol. (vols. i.-iii. contain the Greek and Latin translations; vols. iv.-vi., which are also separately numbered i.-iii., the Syriac writings with a Latin version). Supplementary works edited by the Mechitarists, Venet. 1836, 4 vols. 8 vo. The hymns of Ephraem have also been edited by Aug. Hahn and Fr. L. Sieffert: Chrestomathia Syriaca sive S. Ephraemi carmina selecta, notis criticis, philologicis, historicis, et glossario locupletissimo illustr., Lips. 1825; and by Daniel: Thes. hymn. tom. iii. (Lips. 1855) pp. 139-268. German translation by Zingerle: Die heil. Muse der Syrer. Innsbruck, 1830. English translation by Henry Burgess: Select metrical Hymns and Homilies of Ephr. Syrus, transl. Lond. 1853, 2 vols. 12 mo. Comp. § 114, above.

II. Gregorius Nyss.: Vita et encomium S. Ephr. Syr. (in Opera Greg. ed. Paris. 1615, tom. ii. pp. 1027-1048; or in Migne's ed. of Greg. tom. iii. 819-850, and in Ephr. Op. tom. i.). The Vita per Metaphrastem; several anonymous biographies; the Testimonia veterum and Judicia recentiorum; the Dissertation de rebus gestis, scriptis, editionibusque Ephr. Syr., etc., all in the first volume, and the Acta Ephraemi Syriaca auctore anonymo, in the sixth volume, of Assemani's edition of the Opera Ephr. Jerome: Cat. vir. ill.c. 115. Sozomen: H. E. iii. c. 16; vi. 34. Theodoret: H. E. iv. 29. Acta Sanctorum for Fehr. i. (Antw. 1658), pp. 67-78. Butler: The Lives of the Saints, sub July 9. W. Cave: Lives of the Fathers, &c. Vol. iii. 404-412 (Oxford ed. of 1840). Fabricius: Bibl. Gr. (reprinted in Assemani's ed. of the Opera i. lxiii. sqq.). Lengerke: De Ephraemo Syro S. Scripturae interprete, Hal. 1828; De Ephr. arte hermeneutica, Regiom. 1831. Alsleben: Das Leben des h. Ephraem. Berlin, 1853. E. Rödiger: Art. Ephräm in Herzog's Encykl. vol. iv. (1855), p. 85 ff.

Before we leave the Oriental fathers, we must give a sketch of Ephraem or Ephraim [2048] the most distinguished divine, orator, and poet, of the ancient Syrian church. He is called "the pillar of the church," "the teacher," "the prophet, of the Syrians," and as a hymn-writer "the guitar of the Holy Ghost." His life was at an early date interwoven with miraculous legends, and it is impossible to sift the truth from pious fiction.

He was born of heathen parents in Mesopotamia (either at Edessa or at Nisibis) in the beginning of the fourth century, and was expelled from home by his father, a priest of the god Abnil, for his leaning to Christianity. [2049] He went to the venerated bishop and confessor Jacob of Nisibis, who instructed and probably also baptized him, took him to the council of Nicaea in 325, and employed him as teacher. He soon acquired great celebrity by his sacred learning, his zealous orthodoxy, and his ascetic piety. In 363, after the cession of Nisibis to the Persians, he withdrew to Roman territory, and settled in Edessa, which about that time became the chief seat of Christian learning in Syria. [2050] He lived a hermit in a cavern near the city, and spent his time in ascetic exercises, in reading, writing, and preaching to the monks and the people with great effect. He acquired complete mastery over his naturally violent temper, he denied himself all pleasures, and slept on the bare ground. He opposed the remnants of idolatry in the surrounding country, and defended the Nicene orthodoxy against all classes of heretics. He made a journey to Egypt, where he spent several years among the hermits. He also visited, by divine admonition, Basil the Great at Caesarea, who ordained him deacon. Basil held him in the highest esteem, and afterwards sent two of his pupils to Edessa to ordain him bishop; but Ephraem, in order to escape the responsible office, behaved like a fool, and the messengers returned with the report that he was out of his mind. Basil told them that the folly was on their side, and Ephraem was a man full of divine wisdom.

Shortly before his death, when the city of Edessa was visited by a severe famine, Ephraem quitted his solitary cell and preached a powerful sermon against the rich for permitting the poor to die around them, and told them that their wealth would ruin their soul, unless they made good use of it. The rich men felt the rebuke, and intrusted him with the distribution of their goods. Ephraem fitted up about three hundred beds, and himself attended to the sufferers, whether they were foreigners or natives, till the calamity was at an end. Then he returned to his cell, and a few days after, about the year 379, he expired, soon following his friend Basil.

Ephraem, says Sozomen, attained no higher clerical degree than that of deacon, but his attainments in virtue rendered him equal in reputation to those who rose to the highest sacerdotal dignity, while his holy life and erudition made him an object of universal admiration. He left many disciples who were zealously attached to his doctrines. The most celebrated of them were Abbas, Zenobius, Abraham, Maras, and Simeon, whom the Syrians regard as the glory of their country. [2051]

Ephraem was an uncommonly prolific author. His fertility was prophetically revealed to him in his early years by the vision of a vine which grew from the root of his tongue, spreading in every direction to the ends of the earth, and was loaded with new and heavier clusters the more it was plucked. His writings consist of commentaries on the Scriptures, homilies, ascetic tracts, and sacred poetry. The commentaries and hymns, or metrical prose, are preserved in the Syriac original, and have an independent philological value for Oriental scholars. The other writings exist only in Greek, Latin, and Armenian translations. Excellent Greek translations were known and extensively read so early as the time of Chrysostom and Jerome. His works furnish no clear evidence of his knowledge of the Greek language; some writers assert his acquaintance with Greek, others deny it. [2052]

His commentaries extended over the whole Bible, "from the book of creation to the last book of grace," as Gregory of Nyssa says. We have his commentaries on the historical and prophetical books of the Old Testament and the Book of Job in Syriac, and his commentaries on the Epistles of Paul in an Armenian translation. [2053] They have been but little used thus far by commentators. He does not interpret the text from the original Hebrew, but from the old Syriac translation, the Peshito. [2054]

His sermons and homilies, of which, according to Photius, he composed more than a thousand, are partly expository, partly polemical, against Jews, heathen, and heretics. [2055] They evince a considerable degree of popular eloquence; they are full of pathos, exclamations, apostrophes, antitheses, illustrations, severe rebuke, and sweet comfort, according to the subject; but also full of exaggerations, bombast, prolixity, and the superstitious of his age, such as the over-estimate of ascetic virtue, and excessive veneration of the Virgin Mary, the saints, and relics. [2056] Some of his sermons were publicly read after the Bible lesson in many Oriental and even Occidental churches. [2057]

His hymns were intended to counteract the influence of the heretical views of Bardesanes and his son Harmonius, which spread widely by means of popular Syrian songs. "When Ephraem perceived," says Sozomen, "that the Syrians were charmed with the elegant diction and melodious versification of Harmonius, he became apprehensive, lest they should imbibe the same opinions; and therefore, although he was ignorant of Greek learning, he applied himself to the study of the metres of Harmonius, and composed similar poems in accordance with the doctrines of the church, and sacred hymns in praise of holy men. From that period the Syrians sang the odes of Ephraem, according to the method indicated by Harmonius." Theodoret gives a similar account, and says, that the hymns of Ephraem combined harmony and melody with piety, and subserved all the purposes of valuable and efficacious medicine against the heretical hymns of Harmonius. It is reported that he wrote no less than three hundred thousand verses. [2058] But, with the exception of his commentaries, all his Syriac works are written in verse, i.e., in lines of an equal number of syllables, and with occasional rhyme and assonance, though without regular metre. [2059]

II.--The Latin Fathers. __________________________________________________________________

[2048] The Greeks spell his name Ephraim,,, the Latins Ephraem.

[2049] This is the account of the Syriac Acta Ephraemi, in the sixth volume of the Opera p. xxiii sqq. But according to another account, which is followed by Butler and Cave, his parents were Christians, and dedicated him to God from the cradle.

[2050] On the early history of Christianity in Edessa, compare W. Cureton: Ancient Syriac Documents relative to the earliest Establishment of Christianity in Edessa and the neighboring Countries, from the Year after our Lord's Ascension to the Beginning of the Fourth Century. Lond. 1866.

[2051] Sozomen, H. E. iii. 16. Cave(I. c. iii. 409) says of him: "He had all the virtues that can render a man great and excellent, and this that crowned all the rest, that he would not know it, nor cared to hear of it; being desirous, as Nyssen tells us, ou dokein, all einai chrestos, not to seem, but to be really good."

[2052] Sozomen and Theodoret expressly say that Ephraem was not acquainted with the Greek language, but used the Syriac "as a medium for reflecting the rays of divine grace." According to the legend he was miraculously endowed with the knowledge of the Greek on his visit to Basil, who was in like manner inspired to greet him in Syriac.

[2053] Opera, tom. iv. and v., or vol. i. and ii. of the Opera Syr., and the supplements of the Mechitarists.

[2054] He refers, however, occasionally to the original, as, for instance, ad Gen. i. 1: Interjecta particula 't , quae in Hebraico textu hac loco legitur, idem valet, quod Syriacus articulus ." (Opera, vi. 116.) But such references prove no more than a superficial knowledge of Hebrew.

[2055] Opera, tom. i. ii. iii. and iv. Compare Photius, Bibl. Cod. 196.

[2056] There is even a prayer to the holy Virgin (in Latin only) in his Works, tom. iii. p. 577; if it be genuine; for there are no other clear traces of such prayers before the fifth century. Mary is there addressed as "immaculata ... atque ab omni sorde ac labe peccati alienissima, virgo Dei sponsa, ac Domina nostra, " etc.

[2057] Hieron, De script. eccl.c.115,

[2058] Sozomen, iii. 16: triakosia muriada epon, --epeand stichoiis equivalent to verses or lines. Origen says of the Book of Job that it contains nearly 10,000 epe.

[2059] Comp. Rödiger, in Herzog's Encycl. vol. iv. p. 89, and the Observationes prosodicae of Hahnand Sieffertin their Chrestomathia Syriaca. __________________________________________________________________

§ 173. Lactantius.

I. Lactantius, Lucius Caecilius Firmianus: Opera. First edition in venerabili monasterio Sublacensi, 1465. (Brunet: "Livre précieux, qui est en même temps la première édition de Lactance, et le premier ouvrage impr. en Italia avec date.") Later editions by J. L. Brünemann, Lips. 1739; Le Brun and N. Lenglet Du Fresnoy, Par. 1748, 2 vols. 4to;
F. E. a S. Xaverio, Rom. 1754-'9, and Migne, Par. 1844, in 2 vols. A convenient manual edition by O. Fridol. Fritzsche, in Gersdorf's Bibliotheca Patrum ecclesiast. selecta, Lips. 1842, vol. x. and xi.

II. The introductory essays to the editions. Jerome: Cat. vir. illustr. c. 80. Notices in Dupin, Ceillier, Cave (Vol. iii. pp. 373-384), Schönemann (Biblioth. Patr. Lat. i. 177 sqq.), &c. Möhler: Patrologie, i. pp. 917-933. On the Christology of Lactantius, comp. Dorner: Entwicklungsgeschichte der Lehre Von der Person Christi. Th. i. p. 761 ff.

Firmiamus Lactantius stands among the Latin fathers, like Eusebius among the Greek, on the border between the second period and the third, and unites in his reminiscences the personal experience of both the persecution and the victory of the church in the Roman empire; yet in his theological views he belongs rather to the ante-Nicene age.

According to his own confession he sprang from heathen parents. He was probably, as some have inferred from his name, a native of Firmum (Fermo) in Italy; he studied in the school of the rhetorician and apologist Arnobius of Sicca, and on this account has been taken by some for an African; he made himself known by a poetical work called Symposion, a collection of a hundred riddles in hexameters for table amusement; and he was called to Nicomedia by Dioclesian to teach Latin eloquence. But as this city was occupied mostly by Greeks, he had few hearers, and devoted himself to authorship. [2060] In his manhood, probably shortly before or during the persecution under Dioclesian, he embraced Christianity; he was witness of the cruel scenes of that persecution, though not himself a sufferer in it; and he wrote in defence of the hated and reviled religion.

Constantine subsequently (after 312) brought him to his court in Gaul, and committed to him the education of his son Crispus, whom the emperor caused to be executed in 326. At court he lived very simply, and withstood the temptations of luxury and avarice. He is said to have died in the imperial residence at Treves at a great age, about the year 330.

Jerome calls Lactantius the most learned man of his time. [2061] His writings certainly give evidence of varied and thorough knowledge, of fine rhetorical culture, and particularly of eminent power of statement in clear, pure, and elegant style. In this last respect he surpasses almost all the Latin fathers, except Jerome, and has not unjustly been called the Christian Cicero. [2062] His is the famous derivation of the word religion from religare, defining it as the reunion of man with God, reconciliation; answering to the nature of Christianity, and including the three ideas of an original unity, a separation by sin, and a restoration of the unity again. [2063]

But he is far more the rhetorician than the philosopher or theologian, and, as Jerome observes, has greater skill in the refutation of error than in the establishment of truth. The doctrinal matter of his writings, as in the case of his preceptor Arnobius, is very vague and unsatisfactory, and he does not belong to the narrower circle of the fathers, the authoritative teachers of the church. Pope Gelasius counted his works among the apocrypha, i.e., writings not ecclesiastically received.

Notwithstanding this, his Institutes, on account of their elegant style, have been favorite reading, and are said to have appeared in more than a hundred editions. His mistakes and errors in the exposition of points of Christian doctrine do not amount to heresies, but are mostly due to the crude and unsettled state of the church doctrine at the time. In the doctrine of sin he borders upon Manichaeism. In anthropology and soteriology he follows the synergism which, until Augustine, was almost universal. In the doctrine of the Trinity he was, like most of the ante-Nicene fathers, subordinationist. He taught a duplex nativitas of Christ, one at the creation, and one at the incarnation. Christ went forth from God at the creation, as a word from the mouth, yet hypostatically. [2064]

His most important work is his Divine Institutes, a comprehensive refutation of heathenism and defence of Christianity, designed to make Christianity better known among the cultivated classes, and to commend it by scholarship and attractive style. [2065] He seems to have begun the work during the Dioclesianic persecution, but afterwards to have enlarged and improved it about the year 321; for he dedicated it to the emperor, whom he celebrates as the first Christian prince. [2066]

To the same apologetic purpose was his work De morte, or mortibus, persecutorum, which is of some importance to the external history of the church. [2067] It describes with minute knowledge, but in vehement tone, the cruel persecutions of the Christians from Nero to Dioclesian, Galerius, and Maximinus (314), and the divine judgments on the persecutors, who were compelled to become involuntary witnesses to the indestructible power of Christianity.

In his book De opificio Dei [2068] he gives observations on the organization of the human nature, and on the divine wisdom displayed in it.

In the treatise De ira Dei [2069] he shows that the punitive justice of God necessarily follows from his abhorrence of evil, and is perfectly compatible with his goodness; and he closes with an exhortation to live such a life that God may ever be gracious to us, and that we may never have to fear his wrath.

We have also from Lactantius various Fragmenta and Carmina de Phoenice, de Passione Domini, de resurrectione Domini, and one hundred Aenigmata, each of three hexameters. [2070] __________________________________________________________________

[2060] He says of his heathen life, Inst. div. i. 1, that he trained youth by his "non ad virtutem, sed plane ad argutam malitiam."

[2061] Catal.c.80: "Lact. vir omnium suo tempore eruditissimus." In Ep. 58 ad Paulinum (ed. Vall.), c. 10, he gives the following just view of him: "Lact. quasi quidam fluvius eloquentiae Tullianae, utinam tam nostra affirmare potuisset, quam facile aliena destruxit." O. Friedol. Fritzsche, in the Praefatio of his edition of his Opera, thus estimates him: "Firm. Lactantius, qui Ciceronis felicissimus exstitit imitator, non solum sermonis castitate et elegantia orationisque flumine, sed, qua erat summa eruditione, rerum etiam copia et varietate inter reliquos ecclesiae latinae scriptores maxime eminuit, eoque factum est, ut, quamvis doctrinam ejus non satis esse sanam viros pios haud lateret, nunquam tamen prorsus negligeretur."

[2062] Or, as Jerome, l. c., calls him: "Fluvius eloquentiae Tullianae."

[2063] Instit. div. l. iv. cap. 28 (vol. i. p. 223, ed. Fritzsche): "Hoc vinculo pietatis obstricti Deo et religati sumus; unde ipsa religio nomen accepit, non ut Cicero interpretatus est, a relegendo" Cicero says, De natura deorum, ii. 28: "Qui omnia quae ad cultum deorum pertinerent, diligenter retmetarent et tamquam relegerent, religiosi dicti sunt ex relegendo, ut elegantes ex eligendo, itemque ex diligendo diligentes." This derivation is not impossible, since we have legio from legere, and several nouns ending in io from verbs of the third conjugation, as regio, contagio, oblivio. But the derivation of Lactantius gives a more correct and profound idea of religion, and etymologically it is equally admissible; for although religare would rather yield the noun religatio, yet we have optio from optare, rebellio from rebellare interneciofrom internecare, &c. Augustine(Retract. i. 13), Jerome(Ad Amos, c. 9), and the majority of Christian divines have adopted the definition of Lactantius.

[2064] According to a statement of Jerome(Ep. 41 ad Pammach. et Ocean.) he denied the personality of the Holy Ghost.

[2065] Institutionum divinarum libri vii. The title was chosen with reference to the Institutiones juris civilis (i. 1). The several books then bear the following superscriptions: 1. De falsa religione; 2. De origine erroris; 3. De fan sapientia; 4. De vera sapientia; 5. De justitia; 6. De vero cultu; 7. De vita beata. Lactantius himself made an abstract of it under the title: Epitome ad Pentadium fratrem, in Fritzsche, Pars ii. pp. 114-171.

[2066] L. i. c. 1: "Quod opus nunc nominis tui auspicio inchoamus, Constantineimperator maxims, qui primus Romanorum principum, repudiatis erroribus, majestatem Dei singularis ac veri cognovisti et honorasti, " &c. This passage, by the way, does not appear in all the codices. Comp. the note in the ed. of Fritzsche, Pars i. p. 3.

[2067] In the ed. of Fritzsche, P. ii. pp. 248-286. This work is wanting in the earlier editions, and also in several manuscripts, and is therefore sometimes denied to Lactantius, e.g., by Dom de Nourry, in a learned dissertation on this question, reprinted in the Appendix to the second volume of Migne's edition of Lactantius, p. 839 sqq. But its style, upon the whole, agrees with his; the work entirely suits his time and circumstances; and it is probably the same that Jeromecites under the name De persecutions. Jac. Burckhardt, in his monograph on Constantinethe Great, 1853, treats this book throughout as an untrustworthy romance, but without proof, and with an obvious aversion to all the fathers, similar to that of Gibbon.

[2068] In the ed. of Fritzsche, Pars ii. pp. 172-208.

[2069] Ibid. ii. 208-247.

[2070] Ibid. ii. p. 286 sqq. Other works of Lactantius, cited by Jerome, are lost. __________________________________________________________________

§ 174. Hilary of Poitiers.

I. S. Hilarius Pictaviensis: Opera, studio et labore monach. S. Benedicti e congreg. S. Mauri. Paris, 1693, 1 vol. fol. The same ed. enlarged and improved by Scip. Maffei, Verona, 1730, 2 vols. fol. (reprinted in Venice, 1749). Am ed. by Fr. Overthür, Wirceburgi, 1785-'88, 4 vols.; and one by Migne, Petit-Montrouge, 1844-'45, in 2 vols. (Patrol. Lat. tom. ix. and x.).

II. The Praefatio et Vitae in the first vol. of the ed. of Maffei, and Migne (tom. i. 125 sqq.). Hieronymus: De viris illustr. c. 100. Tillemont (tom. vii.); Ceillier (tom. v.); and Butler, sub Jan. 14. Kling, in Herzog's Encykl. vi. 84 ff. On the Christology of Hilary, comp. especially Dorner, Entwicklungsgeschichte, i. 1037 ff.

Hilary of Poitiers, or Pictaviensis, so named from his birth-place and subsequent bishopric in Southwestern France, and so distinguished from other men of the same name, [2071] was especially eminent in the Arian controversies for his steadfast confession and powerful defence of the orthodox faith, and has therefore been styled the "Athanasius of the West."

He was born towards the end of the third century, and embraced Christianity in mature age, with his wife and his daughter Apra. [2072] He found in the Holy Scriptures the solution of the riddle of life, which he had sought in vain in the writings of the philosophers. In the year 350 he became bishop of his native city, and immediately took a very decided stand against Arianism, which was at that time devastating the Gallic church. For this he was banished by Constantius to Phrygia in Asia Minor, where Arianism ruled. Here, between 356 and 361, he wrote his twelve books on the Trinity, the main work of his life.
[2073] He was recalled to Gaul, then banished again, and spent the last years of his life in rural retirement till his death in 368.

We have from him, besides the theological work already mentioned several smaller polemic works against Arianism, viz., On Synods, or the Faith of the Orientals (358); fragments of a history of the Synod of Ariminum and Seleucia; a tract against the Arian emperor Constantius, and one against the Arian bishop Auxentius of Milan. He wrote also Commentaries on the Psalms (incomplete), and the Gospel of Matthew, which are partly a free translation of Origen, [2074] and some original hymns, which place him next to Ambrose among the lyric poets of the ancient church.

Hilary was a man of thorough biblical knowledge, theological depth and acuteness, and earnest, efficient piety. He had schooled himself in the works of Origen and Athanasius, but was at the same time an independent thinker and investigator. His language is often obscure and heavy, but earnest and strong, recalling Tertullian. He had to reproduce the profound thoughts of Athanasius and other Greek fathers in the Latin language, which is far less adapted to speculation than the copious, versatile, finely-shaded Greek. The incarnation of God was to him, as it was to Athanasius, the centre of theology and of the Christian life. He had an effective hand in the development of the dogma of the consubstantiality of the Son with the Father, and the dogma of the person of Christ. In this he was specially eminent for his fine use of the Gospel of John. But he could not get clear of subordinationism, nor call the Holy Ghost downright God. His Pneumatology, as well as his anthropology and soteriology, was, like that of all the fathers before Augustine, comparatively crude. In Christology he saw farther and deeper than many of his contemporaries. He made the distinction clear between the divine and the human in Christ, and yet held firmly to the unity of His person. He supposes a threefold birth of the Son of God: the eternal generation in the bosom of the Father, to whom the Son is equal in essence and glory; the incarnation, the humiliation of Himself to the form of a servant from the free impulse of love; and the birth of the Son of God out of the Son of Man in the resurrection, the transfiguration of the form of a servant into the form of God, at once showing forth again the full glory of God, and realizing the idea of humanity. [2075] __________________________________________________________________

[2071] As Hilarius Arelatensis ( 449), celebrated for his contest with pope Leo I.

[2072] We have from him an Epistola ad Apram (or Abram in other manuscripts), filiam suam, written in 358, in tom. ii. 549 (ed. Migne). He sent to her his famous morning hymn: "Lucia largitor splendide."

[2073] De trinitate libri xii. (tom. i. 26-472, ed. Migne).

[2074] Jerome(De viris illustr. c. 100) says of his Commentary on the Psalms: "In quo opere imitatus Origenem, nonnulla etiam de suo addidit," and of the Commentary on Matthew and the tract on Job: "Quos de Graeco Origenis ad sensum transtulit."

[2075] Klingsays, l.c. p. 94: "Hilaryholds a most important place in the development of Christology, and his massive analysis contains fruitful germs which in the succeeding centuries have been only in part developed; profound and comprehensive thoughts, the stimulating and fertilizing power of which reaches down even into our own time; nor need our time be ashamed to learn from this ancient master, as well as from other teachers of that age." __________________________________________________________________

§ 175. Ambrose.

I. S. Ambrosius Mediolanensis episcopus: Opera ad manuscriptos codices Vaticanos, Gallicanos, Belgicos, &c., emendata, studio et labore monachorum ord. S. Benedicti e congreg. S. Mauri (Jac. du Fricke et Nic. de Nourry). Paris. 1686-'90, 2 vols. fol. This edition was reprinted at Venice, 1748-'51, in 4 vols. fol., and in 1781 in 8 vols. 4to, and by Abbé Migne in his Patrol., Petit-Montrouge, 1843, 2 tom. in 4 Parts with some additions. The Libri tres de officiis, and the Hexaëmeron of Ambrose have also been frequently published separately. A convenient edition of both is included in Gersdorf's Bibliotheca Patrum Latinorum selecta, vols. viii. and ix. Lips. 1839. His hymns are found also in Daniel's Thesaurus hymnolog tom. i. p. 12 sqq.

II. Paulinus (deacon of Milan and secretary of Ambrose): Vita S. Ambrosii (written by request of St. Augustine, derived from personal knowledge, from Marcella, sister of Ambrose, and several friends). The Vita of an anonymous writer, in Greek and Latin, in the Bened. ed. of the Opera. Both in the Appendix to tom. ii. ed. Benedictinae. Benedictini Editores: Vita Ambrosii ex ejus potissimum scriptis collecta et secundum chronologiae ordinem digesta, in the Bened. ed., in the Appendix to tom. ii., and in Migne's reprint, tom. i. (very thorough and instructive). Comp. also the Selecta veterum testimonia de
S. Ambr. in the same editions. The biographies of Hermant (1678), Tillemont (tom. x. pp. 78-306), Vagliano (Sommario degli archivescovi di Milano), Butler (sub Dec. 7), Schröckh, Böhringer, J. P. Silbert (Das Leben des heiligen Ambrosius, Wien, 1841).

Ambrose, son of the governor (praefectus) of Gaul, which was one of the three great dioceses of the Western empire, was born at Treves (Treviri) about 340, educated at Rome for the highest civil offices, and after greatly distinguishing himself as a rhetorician, was elected imperial president (praetor) of Upper Italy; whereupon Probus, prefect of Italy, gave him the remarkable advice, afterwards interpreted as an involuntary prophecy: "Go, and act not the judge, but the bishop." He administered this office with justice and mildness, enjoying universal esteem.

The episcopal chair of Milan, the second capital of Italy, and frequently the residence of the emperors, was at that time occupied by the Cappadocian, Auxentius, the head of the Arian party in the West. Soon after the arrival of Ambrose, Auxentius died. A division then arose among the people in the choice of a successor, and a dangerous riot threatened. The governor considered it his duty to allay the storm. But while he was yet speaking to the people, the voice of a child suddenly rang out: "Let Ambrose be bishop!" It seemed a voice of God, and Arians and Catholics cried, Amen.

Ambrose was at that time a catechumen, and therefore not even baptized. He was terrified, and seized all possible, and even most eccentric, means to escape the responsible office. He was obliged to submit, was baptized, and eight days afterwards, in 374, was consecrated bishop of Milan. His friend, Basil the Great of Caesarea, was delighted that God had chosen such a man to so important a post, who counted noble birth, wealth, and eloquence loss, that he might win Christ.

From this time forward Ambrose lived wholly for the church, and became one of the greatest bishops of ancient Christendom, full of Roman dignity, energy, and administrative wisdom, and of the unction of the Holy Ghost. He began his work with the sale of his great estates and of his gold and silver for the benefit of the poor; reserving an allowance for his pious sister Marcella or Marcellina, who in early youth had taken the vow of virginity. With voluntary poverty he associated the strictest regimen of the ascetic spirit of his time; accepted no invitations to banquets; took dinner only on Sunday, Saturday, and the festivals of celebrated martyrs; devoted the greater part of the night to prayer, to the hitherto necessarily neglected study of the Scriptures and the Greek fathers, and to theological writing; preached every Sunday, and often in the week; was accessible to all, most accessible to the poor and needy; and administered his spiritual oversight, particularly his instruction of catechumens, with the greatest fidelity.

The Arians he vigorously opposed by word and act, and contributed to the victory of the Nicene faith in the West. In this work he behaved himself towards the Arian empress Justina with rare boldness, dignity, and consistency, in the heroic spirit of an Athanasius. The court demanded the cession of a catholic church for the use of the Arians, and claimed for them equal rights with the orthodox. But Ambrose asserted the entire independence of the church towards the state, and by perseverance came off victorious in the end. It was his maxim, that the emperor is in the church, but not over the church, and therefore has no right to the church buildings.

He did not meddle in secular matters, nor ask favor of the magistracy, except when he could put in a word of intercession for the unfortunate and for persons condemned to death in those despotic times. This enabled him to act the more independently in his spiritual office, as a real prince of the church, fearless even of the emperor himself. Thus he declared to the usurper Maximus, who desired church fellowship, that he would never admit him, unless he should do sincere penance for the murder of the emperor Gratian.

When the Roman prefect, Symmachus, the noblest and most eloquent advocate of the decaying heathenism of his time, implored the emperor Valentinian, in an apology for the altar of Victory which stood in the hall of the Roman senate, to tolerate the worship and the sanctuaries of the ancient gods, Ambrose met him with an admirable reply, and prevented the granting of his request.

The most imposing appearance of our bishop against the temporal power was in his dealing with Theodosius, when this truly great, but passionate and despotic, emperor, enraged at Thessalonica for a riot, had caused many thousand innocent persons to be put to death with the guilty, and Ambrose, interesting himself for the unfortunate, like a Nathan with David, demanded repentance of the emperor, and refused him the holy communion. "How wilt thou," said he to him in the vestibule of the church, "how wilt thou lift up in prayer the hands still dripping with the blood of the murdered? How wilt thou receive with such hands the most holy body of the Lord? How wilt thou bring to thy mouth his precious blood? Get thee away, and dare not to heap crime upon crime." When Theodosius appealed to David's murder and adultery, the bishop answered: "Well, if thou hast imitated David in sin, imitate him also in repentance." [2076] The emperor actually submitted to ecclesiastical discipline, made public confession of his sin, and did not receive absolution until he had issued a law that the sentence of death should never be executed till thirty days after it was pronounced. [2077]

From this time the relation between Ambrose and Theodosius continued undisturbed, and the emperor is reported to have said afterwards with reference to the bishop, that he had recently found the first man who told him the truth, and that he knew only one man who was worthy to be bishop. He died in the arms of Ambrose at Milan in 395. The bishop delivered his funeral oration in which he tells, to his honor, that on his dying bed he was more concerned for the condition of the church than for himself, and says to the soldiers: "The faith of Theodosius was your victory; let your truth and faith be the strength of his sons. Where unbelief is, there is blindness, but where fidelity is, there is the host of angels."

Two years after this, Ambrose himself was fatally sick. All Milan was in terror. When he was urged to pray God for a lengthening of his life, he answered: "I have so lived among you that I cannot be ashamed to live longer; but neither do I fear to die; for we have a good Lord." During his sickness he had miraculous intimations and heard heavenly voices, and he himself related that Christ appeared to him smiling. His notary and biographer, the deacon Paulinus, who adorns his life throughout with miraculous incidents, tells us: [2078] "Not long before his death, while he was dictating to me his exposition of the Forty-third Psalm, I saw upon his head a flame in the form of a small shield; hereupon his face became white as snow, and not till some time after did it return to its natural color." In the night of Good Friday, on Saturday, the 4th of April, 397, he died, at the age of fifty-seven years, having first spent several hours, with his hands crossed, in uninterrupted prayer. Even Jews and pagans lamented his death. On the night of Easter following many were baptized in the church where his body was exposed Not a few of the newly baptized children saw him seated in the episcopal chair with a shining star upon his head. Even after his death he wrought miracles in many places, in proof of which Paulinus gives his own experience, credible persons, and documents.

Ambrose, like Cyprian before him, and Leo I. after him, was greatest in administration. As bishop he towered above the contemporary popes. As a theologian and author he is only a star of the second magnitude among the church fathers, yielding by far to Jerome and Augustine. We have from this distinguished prelate several exegetical, doctrinal, and ascetic works, besides homilies, orations, and letters. In exegesis he adopts the allegorical method entire, and yields little substantial information. The most important among his exegetical works are his homilies on the history of creation (Hexaëmeron, written 389), an Exposition of twenty-one Psalms (390-397), and a Commentary on the Gospel of Luke (386). [2079] The Commentary on the Pauline Epistles (Ambrosiaster so called or Pseudo-Ambrosius) which found its way among his works, is of uncertain authorship, perhaps the work of the Roman deacon Hilary under pope Damasus, and resembles in many respects the commentaries of Pelagius. Among his doctrinal writings his five books On Faith, three On the Holy Ghost, and six On the Sacraments (catechetical sermons on baptism, confirmation, and the eucharist) are worthy of mention. Among his ethical writings the work On Duties is the most important. It resembles in form the well-known work of Cicero on the same subject, and reproduces it in a Christian spirit. It is a collection of rules of living for the clergy, and is the first attempt at a Christian doctrine of morals, though without systematic method.
[2080] Besides this he composed several ascetic essays: Three books on Virgins; On Virginity; On the Institution of the Virgin; On Exhortation to Virginity; On the Fall of a Consecrated Virgin, &c., which contributed much to the spread of celibacy and monastic piety. Of his ninety-one Epistles several are of considerable historical interest.

In his exegesis and in his theology, especially in the doctrine of the incarnation and the Trinity, Ambrose is entirely dependent on the Greek fathers; most on Basil, whose Hexaëmeron he almost slavishly copied. In anthropology he forms the transition from the Oriental doctrine to the system of Augustine, whose teacher and forerunner he was. He is most peculiar in his ethics, which he has set forth in his three books De Officiis. As a pulpit orator he possessed great dignity, force, and unction, and made a deep impression on Augustine, to whose conversion he contributed a considerable share. Many mothers forbade their daughters to hear him lest he should induce them to lead a life of celibacy.

Ambrose has also a very important place in the history of worship, and did immortal service for the music and poetry of the church, as in a former section we have seen. [2081] Here again, as in theology and exegesis, he brought over the treasures of the Greek church into the Latin. The church of Milan uses to this day a peculiar liturgy which is called after him the ritus Ambrosianus. __________________________________________________________________

[2076] "Qui sequutus es errantem, sequere corrigentem" Paulinus, Vita Ambr. c. 24.

[2077] Paulinus, l. c. c. 24: "Quod ubi audivit clementissimus imperator, ita suscepit, ut publicam poenitentiam non abhorreret," &c. Ambrosehimself says in his funeral oration on Theodosius: "Stravit omne, quo utebatur insigne regium, deflevit in ecclesia publice peccatum suum, neque ullus postea dies fuit, quo non illum doleret errorem." The main fact is beyond doubt; but the details are not all reliable, and may have been exaggerated for hierarchical ends.

[2078] Vita Ambr. c. 42.

[2079] The exegetical works are in tom. i. of the Bened. ed., excepting Ambrosiaster, which is in the Appendix to tom. ii. Jeromehad a contemptuous opinion of his exegetical writings. In the preface to his translation of the thirty-nine Homilies of Origen on Luke, he compares the superficial and meagre Commentary of Ambroseon Luke to the croaking of a raven which makes sport of the colors of all other birds, and yet is itself dark all over (totus ipse tenebrosus). Against this attack Rufinus felt it his duty to defend Ambrose, "qui non solum Mediolanensis ecclesiae, verum etiam omnium ecclesiarum columna quaedam et turris inexpugnabilis fuit" (Invect. ii. adv. Hieron.). In his Catalogus vir. illustr. c. 124, Jeromedisposes of Ambrosewith the following frosty and equivocal notice: "Ambrosius Mediolanensis episcopus, usque in presentem diem scribit, de quo, quia superest, meum judicium subtraham, ne in alterutram partem aut adulatio in me reprehendatur, aut veritas." In his Epistles, however, he occasionally makes favorable allusion to his ascetic writings which fell in with his own taste. Augustine, from a sense of gratitude to his spiritual father, always mentions his name with respect. The passages of Augustineon Ambroseare collected in the Selecta veterum testimonia at the beginning of the first tome of the Bened. edition. But the unfavorable notice of Jeromequoted above is omitted there.

[2080] De officiis ministrorum in three books (in the Bened. ed. tom. ii. f. 1-142). Comp. F. Hassler: Ueber das Verhältniss der heidnischen und christlichen Ethik auf Grund einer Vergleichung des ciceronianischen Buches De officiis mit dem gleichnamigen des heiligen Ambrosius, München, 1866.

[2081] Paulinus, in Vita Ambr. c. 13, relates: "Hoc in tempore primum antiphonae hymni ac vigiliae in ecclesia Mediolanensi celebrari coeperunt. Cuius celebritatis devotio usque in hodiernum diem non solum in eadem ecclesia, verum per omnes pene occidentis provincias manet." __________________________________________________________________

§ 176. Jerome as a Divine and Scholar.

Comp. the Literature at § 41; and especially the excellent monograph (which has since reached us) of Prof. Otto Zöckler: Hieronymus. Sein Leben und Wirken aus seinen Schriften dargestellt. Gotha, 1865.

Having already sketched the life and character of Jerome (born about 340, died in 419) in connection with the history of monasticism, we limit ourselves here to his theological and literary labors, in which he did his chief service to the church, and has gained the greatest credit to himself.

Jerome is the most learned, the most eloquent, and the most interesting author among the Latin fathers. He had by nature a burning thirst for knowledge, [2082] and continued unweariedly teaching, and learning, and writing, to the end of a very long life. [2083] His was one of those intellectual natures, to which reading and study are as indispensable as daily bread. He could not live without books. He accordingly collected, by great sacrifices, a library for that time very considerable and costly, which accompanied him on his journeys. [2084] He further availed himself of the oral instruction of great church teachers, like Apollinaris the Elder in Laodicea, Gregory Nazianzen in Constantinople, and Didymus of Alexandria, and was not ashamed to become an inquiring pupil in his mature age. His principle in studying was, in his own words: "To read the ancients, to test everything, to hold fast the good, and never to depart from the catholic faith."
[2085]

Besides the passion for knowledge, which is the mother of learning, he possessed a remarkable memory, a keen understanding, quick and sound judgment, an ardent temperament, a lively imagination, sparkling wit, and brilliant power of expression. He was a master in all the arts and artifices of rhetoric, and dialectics. He, far more than Lactantius, deserves the name of the Christian Cicero, though he is inferior to Lactantius in classic purity, and was not free from the faulty taste, of his time. Tertullian had, indeed, long before applied the Roman language as the organ of Christian theology; Cyprian, Lactantius, Hilary, and Ambrose, had gone further on the same path; and Augustine has enriched the Christian literature with a greater number of pregnant sentences than all the other fathers together. Nevertheless Jerome is the chief former of the Latin church language, for which his Vulgate did a decisive and standard service similar to that of Luther's translation of the Bible for German literature, and that of the authorized English Protestant version for English. [2086]

His scholarship embraced the Latin, Greek, and Hebrew languages and literature; while even Augustine had but imperfect knowledge of the Greek, and none at all of the Hebrew. Jerome was familiar with the Latin classics, especially with Cicero, Virgil, and Horace; [2087] and even after his famous anti-Ciceronian vision (which transformed him from a more or less secular scholar into a Christian ascetic and hermit) he could not entirely cease to read over the favorite authors of his youth, or at least to quote them from his faithful memory; thus subjecting himself to the charge of inconsistency, and even of perjury, from Rufinus. [2088] Equally accurate was his knowledge of the literature of the church. Of the Latin fathers he particularly admired Tertullian for his powerful genius and vigorous style, though he could not forgive him his Montanism; after him Cyprian, Lactantius, Hilary, and Ambrose. In the Greek classics he was less at home; yet he shows acquaintance with Hesiod, Sophocles, Herodotus, Demosthenes, Aristotle, Theophrastus, and Galen. But in the Greek fathers he was well read, especially in Origen, Eusebius, Didymus, and Gregory Nazianzen; less in Irenaeus, Athanasius, Basil, and other doctrinal writers.

The Hebrew he learned with great labor in his mature years; first from a converted but anonymous Jew, during his five years' ascetic seclusion in the Syrian desert of Chalcis (374-379); afterwards in Bethlehem (about 385) from the Palestinian Rabbi Bar-Anina, who, through fear of the Jews, visited him by night. [2089] This exposed him to the foolish rumor among bigoted opponents, that he preferred Judaism to Christianity, and betrayed Christ in preference to the new "Barabbas."
[2090] He afterwards, in translating the Old Testament, brought other Jewish scholars to his aid, who cost him dear. He also inspired several of his admiring female pupils, like St. Paula and her daughter Eustochium, with enthusiasm for the study of the sacred language of the old covenant, and brought them on so far that they could sing with him the Hebrew Psalms in praise of the Lord. He lamented the injurious influence of these studies on his style, since "the rattling sound of the Hebrew soiled all the elegance and beauty of Latin speech." [2091] Yet, on the other hand, he was by the same means preserved from flying off into hollow and turgid ornamentations, from which his earlier writings, such as his letters to Heliodorus and Innocentius, are not altogether free. Though his knowledge of Hebrew was defective, it was much greater than that of Origen, Epiphanius, and Ephraem Syrus, the only other fathers besides himself who understood Hebrew at all; and it is the more noticeable, when we consider the want of grammatical and lexicographical helps and of the Masoretic punctuation. [2092]

Jerome, who unfortunately was not free from vanity, prided himself not a little upon his learning, and boasted against his opponent Rufinus, that he was "a philosopher, a rhetorician, a grammarian, a dialectician, a Hebrew, a Greek, a Latin, three-tongued," that is, master of the three principal languages of the then civilized world.
[2093]

All these manifold and rare gifts and attainments made him an extremely influential and useful teacher of the church; for he brought them all into the service of an earnest and energetic, though monkishly eccentric piety. They gave him superior access to the sense of the Holy Scriptures, which continued to be his daily study to extreme old age, and stood far higher in his esteem than all the classics. His writings are imbued with Bible knowledge, and strewn with Bible quotations.

But with all this he was not free from faults as glaring as his virtues are shining, which disturb our due esteem and admiration. He lacked depth of mind and character, delicate sense of truth, and firm, strong convictions. He allowed himself inconsistencies of every kind, especially in his treatment of Origen, and, through solicitude for his own reputation for orthodoxy, he was unjust to that great teacher, to whom he owed so much. He was very impulsive in temperament, and too much followed momentary, changing impressions. Many of his works were thrown off with great haste and little consideration. He was by nature an extremely vain, ambitious, and passionate man, and he never succeeded in fully overcoming these evil forces. He could not bear censure. Even his later polemic writings are full of envy, hatred, and anger. In his correspondence with Augustine, with all assurances of respect, he everywhere gives that father to feel his own superiority as a comprehensive scholar, and in one place tells him that he never had taken the trouble to read his writings, excepting his Soliloquies and "some commentaries on the Psalms." He indulged in rhetorical exaggerations and unjust inferences, which violated the laws of truth and honesty; and he supported himself in this, with a characteristic reference to the sophist Gorgias, by the equivocal distinction between the gymnastic or polemic style and the didactic. [2094] From his master Cicero he had also learned the vicious rhetorical arts of bombast, declamatory fiction, and applause-seeking effects, which are unworthy of a Christian theologian, and which invite the reproach of the divine judge in that vision: "Thou liest! thou art a Ciceronian, not a Christian; for where thy treasure is, there thy heart is also." __________________________________________________________________

[2082] As he himself says, Ep. 84, c. 3 (Opera, ed. Vallarsi, tom. i. 523): "Dum essem juvenis, miro discendi ferebar ardore, nee juxta quorundam praesumptionem ipse me docui."

[2083] Sulpicius Severus, who describes from his own observation the learned seclusion of the aged Jeromeat Bethlehem, where, however, he was much interrupted and stimulated by the visits of Christians from all parts of the world, says of him, in Dial. i. 4: "Totus semper in lectione, totus in libris est; non die, non nocte requiescit; aut legit aliquid semper, aut scribit, " &c.

[2084] He confesses that the purchase of the numerous works of Origen had exhausted his purse, Ep. 84, c. 3 (tom. i. 525): "Legi, inquam, legi Origenem, et, si in legendo crimen est, fateor; et nostrum marsupium Alexandrinae chartae evacuarunt." When he saw, and was permitted to use, the library of Pamphiltus in Caesarea, with all the works of Origen, he thought he possessed more than the riches of Croesus (De viris illustr. c. 75).

[2085] "Meum propositum est, antiquos legere, probare singula, retinere quae bona sunt, et a fide catholica numquam recedere."

[2086] Ozanam(Histoire de la civilisationchrét. au 5. siècle, ii. 100) calls Jerome, "Le maître de la prose chrétienne pour tous lea siècles suivants." ZöcklerSays (l. a. p. 323): "As Cicero raised the language of his time to the classic grade, and cast it for all times in a model form, so, of the Western church fathers, Jeromewas the one to make the Latin language Christian, and Christian theology Latin." Erasmus placed him as an author in several respects even above Cicero.

[2087] Virgil is quoted in the Letters of Jeromesome fifty times, in his other works much more frequently; Horace, in the Letters, some twenty times; of the prose writers Cicero more than all, next to him Varro, Sallust, Quintilian, Seneca, Suetonius, and Pliny. Virgil, however, is viewed by Jerome, and by Augustine, who likewise admired him greatly, simply as a great poet, and not, as he afterwards came to be considered in the Latin church, especially through the influence of Dante's Divina Commedia, as a divine and prophet of heathenism.

[2088] Comp. § 41 above, and Zöcklerl.c. p. 45 ff., 156, and 325. It is certain that Jerome, after that dream of about 374, almost entirely suspended and even abhorred the study of the classics for fifteen years (comp. the Preface to his Commentary on the Galatians, written a. 388, Opera, tom. vii. 486, ed. Vallarsi), but that afterwards at Bethlehem he instructed the monks in grammaticis et humanioribus (Rufinus, Apol. ii. 8), and inserted quotations from the classics in his later writings, although mostly as reminiscences of his former reading ("quasi antiqui per nebulam somnii recordamur, " as he says in the preface above referred to), and with the obvious intent of making profane literature subservient to the Bible (comp. his Epistola xxi. ad Damasum, cap. 13). Both Jeromeand Rufinus permitted themselves to be carried by passion to exaggerated assertions at the expense of truth.

[2089] Ep. 84 ad Pammach. et Ocean. c. 3 (tom. i. 524, ed. Vallarsi): "Veni rursum Jerosolymam et Bethlehem. Quo labore, quo pretio Baraninam nocturnum babui praeceptorem! Timebat enim Judaeos, et mihi alterum exhibebat Nicodemum."

[2090] So Rufinus wrested the name, with reference to Mark xv. 7. Comp. Rufinus, Apol. or Invect. ii. 12, and the answer of Jerometo these calumnies, in the Apol. adv. libros Ruf. l. i. c. 13 (tom. ii. 469).

[2091] In the Preface to his Commentary on the Epistle to the Galatians: "Omnem sermonis elegantiam et Latini eloquii venustatem stridor Hebraicae lectionis sordidavit." This, however, is to be understood cum grano salis.

[2092] That there were at that time as yet no vowel-points or other diacritical signs in writing Hebrew words, has been proved against Buxtorf by L. Capellus, Morinus, and Clericus, and among modem Oriental scholars, especially by Hupfeld (Studien und Kritiken, 1830, p. 549 ff.). Comp. Zöckler, l.c. p. 345 f.

[2093] Apol adv. Ruf. lib. iii. c. 6 (tom. ii. 537). His claim to be a philosopher may be questioned. In the same place he calls "papa" Epiphanius pentaglottos, a man of five tongues, because besides the three chief languages he also understood the Syriac and the Egyptian or Coptic. But his knowledge of the languages was far inferior to that of Jerome. Augustineregarded Jeromeas the most learned man among all mortals."Quod Hieronymus nescivit," he said, "nullus mortalium unquam scivit." Comp. also the enthusiastic praise of Erasmus, quoted § 41, p. 206, who placed him far above all the fathers; while Luther acknowledged his learning indeed, but could not bear his monastic spirit, and judged him harshly and unjustly. Comp. M. Lutheri Colloquia, ed. H. Bindseil, 1863, tom. iii. 135, 149, 193; ii. 340, 349, 357.

[2094] Between gumnastikosscribere and dogmatikosscribere. Ep. 48 ad Pammachium pro libris contra Jovinianum, cap. 13. __________________________________________________________________

§ 177. The Works of Jerome.

The writings of Jerome, which fill eleven folios in the edition of Vallarsi, may be divided into exegetical, historical, polemic doctrinal, and polemic ethical works, and epistles. [2095]

I. The exegetical works stand at the head.

Among these the Vulgata, [2096] or Latin version of the whole Bible, Old Testament and New, is by far the most important and valuable, and constitutes alone an immortal service. [2097]

Above all his contemporaries, and above all his successors down to the sixteenth century, Jerome, by his linguistic knowledge, his Oriental travel, and his entire culture, was best fitted, and, in fact, the only man, to undertake and successfully execute so gigantic a task, and a task which just then, with the approaching separation of East and West, and the decay of the knowledge of the original languages of the Bible in Latin Christendom, was of the highest necessity. Here, its so often in history, we plainly discern the hand of divine Providence. Jerome began the work during his second residence in Rome (382-385), at the suggestion of pope Damasus, who deserves much more credit for that suggestion than for his hymns. He at first intended only a revision of the Itala, the old Latin version of the Bible which came down from the second century, and the text of which had fallen into inextricable confusion through the negligence of transcribers and the caprice of correctors. [2098] He finished the translation at Bethlehem, in the year 405, after twenty years of toil. He translated first the Gospels, then the rest of the New Testament, next the Psalter (which he wrought over twice, in Rome and in Bethlehem [2099] ), and then, in irregular succession, the historical, prophetic, and poetical books, and in part the Apocrypha, which, however, he placed decidedly below the canonical books. By this "labor pius, sed periculosa praesumtio," as he called it, he subjected himself to all kinds of enmity from ignorance and blind aversion to change, and was abused as a disturber of the peace and falsifier of the Scripture; [2100] but from other sources he received much encouragement. The New Testament and the Psalter were circulated and used in the church long before the completion of the whole. Augustine, for example, was using the New Testament of Jerome, and urged him strongly to translate the Old Testament, but to translate it from the Septuagint. [2101] Gradually the whole version made its way on its own merits, without authoritative enforcement, and was used in the West, at first together with the Itala, and after about the ninth century alone.

The Vulgate takes the first place among the Bible-versions of the ancient church. It exerted the same influence upon Latin Christendom as the Septuagint upon Greek, and it is directly or indirectly the mother of most of the earlier versions in the European vernaculars. [2102] It is made immediately from the original languages, though with the use of all accessible helps, and is as much superior to the Itala as Luther's Bible to the older German versions. From the present stage of biblical philology and exegesis the Vulgate can be charged, indeed, with innumerable faults, inaccuracies, inconsistencies, and arbitrary, dealing, in particulars; [2103] but notwithstanding these, it deserves, as a whole, the highest praise for the boldness with which it went back from the half-deified Septuagint directly to the original Hebrew; for its union of fidelity and freedom; and for the dignity, clearness, and gracefulness of its style. Accordingly, after the extinction of the knowledge of Greek, it very naturally became the clerical Bible of Western Christendom, and so continued to be, till the genius of the Reformation in Germany, Switzerland, Holland, and England, returning to the original text, and still further penetrating the spirit of the Scriptures, though with the continual help of the Vulgate, produced a number of popular Bibles, which were the same to the evangelical laity that the Vulgate had been for many centuries to the Catholic clergy. This high place the Vulgate holds even to this day in the Roman church, where it is unwarrantably and perniciously placed on an equality with the original. [2104]

The Commentaries of Jerome cover Genesis, the Major and Minor Prophets, Ecclesiastes, Job, some of the Psalms, [2105] the Gospel of Matthew, and the Epistles to the Galatians, Ephesians, Titus, and Philemon.
[2106] Besides these he translated the Homilies of Origen on Jeremiah and Ezekiel, on the Gospel of Luke, and on the Song of Solomon. Of the last he says: "While Origen in his other writings has surpassed all others, on the Song of Solomon he has surpassed himself." [2107]

His best exegetical labors are those on the Prophets (Particularly his Isaiah, written a.d. 408-410; his Ezekiel, a.d. 410-415; and his Jeremiah to chap. xxxii., interrupted by his death), and those on the Epistles to the Galatians, Ephesians, and Titus, (written in 388), together with his critical Questions (or investigations) on Genesis. But they are not uniformly carried out; many parts are very indifferent, others thrown off with unconscionable carelessness in reliance on his genius and his reading, or dictated to an amanuensis as they came into his head. [2108] He not seldom surprises by clear, natural, and conclusive expositions, while just on the difficult passages he wavers, or confines himself to adducing Jewish traditions and the exegetical opinions of the earlier fathers, especially of Origen, Eusebius, Apollinaris, and Didymus, leaving the reader to judge and to choose. His scholarly industry, taste, and skill, however, always afford a certain compensation for the defect of method and consistency, so that his Commentaries are, after all, the most instructive we have from the Latin church of that day, not excepting even those of Augustine, which otherwise greatly surpass them in theological depth and spiritual unction. He justly observes in the Preface to his Commentary on Isaiah: "He who does not know the Scriptures, does not know the power and wisdom of God; ignorance of the Bible is ignorance of Christ." [2109]

Jerome had the natural talent and the acquired knowledge, to make him the father of grammatico-historical interpretation, upon which all sound study of the Scriptures must proceed. He very rightly felt that the expositor must not put his own fancies into the word of God, but draw out the meaning of that word, and he sometimes finds fault with Origen and the allegorical method for roaming in the wide fields of imagination, and giving out the writer's own thought and fancy for the hidden Wisdom of the Scriptures and the church. [2110] In this healthful exegetical spirit he excelled all the fathers, except Chrysostom and Theodoret. In the Latin church no others, except the heretical Pelagius (whose short exposition of the Epistles of Paul is incorporated in the works of Jerome), and the unknown Ambrosiaster (whose commentary has found its way among the works of Ambrose), thought like him. But he was far from being consistent; he committed the very fault he censures in Eusebius, who in the superscription of his Commentary on Isaiah promised a historical exposition, but, forgetting the promise, fell into the fashion of Origen. Though he often makes very bold utterances, such as that on the original identity of presbyter and bishop, [2111] and even shows traces of a loose view of inspiration, [2112] yet he had not the courage, and was too scrupulously concerned for his orthodoxy, to break with the traditional exegesis. He could not resist the impulse to indulge, after giving the historical sense, in fantastic allegorizing, or, as he expresses himself, "to spread the sails of the spiritual understanding." [2113]

He distinguishes in most cases a double sense of the Scriptures: the literal and the spiritual, or the historical and the allegorical; sometimes, with Origen and the Alexandrians, a triple sense: the historical, the tropological (moral), and the pneumatical (mystical).

The word of God does unquestionably carry in its letter a living and life-giving spirit; and is capable of endless application to all times and circumstances; and here lies the truth in the allegorical method of the ancient church. But the spiritual sense must be derived with tender conscientiousness and self-command from the natural, literal meaning, not brought from without, as another sense beside, or above, or against the literal.

Jerome goes sometimes as far as Origen in the unscrupulous twisting of the letter and the history, and adopts his mischievous principle of entirely rejecting the literal sense whenever it may seem ludicrous or unworthy. For instance: By the Shunamite damsel, the concubine of the aged king David, he understands (imitating Origen's allegorical obliteration of the double crime against Uriah and Bathsheba) the ever-virgin Wisdom of God, so extolled by Solomon; [2114] and the earnest controversy between Paul and Peter he alters into a sham fight for the instruction of the Antiochian Christians who were present; thus making out of it a deceitful accommodation, over which Augustine (who took just offence at such patrocinium mendacii) drew him into an epistolary controversy characteristic of the two men." [2115]

It is remarkable that Augustine and Jerome, in the two exegetical questions, on which they corresponded, interchanged sides, and each took the other's point of view. In the dispute on the occurrence in Antioch (Gal. ii. 11-14), Augustine represented the principle of evangelical freedom and love of truth, Jerome the principle of traditional committal to dogma and an equivocal theory of accommodation; while in their dispute on the authority of the Septuagint Jerome held to true progress, Augustine to retrogression and false traditionalism. And each afterwards saw his error, and at least partially gave it up.

In the exposition of the Prophets, Jerome sees too many allusions to the heretics of his time (as Luther finds everywhere allusions to the Papists, fanatics, and sectarians); and, on the other hand, with the zeal he inherited from Origen against all chiliasm, he finds far too little reference to the end of, all things in the second coming of our Lord. He limits, for example, even the eschatological discourse of Christ in the twenty-fourth chapter of Matthew, and Paul's prophecy of the man of sin in the second Epistle to the Thessalonians, to the destruction of Jerusalem.

Among the exegetical works in the wider sense belongs the book On the Interpretation of the Hebrew Names, an etymological lexicon of the proper names of the Old and New Testaments, useful for its time, but in many respects defective, and now worthless; [2116] and a free translation of the Onomasticon of Eusebius, a sort of biblical topology in alphabetical order, still valuable to antiquarian scholarship.
[2117]

II. The historical works, some of which we have already elsewhere touched, are important to the history of the fathers and the saints to Christian literature, and to the history of morals.

First among them is a free Latin reproduction and continuation of the Greek Chronicle of Eusebius; i.e., chronological tables of the most important events of the history of the world and the church to the year
379. [2118] Jerome dictated this work quite fugitively during his residence with Gregory Nazianzen in Constantinople (a.d. 380). In spite of its many errors, it formed a very useful and meritorious contribution to Latin literature, and a principal source of the scanty historical information of Western Christendom throughout the middle age. Prosper Aquitanus, a friend of Augustine and defender of the doctrines of free grace against the Semi-Pelagians in Gaul, continued the Chronicle to the year 449; later authors brought it down to the middle of the sixth century.

More original is the Catalogue of Illustrious Authors, [2119] which Jerome composed in the tenth year of Theodosius (a.d. 392 and 393),
[2120] at the request of his friend, an officer, Dexter. It is the pioneer in the history of theological literature, and gives, in one hundred and thirty-five chapters, short biographical notices of as many ecclesiastical writers, from the apostles to Jerome himself, with accounts of their most important works. It was partly designed to refute the charge of ignorance, which Celsus, Porphyry, Julian, and other pagans, made against the Christians. Jerome, at that time, was not yet so violent a heretic-hater, and was quite fair and liberal in his estimate of such men as Origen and Eusebius. [2121] But many of his sketches are too short and meagre; even those, for example, of so important men as Cyprian, Athanasius, Basil the Great, Gregory of Nyssa, Epiphanius, Ambrose, and Chrysostom ( 407). [2122] His junior cotemporary, Augustine, who had at that time already written several philosophical, exegetical, and polemic works, he entirely omits.

The Catalogue was afterwards continued in the same spirit by the Semi-Pelagian Gennadius of Marseilles, by Isidore of Seville, by Ildefonsus, and by others, into the middle age.

Jerome wrote also biographies of celebrated hermits, Paul of Thebes (a.d. 375), Hilarion, and the imprisoned Malchus (a.d. 390), in very graceful and entertaining style, but with many fabulous and superstitious accompaniments, and with extravagant veneration of the monastic life, which he aimed by these writings to promote. [2123] They were read at that time as eagerly as novels. These biographies, and several necrological letters in honor of deceased friends, such as Nepotian, Lucinius, Lea, Blasilla, Paulina, Paula, and Marcella are masterpieces of rhetorical ascetic hagiography. They introduce the legend ary literature of the middle age, with its indiscriminate mixture of history and fable, and its sacrifice of historical truth to popular edification.

III. Of the polemic doctrinal and ethical works [2124] some relate to the Arian controversies, some to the Origenistic, some to the Pelagian. In the first class belongs the Dialogue against the schismatic Luciferians, [2125] which Jerome wrote during his desert life in Syria (a.d. 379) on the occasion of the Meletian schism in Antioch; also his translation of the work of Didymus On the Holy Ghost, begun in Rome and finished in Bethlehem. His book Against Bishop John of Jerusalem (a.d. 399), and his Apology to his former friend Rufinus, in three books (a.d. 402-403), are directed against Origenism. [2126] In the third class belongs the Dialogue against the Pelagians, in three books (a.d. 415). Other polemic works, Against Helvidius (written in 383), Against Jovinian (a.d. 393), and Against Vigilantius (dictated rapidly in one night in 406), are partly doctrinal, partly ethical in their nature, and mainly devoted to the advocacy of the immaculate virginity of Mary, celibacy, vigils, relic-worship, and the monastic life.

These controversial writings, the contents of which we have already noted in the proper place, do the author, on the whole, little credit, and stand in striking contrast with his fame as one of the principal saints of the Roman church. They show an accurate acquaintance with all the arts of an advocate and all the pugilism of a dialectician, together with boundless vehemence and fanatical zealotism, which scruple over no weapons of wit, mockery, irony, suspicion, and calumny, to annihilate opponents, and which pursue them even after their death.
[2127] And their contents afford no sufficient compensation for these faults. For Jerome was not an original, profound, systematic, or consistent thinker, and therefore very little fitted for a didactic theologian. In the Arian controversy he would not enter into any discussion of the distinction between ousiaand hupostasis, and left this important question to the decision of the Roman bishop Damasus; in the Origenistic controversy he must, in his violent condemnation of all Origenists, contradict his own former view and veneration of Origen as the greatest teacher after the Apostles; and in the Pelagian controversy he was influenced chiefly by personal considerations, and drawn half way to Augustine's side; for while he was always convinced of the universality of sin, [2128] in reference to the freedom of the will and predestination he adopted synergistic or Semi-Pelagian views, and afterwards continued in the highest consideration among the Semi-Pelagians down to Erasmus. [2129]

He is equally unsatisfactory as a moralist and practical divine. He had no connected system of moral doctrine, and did not penetrate to the basis and kernel of the Christian life, but moved in the outer circle of asceticism and casuistry. Following the spirit of his time, he found the essence of religion in monastic flight from the world and contempt of the natural ordinances of God, especially of marriage; and, completely reversing sound principles, he advocated even ascetic filth as an external mark of inward purity. [2130] Of marriage he had a very low conception, regarding it merely as a necessary evil for the increase of virgins. From the expression of Paul in 1 Cor. vii. 1: "It is good not to touch a woman," he draws the utterly unwarranted inference: "It is therefore bad to touch one; for the only opposite of good is bad;" and he interprets the woe of the Lord upon those that are with child and those that give suck (Matt. xxiv. 19), as a condemnation of pregnancy in general, and of the crying of little children, and of all the trouble and fruit of the married life. The disagreeable fact of the marriage of Peter he endeavors to weaken by the groundless assumption that the apostle forsook his wife when he forsook his net, and, besides, that "he must have washed away the stain of his married life by the blood of his martyrdom." [2131]

In a letter, otherwise very beautiful and rich, to the young Nepotian,
[2132] he gives this advice: "Let your lodgings be rarely or never visited by women. You must either ignore alike, or love alike, all the daughters and virgins of Christ. Nay, dwell not under the same roof with them, nor trust their former chastity; you cannot be holier than David, nor wiser than Solomon. Never forget that a woman drove the inhabitants of Paradise out of their possession. In sickness any brother, or your sister, or your mother, can minister to in the lack of such relatives, the church herself maintains many aged women, whom you can at the same time remunerate for their nursing with welcome alms. I know some who are well in the body indeed, but sick in mind. It is a dangerous service in any case, that is done to you by one whose face you often see. If in your official duty as a clergyman you must visit a widow or a maiden, never enter her house alone. Take with you only those whose company does you no shame; only some reader, or acolyth, or psalm-singer, whose ornament consists not in clothes, but in good morals, who does not crimp his hair with crisping pins, but shows chastity in his whole bearing. But privately or without witnesses, never put yourself in the presence of a woman."

Such exhortations, however, were quite in the spirit of that age, and were in part founded in Jerome's own bitter experience in his youth, and in the thoroughly corrupt condition of social life in the sinking empire of Rome.

While advocating these ascetic extravagancies Jerome does not neglect to chastise the clergy and the monks for their faults with the scourge of cutting satire. And his writings are everywhere strewn with the pearls of beautiful moral maxims and eloquent exhortations to contempt of the world and godly conduct. [2133]

IV. The Epistles of Jerome, with all their defects are uncommonly instructive and interesting, and, in easy flow and elegance of diction, are not inferior to the letters of Cicero. Vallarsi has for the first time put them into chronological order in the first volume of his edition, and has made the former numbering of them (even that of the Benedictine edition) obsolete. He reckons in all a hundred and fifty, including several letters from cotemporaries, such as Epiphanius, Theophilus of Alexandria, Augustine, Damasus, Pammachius, and Rufinus; some of them written directly to Jerome, and some treating of matters in which he was interested. They are addressed to friends like the Roman bishop Damasus, the senator Pammachius, the bishop Paulinus of Nola, Theophilus of Alexandria, Evangelus, Rufinus, Heliodorus, Riparius, Nepotianus, Oceanus, Avitus, Rusticus, Gaudentius, and Augustine, and some to distinguished ascetic women and maidens like Paula, Eustochium, Marcella, Furia, Fabiola, and Demetrias. They treat of almost all questions of philosophy and practical religion, which then agitated the Christian world, and they faithfully reflect the virtues and the faults and the remarkable contrasts of Jerome and of his age.

Orthodox in theology and Christology, Semi-Pelagian in anthropology, Romanizing in the doctrine of the church and tradition, anti-chiliastic in eschatology, legalistic and ascetic in ethics, a violent fighter of all heresies, a fanatical apologist of all monkish extravagancies,--Jerome was revered throughout the catholic middle age as the patron saint of Christian and ecclesiastical learning, and, next to Augustine, as maximus doctor ecclesiae; but by his enthusiastic love for the Holy Scriptures, his recourse to the original languages, his classic translation of the Bible, and his manifold exegetical merits, he also played materially into the hands of the Reformation, and as a scholar and an author still takes the first rank, and as an influential theologian the second (after Augustine), among the Latin fathers; while, as a moral character, he decidedly falls behind many others, like Hilary, Ambrose, and Leo I., and, even according to the standard of Roman asceticism, can only in a very limited sense be regarded as a saint. [2134] __________________________________________________________________

[2095] The Vallarsi edition, Verona, 1734-'42, and with improvements, Venet. 1766'72, is much more complete and accurate than the Benedictine or Maurine edition of Martianay and Pouget, in 5 vols. 1706, although this far surpassed the older editions of Erasmus, and Marianus Victorius. The edition of Migne, Paris (Petit-Montrouge), 1845-'46, also in 11 volumes (tom. xxii.-xxx. of the Patrologia Lat.), notwithstanding the boastful title, is only an uncritical reprint of the edition of Vallarsi with unessential changes in the order of arrangement; the Vitae Hieronymi and the Testimonia de Hieronymo being transferred from the eleventh to the first volume, which is more convenient. Vallarsi, a presbyter of Verona, was assisted in his work by Scipio Maffei, and others. I have mostly used his edition, especially in the Epistles.

[2096] The name Vulgata, sc. editio, koine ekdosis, i. e., the received text of the Bible, was a customary designation of the Septuagint, as also of the Latin Itala (frequently so used in Jeromeand Augustine), sometimes used in the bad sense of a vulgar, corrupt text as distinct from the original. The council of Trent sanctioned the use of the term in the honorable sense for Jerome's version of the Bible. With the same right Luther's version might be called the German, King James' version the English Vulgate.

[2097] This is now pretty generally acknowledged. We add a few of the most weighty testimonies. Luther, who bore a real aversion to Jeromeon account of his fanatical devotion to monkery, still, in view of the invaluable assistance he received from the Vulgate in his own similar work, does him the justice to say: "St. Jeromehas personally done more and greater in translation than any one man will imitate." Zöckler, l.c. p. 183, thinks: "The Vulgate is unquestionably the most important and most meritorious achievement of our author, the ripest fruit of his laborious studies, not only in the department of Hebrew, in which he leaves all other ecclesiastical authors of antiquity far behind, but also in that of Greek and of biblical criticism and exegesis in general, in which he excels at least all, even the greatest, of the Western fathers." O. F. Fritzsche(in Herzog's Encykl. vol. xvii. p. 435): "The severe judgment respecting the labor of Jeromesoftened with time, and, in fact, so swung to the opposite, that he was regarded as preserved from error by the guidance of the Holy Ghost. This certainly cannot be admitted, for the defects are palpably many and various. Yet criticism must acknowledge that Jeromeperformed a truly important service for his age; that he first gave the Old Testament to the West, and in a measure also the New, in a substantially pure form; put a stop, provisionally, to the confusion of the Bible text; and as a translator gave, on the whole, the true sense. He very properly aimed to be interpres, not paraphrastes, but in the great dissimilarity between the Hebrew and Latin idiom, he encountered the danger of slavish literalness. This he has in general avoided, and has been able to keep a certain mean between too great strictness and too great freedom, so that the language, though everywhere showing the Hebrew tinge, would not at all offend, but rather favor, the reader of that day. Yet it may be said that Jeromecould have done still better. It was not that reverence, caution, restrained him; to avoid offence, he adhered as closely as possible to the current version, especially in the New Testament. He sometimes let false translations stand, when they seemed harmless (" quod non nocebat, mutare noluimus "), and probably followed popular usage in respect to phraseology; so that the style is not perfectly uniform. Finally, he did not always give himself due time, but worked rapidly. This is particularly true in the Apocrypha, of which, however, he had a very low estimate. Some parts he left entirely untouched, others he translated or revised very hastily." Comp. also the opinion of the English scholar, B. F. Westcott, in W. Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, vol. iii. pp. 1696 and 1714 f., who says among other things: "When every allowance has been made for the rudeness of the original Latin, and the haste of Jerome's revision, it can scarcely be denied that the Vulgate is not only the most venerable but also the most precious monument of Latin Christianity. For ten centuries it preserved in Western Europe a text of Holy Scripture far purer than that which was current in the Byzantine church; and at the revival of Greek learning, guided the way towards a revision of the late Greek text, in which the best biblical critics have followed the steps of Bentley, with ever-deepening conviction of the supreme importance of the coincidence of the earliest Greek and Latin authorities."

[2098] Jeromesays of the Itala: "Tot sunt exemplaria paene quot codices, " and frequently complains of the "varietas" and "vitiositas" of the Codices Latini, which he charges partly upon the original translators, partly upon presumptuous revisers, partly upon negligent transcribers. Comp. especially his Praefat. in Evang. ad Damasum.

[2099] Both versions continued in use, the former as the Psalterium Romanum, the other as the Psalterium Gallicanum, like the two English versions of the Psalms in the worship of the Anglican church.

[2100] Falsarius, sacrilegus, et corruptor Scripturae.

[2101] Augustinefeared, from the displacement of the Septuagint, which he regarded as apostolically sanctioned, and as inspired, a division between the Greek and Latin church, but yielded afterwards, in part at least, to the correct view of Jerome, and rectified in his Retractations several false translations in his former works. Westcott, in his scholarly article on the Vulgate (in Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, iii. 702), makes the remark: "There are few more touching instances of humility than that of the young Augustinebending himself in entire submission before the contemptuous and impatient reproof of the veteran scholar."

[2102] Excepting the Gothic version, which is older than Jerome, and the Slavonic, which comes down from Methodius and Cyril.

[2103] It has been so censured long ago by Le Clere in his Quaestiones Hieronymianae,

[2104] For particulars respecting the Vulgate, see H. Hody: De Bibliorum textibus originalibus, Oxon. 1705; Joh. Clericus: Quaestiones Hieronymianae, Amsterd. 1719 (who, provoked by the exaggerated praise of the Benedictine editor, Martianay, subjected the Vulgate to a sharp and penetrating though in part unjust criticism); Leander van Ess: Pragmatisch-kritische Geschichte der Vulgata, Tüb. 1824; the lengthy article Vulgata by O. F. Fritzschein Herzog's Theol. Encycl. vol. xvii. pp. 422-460; an article on the same subject by B. F. Westcottin W. Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, 1863, vol. iii. pp. 688-718; and Zöckler: Hieronymus, pp. 99 ff.; 183 ff.; 343 ff. The text of the Vulgate, in the course of time, has become as corrupt as the text of the Itala was at the time of Jerome, and it is as much in need of a critical revision from manuscript sources, as the textus receptus of the Greek Testament. The authorized editions of SixtusV. and ClementXIII. have not accomplished this task. Martianay, in the Benedictine edition of Jerome's work, did more valuable service towards an approximate restoration of the Vulgate in its original form from manuscript sources. Of late the learned Barnabite C. Vercellonehas commenced such a critical revision in Variae Lectiones Vulgatae Latin. Bibliorum editionis, tom. i. (Pentat.), Rome, 1860; tom. ii. Pars prior (to 1 Regg.), 1862. Westcott, in the article referred to, has made use of the chief results of this work, which may be said to create an epoch in the history of the Vulgate.

[2105] His seven treatises on Psalms x.-xvi. (probably translated from Origen), and his brief annotations to all the Psalms (commentarioli) are lost, but the pseudo-hieronymianum breviarium in Psalmos, a poor compilation of later times (Opera, vii. 1-588), contains perhaps fragments of these.

[2106] Opera, tom. iii. iv. v. vi. and vii. Jeromededicated his commentaries and other writings mostly to those high-born ladies of Rome whom he induced to embrace the ascetic mode of life, as Paula, Eustochium, Marcella, &c.h He received much encouragement from them in his labors;--such was the lively theological interest which prevailed in some female circles at the time. He was, however, censured on this account, and defended himself in the Preface to his Commentary on Zephaniah, tom. vi. 671, by referring to Deborah and Huldah, Judith and Esther, Anna, Elizabeth, and Mary, not forgetting the heathen Sappho, Aspasia, Themista, and the Cornelia Gracchorum, as examples of literary women.

[2107] Praef. in Homil. Orig. in Cantic. Cant. tom. iii. 500. Rufinus, during the Origenistic controversy, did not forget to remind him of this sentence.

[2108] He frequently excuses this "dictare quodcunque in buccam venerit," by his want of time and the weakness of his eyes. Comp. Preface to the third book of his Comment. in Ep. ad Galat. (tom. vii. 486). At the close of the brief Preface to the second book of his Commentary on the Ep. to the Ephesians (tom. vii. 486), he says that he often managed to write as many as a thousand lines in one day ("interdum per singulos dies usque ad numerum mille versuum--i.e., here stichoi ---pervenire").

[2109] "Qui nescit Scripturas, nescit Dei virtutem ejusque sapientiam; ignoratio Scripturarum ignoratio Christi est."

[2110] Comp. particularly the Preface to the fifth book of his Commentary on Isaiah, and Ep. 53 ad Paulinum, c. 7.

[2111] In the Comm. on Tit. i. 5, and elsewhere, e.g., Epist. 69 ad Oceanum, c. 3, and Epist. 146 ad Evangelum, c. 1. Such assertions, which we find also in Ambrosiaster, Chrysostom, and Theodoret were not disputed at that time, but subsequently they gave rise to violent disputes between Episcopalians and Presbyterians. Comp. my History of the Apostolic Church, § 132.

[2112] He admits, for instance, chronological contradictions, or, at least inexplicable difficulties in the Gospel history (Ep. 57 ad Pammach. c. 7 and 8), and he even ventures unjustly to censure St. Paul for supposed solecisms, barbarisms, and weak arguments (Ep. 121 ad Alag.; Comment. in Gal. iii. 1; iv. 24; vi. 2; Comment. in Eph. iii. 3, 8, 13; Comment. in Tit. i. 3).

[2113] "Spiritualis intelligentiae vela panders," or "spirituale aedificium super historiae fundamentum extruere," or "quasi inter saxa et scopulos" (between Scylla and Charybdis), "sic inter historiam et allegoriam omtionis cursum flectere."

[2114] Ep. 52 ad Nepotianum, c. 2-4. He objects against the historical construction, that it is absurd, inasmuch as the aged David, then seventy years old, might as well have warmed himself in the arms of Bathsheba, Abigail, and the other wives and concubines still living, considering that Abraham at a still more advanced age was content with his Sarah, Isaac with his Rebeccah. The Shunamite, therefore, must be "sapientia quae numquam senescit" (c. 4, tom. i. 258). Nevertheless, in another place, he understands the same passage literally, Contra Jovinian. l. i. c. 24 (tom. i. 274), where he mentions this and other sins of David, "non quod sanctis viris aliquid detrahere audeam, sed quod aliud sit in lege versari, aliud in evangelio."

[2115] Comp. Jerome's Com. on Gal. ii. 11-14; Aug. Epp. 28, 40, and 82, or Epp. 56, 67, and 116 among the Epistles of Jerome(Opera, i. 300 sqq.; 404 sqq.; 761 sqq.) After defending for a long time his false interpretation, Jeromegave it up at last, a.d.415, in his Dial. contra Pelag. l. i. c. 22. Augustine, on the other hand, yielded his erroneous preference for a translation of the Old Testament from the Septuagint instead of the original Hebrew, although he continued to entertain an exaggerated estimate of the value of the Septuagint and the very imperfect Itala. Besides these two points of dispute the Origenistic errors were a subject of correspondence between these most distinguished fathers of the Latin Church.

[2116] Liber de interpretatione nominum Hebraicorum, or De nominibus Hebr. (Opera, tom iii. 1-120). Clericus, in his Quaestiones Hieronymianae, severely criticised this book.

[2117] Liber de situ et nominibus locorum Hebraicorum, usually cited under the title Eusebii Onomasticon (urbium et locorum S. Scripturae). Opera, tom. iii. 121-290. Comp. Clericus: Eusebii Onomasticon cum versione Hieronymi, Amstel. 1707, and a modern convenient edition in Greek and Latin by F. Larsowand G. Parthey, Berlin, 1862.

[2118] Opera, viii. 1-820, including the Greek fragments. There is added also the Chronicon of Prosper Aquitanus (pp. 821-856), and the Apparatus, Castigationes et Notae of Arn. Pontac. We must mention also the famous separate edition of Jerome's Chronicle and its continuators by Joseph Scaliger: Thesaurus temporum Eusebii Pamphili, Hieronymi, Prosperi, etc., Lugd. Bat. 1606, ed. altera Amstel. 1658. Scaliger and Vallarsi have spent immense industry and acuteness in editing this work made very difficult by the many chronological and other blunders and the corruptions of the text caused by ignorant and careless transcribers. The Chronicle of Eusebius is now known also in an Armenian translation, edited by Angelo Mai, Rome, 1833. The Greek original is lost with the exception of a few fragments of Syncellus.

[2119] Liber de illustribus viris, or De scriptoribus ecclesiasticis, frequently quoted by the title Catalogus. See Opera, ed. Vallarsi, tom. ii. 821-956, together with the Greek translation of Pseudo-Sophronius.

[2120] This date is given by himself, cap. 135, in which he speaks of his own writings.

[2121] In the very first chapter he says of the Second Epistle of Peter that it was by most rejected as spurious "propter styli cum priore dissonantiam." A thorough investigation, however, leads to a more favorable result as to the genuineness of this Epistle. He admits in his catalogue even heretics, as Tatian, Bardesanes, and Priscillian, also the Jews Philo and Josephus, and the heathen philosopher Seneca.

[2122] Of Chrysostomhe merely says, cap. 129: "Joannes Antiochenae ecclesiae presbyter, Eusebii Emiseni Diodorique sectator, multa componere dicitar, de quibus peri hierosunestantum legi." But afterwards, during the Origenistic controversies, he translated a passionate libel of Theophilus of Alexandria against Chrysostom, and praised it as a valuable book (Comp. Ep. 114 ad Theophilum, written 405). Fragments of this miserable Libellus Theophili contra Joannem Chrysost. are preserved in the Defensio trium capp. l. vi. by Facundus of Hermiane.

[2123] Opera, tom. ii. 1 sqq. In most of the former editions these Vitae are wrongly placed among the Epistles. To the same class of writings belongs the translation of the Regula Pachomii. Characteristic is the judgment of Gibbon (ch. xxxvii. ad Ann. 370): "The stories of Paul, Hilarion, and Malchus by Jeromeare admirably told: and the only defect of these pleasing compositions is the want of truth and common sense."

[2124] All in the second volume of the editions of Vallarsi (p. 171 sqq.) and Migne(p. 155 sqq.).

[2125] Altercatio Luciferiani et Orthodoxi, or Dialogus contra Luciferianos. The Luciferians had their name from Lucifer, bishop of Calaris in Sardinia (died 371), the head of the strict Athanasian party, who arbitrarily ordained Paulinus bishop of Antioch in opposition to the legitimate Meletius (362), because the latter had been elected by the Arian or Semi-Arian party, although immediately after his ordination he had given in his adhesion to the Nicene faith. Lucifer afterwards fell out with the orthodox and organized a new schismatic party, which adopted Novatian principles of discipline, but in the beginning of the fifth century gradually returned to the bosom of the Catholic church.

[2126] Besides these Jerometranslated several letters of Epiphanius and Theophilus of Alexandria against the Origenists, which have been incorporated by Vallarsi with the collection of Jerome's Epistles.

[2127] Of the dead Jovinianhe says (Adv. Vigil.c. 1): "Ille Romanae ecclesicae auctoritate damnatus, inter phasides aves et carnes suillas non tam emisit spiritum, quam cructavit." He threatened his former friend Rufinus, whose language he had perverted into a threat to take his life, with a libel suit, and after his death in 410 he wrote in an ignoble sense of triumph (in the Prologue to his Commentary on Ezekiel): "Scorpius inter Enceladum et Porphyrionem Trinacriae humo premitur, et hydra multorum capitum contra nos aliquando sibilare cessavit." From Jerome's polemical writings one would form a most unfavorable opinion of Rufinus. Two divines of Aquileja, Fontanini and Maria de Rubeis, felt it their duty to vindicate his memory against unjust aspersions. Comp. Zöckler, l.c. p. 266 f. Augustine, in a letter to Jerome(Ep. Hieron. 110, c. 10), called it a "magnum et triste miraculum, " that the friendship of Jeromeand Rufinus should have turned into such enmity, and urged him to reconciliation, but in vain. This change, however, is easily explained, since hatred is only inverted love. Rufinus, it must be remembered, had not spared Jerome, and charged him even with worse than heathen impiety for calling, in hyper-ascetic zeal, Paula, the mother of the nun Eustochium, the "mother-in-law of God" (socrus Dei). See his Ep. xxii. c. 20 ad Paulam.

[2128] Comp. particularly the passage Dial adv. Pelag. l. ii. c. 4 (tom. ii. p. 744).

[2129] Hence it is not accidental, that several writings of Pelagius, his Commentary on the Epistles of Paul (with some emendations), his Epistola ad Demetriadem de virginitate, his Libellus fidei addressed to pope Innocent, and the Epistola ad Celantiam matronam de rations pie vivendi (which was probably likewise written by him), found their way, by an irony of history, into the writings of Jerome, on a seeming resemblance in spirit and aim.

[2130] "Difficile inter epulas servatur pudicitia. Nitens cutis sordidum ostendit animum." So he wrote to two ladies, a mother and her daughter in Gaul, Ep. 117, c. 6 (tom. i. 786). St. Anthony, the patriarch of monks, and other saints of the desert were of the same opinion, who washed themselves but seldom and combed their hair but once in a year, on holy Easter (when they ought to have been eminently holy, that is, according to their notions, eminently slovenly). What a contrast this to our modern principle that cleanliness is next to godliness! We must, however, judge this catholic ascetic cynicism from the stand-point of antiquity. Even Socrates, starting from the principle that freedom from need was divine, despised undergarments and shoes, and contented himself with a miserable cloak. Yet he did not neglect cleanliness altogether, and censured his disciple Antisthenes, who ostentatiously wore a dirty and torn cloak, by reminding him: "Friend, vanity peeps out from the holes of thy cloak." Man is by nature lazy and dirty. Industry and cleanliness are the fruit of discipline and civilization. In this respect Europe is in advance of Asia, the Teutonic races in advance of the Latin. The Italians call the English and Americans, soap-wasters. The use of soap and of the razor is a test of modern civilization.

[2131] Compare the work Against Jovinian, l. i. c. 7, 10, 12, 13, 15, 16, 26, 33, etc., and several of his ascetic letters. Some of his utterances on the state of matrimony gave offence even to his monastic friends.

[2132] Ep. 52 (i. 254 sqq.) de vita clericorum et monachorum, c. 5.

[2133] Comp. a collection of the principal doctrinal and moral sentences of Jeromein Zöcklerp. 429 ff. and p. 458 ff.

[2134] Comp. the various estimates of Jeromeat § 41 above; in Vallarsi, Opera Hier., tom. xi. 282-300, and in Zöckler, l.c. pp. 465-476. In the preface to his valuable monograph (p. v) Zöckler says: "Jeromeis chiefly the orator and the scholar among the fathers. His life is essentially neither the life of a monk, nor a priest--for monk and priest he was only by the way--nor that of a saint--for he was no saint at all, at least not in the sense of the Roman church. It is from beginning to end the life of a scholar, a life replete with literary studies and all sorts of scholarly enterprises." This judgment we can subscribe only with two qualifications: he was as much a monk as a scholar, and exerted an extraordinary influence on the spread of monasticism in the West; and his reputation as a saint rests precisely on the Romish overestimate of asceticism, as distinguished from the evangelical Protestant form of piety. __________________________________________________________________

§ 178. Augustine.

I. S. Aurelii Augustini Hipponensis episcopi Opera ... Post Lovaniensium theologorum recensionem [which appeared at Antwerp in 1577 in 11 vols.] castigatus [referring to tomus primus, etc.] denuo ad MSS. codd. Gallicanos, etc. Opera et studio monachorum ordinis S. Benedicti e congregatione S. Mauri [Fr. Delfau, Th. Blampin, P. Coustant, and Cl. Guesnié]. Paris, 1679-1700, xi tom. in 8 fol. vols. The same edition reprinted, with additions, at Antwerp, 1700-1703, 12 parts in 9 fol.; and at Venice, 1729-'34, in xi tom. in 8 fol. (this is the edition from which I have generally quoted; it is not to be confounded with another Venice edition of 1756-'69 in xviii vols. 4to, which is full of printing errors); also at Bassano, 1807, in 18 vols.; by Gaume fratres, Paris, 1836-'39, in xi tom. in 22 parts (a very elegant edition); and lastly by J. P. Migne, Petit-Montrouge, 1841-'49, in xii tom. (Patrol. Lat. tom. xxxii.-xlvii.). Migne's edition (which I have also used occasionally) gives, in a supplementary volume (tom. xii.), the valuable Notitia literaria de vita, scriptis et editionibus Aug. from Schönemann's Bibliotheca historico-literaria Patrum Lat. vol. ii. Lips. 1794, the Vindiciae Augustinianae of Norisius, and the writings of Augustine first published by Fontanini and Angelo Mai. But a thoroughly reliable critical edition of Augustine is still a desideratum. On the controversies relating to the merits of the Bened. edition, see the supplementary volume of Migne, xii. p. 40 sqq., and Thuillier: Histoire de la nouvelle ed. de S. Aug. par les PP. Bénédictins, Par. 1736. The first printed edition of Augustine appeared at Basle, 1489-'95; another, a. 1509, in 11 vols. (I have a copy of this edition in black letter, but without a title page); then the edition of Erasmus published by Frobenius, Bas. 1528-'29, in 10 vols. fol.: the Editio Lovaniensis, or of the divines of Louvain, Antw. 1577, in 11 vols., and often. Several works of Augustine have been often separately edited, especially the Confessions and the City of God. Compare a full list of the editions down to 1794 in Schönemann's Bibliotheca, vol. ii. p. 73 sqq.

II. Possidius (Calamensis episcopus, a pupil and friend of Aug.): Vita Augustini (brief, but authentic, written 432, two years after his death, in tom. x. Append. 257-280, ed. Bened., and in nearly all other editions). Benedictini Editores: Vita Augustini ex ejus potissimum scriptis concinnata, in 8 books (very elaborate and extensive), in tom. xi. 1-492, ed. Bened. (in Migne's reprint, tom. i. pp. 66-578). The biographies of Tillemont (Mém. tom. xiii.); Ellies Dupin (Nouvelle bibliothèque des auteurs ecclésiastiques, tom. ii. and iii.); P. Bayle (Dictionnaire historique et critique, art. Augustin); Remi Ceillier (Histoire générale des auteurs sacrés et ecclés., vol. xi. and xii.); Cave (Lives of the Fathers, vol. ii.); Kloth (Der heil. Aug., Aachen, 1840, 2 vols.); Böhringer (Kirchengeschichte in Biographien, vol. i. P. iii. p. 99 ff.); Poujoulat (Histoire de S. Aug. Par. 1843 and 1852, 2 vols.; the same in German by Fr. Hurter, Schaffh. 1847, 2 vols.); Eisenbarth (Stuttg. 1853); Ph. Schaff (St. Augustine, Berlin, 1854; English ed. New York and London, 1854); C. Bindemann (Der heil. Aug., vol. i. Berl. 1844; vol. ii. 1855, incomplete). Braune: Monica und Augustin. Grimma, 1846. Comp. also the literature at § 146, p. 783.

The Philosophy of Augustine is discussed in the larger Histories of Philosophy by Brucker, Tennemann, Rixner, H. Ritter (vol. vi. pp. 153-443), Huber (Philosophie der Kirchenväter), and in the following works: Theod. Gangauf: Metaphysische Psychologie des heil. Augustinus. 1ste Abtheilung, Augsburg, 1852. T. Théry: Le génie philosophique et littéraire de saint Augustin. Par. 1861. Abbé Flottes: Études sur saint Aug., son génie, son âme, sa philosophie. Par. 1861. Nourrisson: La philosophie de saint Augustin (ouvrage couronné par l'Institut de France), deuxième ed. Par. 1866, 2 vols.

It is a venturesome and delicate undertaking to write one's own life, even though that life be a masterpiece of nature or of the grace of God, and therefore most worthy to be described. Of all autobiographies none has so happily avoided the reef of vanity and self-praise, and none has won so much esteem and love through its honesty and humility as that of St. Augustine.

The "Confessions," which he wrote in the forty-sixth year of his life, still burning in the ardor of his first love, are full of the fire and unction of the Holy Ghost. They are a sublime effusion, in which Augustine, like David in the fifty-first Psalm, confesses to God, in view of his own and of succeeding generations, without reserve the sins of his youth; and they are at the same time a hymn of praise to the grace of God, which led him out of darkness into light, and called him to service in the kingdom of Christ. [2135] Here we see the great church teacher of all times "prostrate in the dust, conversing with God, basking in his love; his readers hovering before him only as a shadow." He puts away from himself all honor, all greatness, all beauty, and lays them gratefully at the feet of the All-merciful. The reader feels on every hand that Christianity is no dream nor illusion, but truth and life, and he is carried along in adoration of the wonderful grace of God.

Aurelius Augustinus, born on the 13th of November, 354, [2136] at Tagaste, an unimportant village of the fertile province Numidia in North Africa, not far from Hippo Regius, inherited from his heathen father, Patricius, [2137] a passionate sensibility, from his Christian mother, Monica (one of the noblest women in the history of Christianity, of a highly intellectual and spiritual cast, of fervent piety, most tender affection, and all-conquering love), the deep yearning towards God so grandly expressed in his sentence: "Thou hast made us for Thee, and our heart is restless till it rests in Thee."
[2138] This yearning, and his reverence for the sweet and holy name of Jesus, though crowded into the background, attended him in his studies at the schools of Madaura and Carthage, on his journeys to Rome and Milan, and on his tedious wanderings through the labyrinth of carnal pleasures, Manichaean mock-wisdom, Academic skepticism, and Platonic idealism; till at last the prayers of his mother, the sermons of Ambrose, the biography of St. Anthony, and, above all, the Epistles of Paul, as so many instruments in the hand of the Holy Ghost, wrought in the man of three and thirty years that wonderful change which made him an incalculable blessing to the whole Christian world, and brought even the sins and errors of his youth into the service of the truth. [2139]

A son of so many prayers and tears could not be lost, and the faithful mother who travailed with him in spirit with greater pain than her body had in bringing him into the world, [2140] was permitted, for the encouragement of future mothers, to receive shortly before her death an answer to her prayers and expectations, and was able to leave this world with joy without revisiting her earthly home. For Monica died on a homeward journey, in Ostia at the mouth of the Tiber, in her fifty-sixth year, in the arms of her son, after enjoying with him a glorious conversation that soared above the confines of space and time, and was a foretaste of the eternal Sabbath-rest of the saints. She regretted not to die in a foreign land, because she was not far from God, who would raise her up at the last day. "Bury my body anywhere," was her last request, "and trouble not yourselves for it; only this one thing I ask, that you remember me at the altar of my God, wherever you may be." [2141] Augustine, in his Confessions, has erected to Monica the noblest monument that can never perish.

If ever there was a thorough and fruitful conversion, next to that of Paul on the way to Damascus, it was that of Augustine, when, in a garden of the Villa Cassiciacum, not far from Milan, in September of the year 386, amidst the most violent struggles of mind and heart--the birth-throes of the new life--he heard that divine voice of a child: "Take, read!" and he "put on the Lord Jesus Christ" (Rom. xiii. 14). It is a touching lamentation of his: "I have loved Thee late, Thou Beauty, so old and so new; I have loved Thee late! And lo! Thou wast within, but I was without, and was seeking Thee there. And into Thy fair creation I plunged myself in my ugliness; for Thou wast with me, and I was not with Thee! Those things kept me away from Thee, which had not been, except they had been in Thee! Thou didst call, and didst cry aloud, and break through my deafness. Thou didst glimmer, Thou didst shine, and didst drive away, my blindness. Thou didst breathe, and I drew breath, and breathed in Thee. I tasted Thee, and I hunger and thirst. Thou didst touch me, and I burn for Thy peace. If I, with all that is within me, may once live in Thee, then shall pain and trouble forsake me; entirely filled with Thee, all shall be life to me."

He received baptism from Ambrose in Milan on Easter Sunday, 387, in company with his friend and fellow-convert Alypius, and his natural son Adeodatus (given by God). It impressed the divine seal upon the inward transformation. He broke radically with the world; abandoned the brilliant and lucrative vocation of a teacher of rhetoric, which he had followed in Rome and Milan; sold his goods for the benefit of the poor: and thenceforth devoted his rare gifts exclusively to the service of Christ, and to that service he continued faithful to his latest breath. After the death of his mother, whom he revered and loved with the most tender affection, he went a second time to Rome for several months, and wrote books in defence of true Christianity against false philosophy and the Manichaean heresy. Returning to Africa, he spent three years, with his friends Alypius and Evodius, on an estate in his native Tagaste, in contemplative and literary retirement.

Then, in 391, he was chosen presbyter against his will, by the voice of the people, which, as in the similar cases of Cyprian and Ambrose, proved to be the voice of God, in the Numidian maritime city of Hippo Regius (now Bona); and in 395 he was elected bishop in the same city. For eight and thirty years, until his death, he labored in this place, and made it the intellectual centre of Western Christendom. [2142]

His outward mode of life was extremely simple, and mildly ascetic. He lived with his clergy in one house in an apostolic community of goods, and made this house a seminary of theology, out of which ten bishops and many lower clergy went forth. Females, even his sister, were excluded from his house, and could see him only in the presence of others. But he founded religious societies of women; and over one of these his sister, a saintly widow, presided. [2143] He once said in a sermon, that he had nowhere found better men, and he had nowhere found worse, than in monasteries. Combining, as he did, the clerical life with the monastic, he became unwittingly the founder of the Augustinian order, which gave the reformer Luther to the world. He wore the black dress of the Eastern coenobites, with a cowl and a leathern girdle. He lived almost entirely on vegetables, and seasoned the common meal with reading or free conversation, in which it was a rule that the character of an absent person should never be touched. He had this couplet engraved on the table:

"Quisquis amat dictis absentum rodere vitam,
Hanc mensam vetitam noverit esse sibi."

He often preached five days in succession, sometimes twice a day, and set it as the object of his preaching, that all might live with him, and he with all, in Christ. Wherever he went in Africa, he was begged to preach the word of salvation. [2144] He faithfully administered the external affairs connected with his office, though he found his chief delight in contemplation. He was specially devoted to the poor, and, like Ambrose, upon exigency, caused the church vessels to be melted down to redeem prisoners. But he refused legacies by which injustice was done to natural heirs, and commended the bishop Aurelius of Carthage for giving back unasked some property which a man had bequeathed to the church, when his wife unexpectedly bore him children.

Augustine's labors extended far beyond his little diocese. He was the intellectual head of the North African and the entire Western church of his time. He took active interest in all theological and ecclesiastical questions. He was the champion of the orthodox doctrine against Manichaean, Donatist, and Pelagian. In him was concentrated the whole polemic power of the catholicism of the time against heresy and schism; and in him it won the victory over them.

In his last years he took a critical review of his literary productions, and gave them a thorough sifting in his Retractations. His latest controversial works against the Semi-Pelagians, written in a gentle spirit, date from the same period. He bore the duties of his office alone till his seventy-second year, when his people unanimously elected his friend Heraclius to be his assistant and successor.

The evening of his life was troubled by increasing infirmities of body and by the unspeakable wretchedness which the barbarian Vandals spread over his country in their victorious invasion, destroying cities, villages, and churches, without mercy, and even besieging the fortified city of Hippo. [2145] Yet he faithfully persevered in his work. The last ten days of his life he spent in close retirement, in prayers and tears and repeated reading of the penitential Psalms, which he had caused to be written on the wall over his bed, that he might have them always before his eyes. Thus with an act of penance he closed his life. In the midst of the terrors of the siege and the despair of his people he could not suspect what abundant seed he had sown for the future.

In the third month of the siege of Hippo, on the 28th of August, 430, in the seventy-sixth year of his age, in full possession of his faculties, and in the presence of many friends and pupils, he passed gently and happily into that eternity to which he had so long aspired. "O how wonderful," wrote he in his Meditations, [2146] "how beautiful and lovely are the dwellings of Thy house, Almighty God! I burn with longing to behold Thy beauty in Thy bridal-chamber .... O Jerusalem, holy city of God, dear bride of Christ, my heart loves thee, my soul has already long sighed for thy beauty! .... The King of kings Himself is in the midst of thee, and His children are within thy walls. There are the hymning choirs of angels, the fellowship of heavenly citizens. There is the wedding-feast of all who from this sad earthly pilgrimage have reached thy joys. There is the far-seeing choir of the prophets; there the number of the twelve apostles; there the triumphant army of innumerable martyrs and holy confessors. Full and perfect love there reigns, for God is all in all. They love and praise, they praise and love Him evermore .... Blessed, perfectly and forever blessed, shall I too be, if, when my poor body shall be dissolved, ... I may stand before my King and God, and see Him in His glory, as He Himself hath deigned to promise: 'Father, I will that they also whom Thou hast given Me be with Me where I am; that they may behold My glory which I had with Thee before the world was.' " This aspiration after the heavenly Jerusalem found grand expression in the hymn De gloria et gaudiis Paradisi:

"Ad perennis vitae fontem mens sativit arida,"

which is incorporated in the Meditations of Augustine, and the idea of which originated in part with him, though it was not brought into poetical form till long afterwards by Peter Damiani. [2147]

He left no will, for in his voluntary poverty he had no earthly property to dispose of, except his library; this he bequeathed to the church, and it was fortunately preserved from the depredations of the Arian barbarians. [2148]

Soon after his death Hippo was taken and destroyed by the Vandals.
[2149] Africa was lost to the Romans. A few decades later the whole West-Roman empire fell in ruins. The culmination of the African church was the beginning of its decline. But the work of Augustine could not perish. His ideas fell like living seed into the soil of Europe, and produced abundant fruits in nations and countries of which he had never heard. [2150]

Augustine, the man with upturned eye, with pen in the left hand, and a burning heart in the right (as he is usually represented), is a philosophical and theological genius of the first order, towering like a pyramid above his age, and looking down commandingly upon succeeding centuries. He had a mind uncommonly fertile and deep, bold and soaring; and with it, what is better, a heart full of Christian love and humility. He stands of right by the side of the greatest philosophers of antiquity and of modern times. We meet him alike on the broad highways and the narrow footpaths, on the giddy Alpine heights and in the awful depths of speculation, wherever philosophical thinkers before him or after him have trod. As a theologian he is facile princeps, at least surpassed by no church father, scholastic, or reformer. With royal munificence he scattered ideas in passing, which have set in mighty motion other lands and later times. He combined the creative power of Tertullian with the churchly spirit of Cyprian, the speculative intellect of the Greek church with the practical tact of the Latin. He was a Christian philosopher and a philosophical theologian to the full. It was his need and his delight to wrestle again and again with the hardest problems of thought, and to comprehend to the utmost the divinely revealed matter of the faith. [2151] He always asserted, indeed, the primacy of faith, according to his maxim: Fides praecedit intellectum; appealing, with theologians before him, to the well-known passage of Isaiah vii. 9 (in the LXX.): "Nisi credideritis, non intelligetis." But to him faith itself was an acting of reason, and from faith to knowledge, therefore, there was a necessary transition. [2152] He constantly looked below the surface to the hidden motives of actions and to the universal laws of diverse events. The metaphysician and the Christian believer coalesced in him. His meditatio passes with the utmost ease into oratio, and his oratio into meditatio. With profundity he combined an equal clearness and sharpness of thought. He was an extremely skilful and a successful dialectician, inexhaustible in arguments and in answers to the objections of his adversaries.

He has enriched Latin literature with a greater store of beautiful, original, and pregnant proverbial sayings, than any classic author, or any other teacher of the church. [2153]

He had a creative and decisive hand in almost every dogma of the church, completing some, and advancing others. The centre of his system is the free redeeming grace of God in Christ, operating through the actual, historical church. He is evangelical or Pauline in his doctrine of sin and grace, but catholic (that is, old-catholic, not Roman Catholic) in his doctrine of the church. The Pauline element comes forward mainly in the Pelagian controversy, the catholic-churchly in the Donatist; but each is modified by the other.

Dr. Baur incorrectly makes freedom the fundamental idea of the Augustinian system (it much better suits the Pelagian), and founds on this view an ingenious, but only half true, comparison between Augustine and Origen. "There is no church teacher of the ancient period," says he, [2154] "who, in intellect and in grandeur and consistency of view, can more justly be placed by the side of Origen than Augustine; none who, with all the difference in individuality and in mode of thought, so closely resembles him. How far both towered above their times, is most clearly manifest in the very fact that they alone, of all the theologians of the first six centuries, became the creators of distinct systems, each proceeding from its definite idea, and each completely carried out; and this fact proves also how much the one system has that is analogous to the other. The one system, like the other, is founded upon the idea of freedom; in both there is a specific act, by which the entire development of human life is determined; and in both this is an act which lies far outside of the temporal consciousness of the individual; with this difference alone, that in one system the act belongs to each separate individual himself, and only falls outside of his temporal life and consciousness; in the other, it lies within the sphere of the temporal history of man, but is only the act of one individual. If in the system of Origen nothing gives greater offence than the idea of the pre-existence and fall of souls, which seems to adopt heathen ideas into the Christian faith, there is in the system of Augustine the same overleaping of individual life and consciousness, in order to explain from an act in the past the present sinful condition of man; but the pagan Platonic point of view is exchanged for one taken from the Old Testament .... What therefore essentially distinguishes the system of Augustine from that of Origen, is only this: the fall of Adam is substituted for the pre-temporal fall of souls, and what in Origen still wears a heathen garb, puts on in Augustine a purely Old Testament form."

The learning of Augustine was not equal to his genius, nor as extensive as that of Origen and Eusebius, but still considerable for his time, and superior to that of any of the Latin fathers, with the single exception of Jerome. He had received in the schools of Madaura and Carthage a good theoretical and rhetorical preparation for the forum, which stood him in good stead also in theology. He was familiar with Latin literature, and was by no means blind to the excellencies of the classics, though he placed them far below the higher beauty of the Holy Scriptures. The Hortensius of Cicero (a lost work) inspired him during his university course with enthusiasm for philosophy and for the knowledge of truth for its own sake; the study of Platonic and Neo-Platonic works (in the Latin version of the rhetorician Victorinus) kindled in him an incredible fire; [2155] though in both he missed the holy name of Jesus and the cardinal virtues of love and humility, and found in them only beautiful ideals without power to conform him to them. His City of God, his book on heresies, and other writings, show an extensive knowledge of ancient philosophy, poetry, and history, sacred and secular. He refers to the most distinguished persons of Greece and Rome; he often alludes to Pythagoras, Plato, Aristotle, Plotin, Porphyry, Cicero, Seneca, Horace, Virgil, to the earlier Greek and Latin fathers, to Eastern and Western heretics. But his knowledge of Greek literature was mostly derived from Latin translations. With the Greek language, as he himself frankly and modestly confesses, he had, in comparison with Jerome, but a superficial acquaintance. [2156] Hebrew he did not understand at all. Hence, with all his extraordinary familiarity with the Latin Bible, he made many mistakes in exposition. He was rather a thinker than a scholar, and depended mainly on his own resources, which were always abundant. [2157] __________________________________________________________________

[2135] Augustinehimself says of his Confessions: "Confessionum mearum libri tredecim et de malis et de bonis meis Deum laudant justum et bonum, atque in eum excitant humanum intellectum et affectum." Retract. l. ii. c. 6.

[2136] He died, according to the Chronicle of his friend and pupil Prosper Aquitanus, the 28th of August, 430 (in the third month of the siege of Hippo by the Vandals); according to his biographer Possidius he lived seventy-six years. The day of his birth Augustinestates himself, De vita beata, § 6 (tom. i. 800): "Idibus Novembris mihi natalis dies erat."

[2137] He received baptism shortly before his death.

[2138] Conf. i. I: "Fecisti nos ad Te, et inquietum est cor nostrum, donee requiescat in Te." In all his aberrations, which we would hardly know, if it were not from his own free confession, he never sunk to anything mean, but remained, like Paul in his Jewish fanaticism, a noble intellect and an honorable character, with burning love for the true and the good.

[2139] For particulars respecting the course of Augustine's life, see my work above cited, and other monographs. Comp. also the fine remarks of Dr. Baurin his posthumous Lectures on Doctrine-History (1866), vol. i. Part ii, p. 26 ff. He compares the development of Augustinewith the course of Christianity from the beginning to his time, and draws a parallel between Augustineand Origen.

[2140] Conf. ix. c. 8: "Quae me parturivit et carne ut in hanc temporalem, et corde, ut in aeternam lucem nascerer." L. v. 9: "Non enim satis eloquor, quid erga me habebat animi, et quanto majore sollicitudine me parturiebat spiritu, quam came pepererat."

[2141] Conf. l. ix. c. 11 "Tantum illud vos rogo, ut ad Domini altare memineritis mei, ubi fueritis." This must be explained from the already prevailing custom of offering prayers for the dead, which, however, had rather the form of thanksgiving for the mercy of God shown to them, than the later form of intercession for them. Comp. above, § 84, p. 432 ff.

[2142] He is still known among the inhabitants of the place as "the great Christian (Rumi Kebir). Gibbon(ch. xxxiii. ad Ann. 430) thus describes the place which became so famous through Augustine: " The maritime colony of Hippo, about two hundred miles westward of Carthage, had formerly acquired the distinguishing epithet of Regius, from the residence of the Numidian kings; and some remains of trade and populousness still adhere to the modern city, which is known in Europe by the corrupted name of Bona." See below, Fn126.

[2143] He mentions a sister, "soror mea, sancta proposita" [monasterii], without naming her Epist. 211, n. 4 (ed. Bened.), alias Ep. 109. He also had a brother by the name of Navigius.

[2144] Possidius says, in his Vita Aug.: "Caeterum episcopatu suscepto multo instantius ac ferventius majore auctoritate, non in una tantum regione, sed ubicunque rogatus verisset verbum salutis alacriter ac suaviter, pullulante atque crescente Domini ecclesia, praedicavit."

[2145] Possidius, c. 28, gives a vivid picture of the ravages of the Vandals, which have become proverbial. Comp. also Gibbon, ch. xxxiii.

[2146] I freely combine several passages.

[2147] Comp. Daniel: Thesaurus hymnol. i. p. 116 sqq., and iv. p. 203 sq., and 116, above (p. 593, note 1).

[2148] Possidius says, Vita, c. 31: "Testamentum nullum fecit, quia unde faceret, pauper Dei non habuit. Ecclesiae bibliothecam omnesque codices diligenter posteris custodiendos semper jubebat."

[2149] The inhabitants escaped to the sea. There appears no bishop of Hippo after Augustine. In the seventh century the old city was utterly destroyed by the Arabians, but two miles from it Bona was built out of its ruins. Comp. Tillemont, xii i. 945, and Gibbon, ch. xxxiii. Gibbon says, that Bona, "in the sixteenth century, contained about three hundred families of industrious, but turbulent manufacturers. The adjacent territory is renowned for a pure air, a fertile soil, and plenty of exquisite fruits." Since the French conquest of Algiers, Bona was rebuilt in 1832, and is gradually assuming a French aspect. It is now one of the finest towns in Algeria, the key to the province of Constantine, has a public garden, several schools, considerable commerce, and a population of over 10,000 of French, Moors, and Jews, the great majority of whom are foreigners. The relics of St. Augustinehave been recently transferred from Pavia to Bona. See the letters of abbé Sibour to Poujoulat sur la translation de la relique de saint Augustin de Pavie à Hippone, in Poujoulat'sHistoire de saint Augustin, tom. i. p. 413 sqq.

[2150] Even in Africa Augustine's spirit reappeared from time to time, notwithstanding the barbarian confusion, as a light in darkness, first in Vigilius, bishop of Tapsus, who, at the close of the fifth century, ably defended the orthodox doctrine of the Trinity and the person of Christ, and to whom the authorship of the so-called Athanasian Creed has sometimes been ascribed; in Fulgentius, bishop of Ruspe, one of the chief opponents of Semi-Pelagianism, and the later Arianism, who with sixty catholic bishops of Africa was banished for several years by the Arian Vandals to the island of Sardinia, and who was called the Augustineof the sixth century died 533); and in Facundus of Hermiane (died 570), and Fulgentius Ferrandusand Liberatus, two deacons of Carthage, who took a prominent part in the Three Chapter controversy.

[2151] Or, as he wrote to a friend about the year 410, Epist. 120, c. 1, § 2 (tom. ii. p. 347, ed. Bened. Venet.; in older ed., Ep. 122): "Ut quod credis intelligas ... non ut fidem respuas, sed ea quae fidei firmitate jam tenes, etiam rationis luce conspicias." He continues, ibid. c. 3: "Absit namque, ut hoe in nobis Deus oderit, in quo nos reliquis animalibus excellentiores creavit. Absit, inquam, ut ideo credamus, ne rationem accipiamus vel quaeramus; cum etiam credere non possemus, nisi rationales animas haberemus." In one of his earliest works, Contra Academ. l. iii. c. 20, § 43, he says of himself: "Ita sum affectus, ut quid sit verum non credendo solum, sed etiam intelligendo apprehendere impatienter desiderem."

[2152] Comp. De praed. Sanct. cap. 2, § 5 (tom. x. p. 792): "Ipsum credere nihil aliud est quam cum assensione cogitare. Non enim omnia qui cogitat, credit, cum ideo cogitant, plurique ne credant; sed cogitat omnia qui credit, et credendo cogitat et cogitando credit. Fides si non cogitetur, nulls est." Ep. 120, cap. 1, § 3 (tom. ii. 347), and Ep. 137, c. 4, § 15 (tom. ii. 408): "Intellectui fides aditum aperit, infidelitas claudit." Augustine's view of faith and knowledge is discussed at large by Gangauf, Metaphysische Psychologie des heil Augustinus, i. pp. 31-76, and by Nourrisson, La philosophie de saint Augustin, tom. ii. 282-290.

[2153] Prosper Aquitanus collected from the works of Augustinea long list of sentences (see the Appendix to the tenth vol. of the Bened. ed. p. 223 sqq.), with reference to theological purport and the Pelagian controversies. We recall some of the best, which he has omitted: "Novum Testamentum in Vetere latet, Vetus in Novo patet." "Distingue tempora, et concordabit Scriptura." "Cor nostrum inquietum est, donec requiescat in Te." "Da quod jubes, et jube quod vis." "Non vincit nisi veritas, victoria veritatis est caritas." "Ubi amor, ibi trinitas." "Fides praecedit intellectum." "Deo servire vera libertas est." "Nulla infelicitas frangit, quem felicitas nulls corrumpit." The famous maxim of ecclesiastical harmony: "In necessariis unitas, in dubiis (or non necessariis) libertas, in omnibus (in utrisque) caritas,"--which is often ascribed to Augustine, dates in this form not from him, but from a much later period. Dr. Lücke(in a special treatise on the antiquity of the author, the original form, etc., of this sentence, Göttingen,
1850) traces the authorship to Rupert Meldenius, an irenical German theologian of the seventeenth century.

[2154] L.c.p. 30 sq.

[2155] Adv. Academicos, l. ii. c. 2, § 5: "Etiam mihi ipsi de me incredibile incendium concitarunt." And in several passages of the Civitas Dei (viii. 3-12; xxii. 27) he speaks very favorably of Plato, and also of Aristotle, and thus broke the way for the high authority of the Aristotelian philosophy with the scholastics of the middle age.

[2156] It is sometimes asserted that he had no knowledge at all of the Greek. So Gibbon, for example, says (ch. xxxiii.): "The superficial learning of Augustinewas confined to the Latin language." But this is as much a mistake as the other assertion of Gibbon, that "the orthodoxy of St. Augustinewas derived from the Manichaean school." In his youth he had a great aversion to the glorious language of Hellas (Conf. i. 14), and read the writings of Plato in a Latin translation (vii. 9). But after his baptism during his second residence in Rome, he took it up again with greater zest, for the sake of his biblical studies. In Hippo he had, while presbyter, good opportunity to advance in it, since his bishop, Aurelius, a native Greek, understood his mother tongue much better than the Latin. In his books he occasionally makes reference to the Greek. In his work Contra Jul. i. c. 6 § 21 (tom. x. 510), he corrects the Pelagian Julianin a translation from Chrysostom, quoting the original. "Ego ipsa verba Graeca quae a Joanne dicta sunt ponam: `dia touto kai ta paidia baptizomen, kaitoi hamaptemata ouk echonta, quod est Latine: Ideo et infantes baptizamus, quamvis peccata non habentes." Julianhad freely rendered this: "cum non sint coinquinati peccato," and had drawn the inference: "Sanctus Joannes Constantinopolitanus negat esse in parvulis originale peccatum." Augustinehelps himself out of the pinch by arbitrarily supplying propria to hamartemata, so that the idea of sin inherited from another is not excluded. The Greek fathers, however, did not consider hereditary corruption to be proper sin or guilt at all, but only defect, weakness, or disease. In the City of God, lib. xix. c. 23, he quotes a passage from Porphyry's ek logion philosophia. It is probable that he read Plotin, and the Panarion of Epiphanius or the summary of it, in Greek (while the Church History of Eusebius he knew only in the translation of Rufinus). But in his exegetical and other works he very rarely consults the Septuagint or Greek Testament, and was content with the very imperfect Itala or the improved version of Jerome. The Benedictine editors overestimate his knowledge of Greek. He himself frankly confesses that he knew very little of it, De Trinit. l. iii. Prooem. ("Graecae linguae non sit nobis tantus habitus, ut talium rerum libris legendis et intelligendis uno modo reperiamur idonei"), and Contra literas Petiliani (written in 400), l. ii. c. 38 ("Et ego quidem Graecae linguae perparum assecutus sum, et prope nihil"). On the philosophical learning of Augustinemay be compared Nourrisson, l.c. ii. p. 92 ff.

[2157] 166 The following are some of the most intelligent and appreciative estimates of Augustine. Erasmus(Ep. dedicat. ad Alfons. archiep. Tolet. 1529) says, with an ingenious play upon the name Aurelius Augustinus: "Quid habet orbis christianus hoc scriptore magis aureum vel augustius? ut ipsa vocabula nequaquam fortuito, sed numinis providentia videantur indita viro. Auro sapientiae nihil pretiosius: fulgore eloquentiae cum sapientia conjunctae nihil mirabilius .... Non arbitror alium esse doctorem, in quem opulentus ille ac benignus Spiritus dotes suas omnes largius effuderit, quam in Augustinum." The great philosopher Leibnitz(Praefat. ad Theodic. § 34) calls him "virum sane magnum et ingenii stupendi," and "vastissimo ingenio praeditum." Dr. Baur, without sympathy with his views, speaks enthusiastically of the man and his genius. Among other things be says (Vorlesungen über Dogmengeschichte, i. i. p. 61): "There is scarcely another theological author so fertile and withal so able as Augustine. His scholarship was certainly not equal to his mind; yet even that is sometimes set too low, when it is asserted that he had no acquaintance at all with the Greek language; for this is incorrect, though he had attained no great proficiency in Greek." C. Bindemann(a Lutheran divine) begins his thorough monograph (vol. i. preface) with the well-deserved eulogium: "St. Augustineis one of the greatest personages in the church. He is second in importance to none of the teachers who have wrought most in the church since the apostolic time; and it can well be said that among the church fathers the first place is due to him, and in the time of the Reformation a Luther alone, for fulness and depth of thought and grandeur of character, may stand by his side. He is the summit of the development of the mediaeval Westem church; from him descended the mysticism, no less than the scholasticism, of the middle age; he was one of the strongest pillars of the Roman Catholicism, and from his works, next to the Holy Scriptures, especially the Epistles of Paul, the leaders of the Reformation drew most of that conviction by which a new age was introduced." Staudenmaier, a Roman Catholic theologian, counts Augustineamong those minds in which an hundred others dwell (Scotus Erigena, i. p. 274). The Roman Catholic philosophers A. Güntherand Th. Gangauf, put him on an equality with the greatest philosophers, and discern in him a providential personage endowed by the Spirit of God for the instruction of all ages. A striking characterization is that of Dr. Johannes Huber(in his instructive work: Die Philosophie der Kirchenväter, Munich, 1859, p. 312 sq.): "Augustineis a unique phenomenon in Christian history. No one of the other fathers has left so luminous traces of his existence. Though we find among them many rich and powerful minds yet we find in none the forces of personal character, mind, heart, and will, so largely developed and so harmoniously working. No one surpasses him in wealth of perceptions and dialectical sharpness of thoughts, in depth and fervor of religious sensibility, in greatness of aims and energy of action. He therefore also marks the culmination of the patriotic age, and has been elevated by the acknowledgment of succeeding times as the first and the universal church father.--His whole character reminds us in many respects of Paul, with whom he has also in common the experience of being called from manifold errors to the service of the gospel, and like whom he could boast that he had labored in it more abundantly than all the others. And as Paul among the Apostles pre-eminently determined the development of Christianity, and became, more than all others, the expression of the Christian mind, to which men ever afterwards return, as often as in the life of the church that mind becomes turbid, to draw from him, as the purest fountain, a fresh understanding of the gospel doctrine,--so has Augustineturned the Christian nations since his time for the most part into his paths, and become pre-eminently their trainer and teacher, in the study of whom they always gain a renewal and deepening of their consciousness. Not the middle age alone, but the Reformation also, was ruled by him, and whatever to this day boasts of the Christian spirit, is connected at least in part with Augustine." Nourrisson, the latest French writer on Augustine, whose work is clothed with the authority of the Institute of France, assigns to the bishop of Hippo the fast rank among the masters of human thought, alongside of Plato and Leibnitz, Thomas Aquinas and Bossuet. "Si une critique toujours respectueuse, mais d'une inviolable sincérité, est une des formes les plus hautes de l'admiration, j'estime, au contraire, n'avoir fait qu'exalter ce grand coeur, ce psychologue consolant et ému, ce métaphysicien subtil et sublime, en un mot, cet attachant et poétique génie, dont la place reste marquée, au premier rang, parmi le maîtres de la pensée humaine, à côté de Platon et de Descartes, d'Aristote et de saint Thomas, de Leibniz et de Bossuet." (La philosophie de saint Augustin, Par. 1866, tom. i. p. vii.) Among English and American writers, Dr. Shedd, in the Introduction to his edition of an old translation of the Confessions (1860), has furnished a truthful and forcible description of the mind and heart of St. Augustine, as portrayed in this remarkable book. __________________________________________________________________

§ 179. The Works of Augustine.

The numerous writings of Augustine, the composition of which extended through four and forty years, are a mine of Christian knowledge and experience. They abound in lofty ideas, noble sentiments, devout effusions, clear statements of truth, strong arguments against error, and passages of fervid eloquence and undying beauty, but also in innumerable repetitions, fanciful opinions, and playful conjectures of his uncommonly fertile brain. [2158] His style is full of life and vigor and ingenious plays on words, but deficient in purity and elegance, and by no means free from wearisome prolixity and from that vagabunda loquacitas, with which his adroit opponent, Julian of Eclanum, charged him. He would rather, as he said, be blamed by grammarians, than not understood by the people; and he bestowed little care upon his style, though he many a time rises in lofty poetic flight. He made no point of literary renown, but, impelled by love to God and to the church, he wrote from the fulness of his mind and heart. The writings before his conversion, a treatise on the Beautiful (De Pulchro et Apto), the orations and eulogies which he delivered as rhetorician at Carthage, Rome, and Milan, are lost. The professor of eloquence, the heathen philosopher, the Manichaean heretic, the sceptic and freethinker, are known to us only, from his regrets and recantations in the Confessions and other works. His literary career for as commences in his pious retreat at Cassiciacum where he prepared himself for a public profession of his faith. He appears first, in the works composed at Cassiciacum, Rome, and near Tagaste, as a Christian philosopher, after his consecration to the priesthood as a theologian. Yet even in his theological works he everywhere manifests the metaphysical and speculative bent of his mind. He never abandoned or depreciated reason, he only subordinated it to faith and made it subservient to the defence of revealed truth. Faith is the pioneer of reason, and discovers the territory which reason explores.

The following is a classified view of his most important works, the contents of the most of which we have already noticed in former sections. [2159]

I. Autobiographical works. To these belong the Confessions and the Retractations; the former acknowledging his sins, the latter his theoretical errors. In the one he subjects his life, in the other his writings, to close criticism; and these productions therefore furnish the best standard for judging of his entire labors. [2160]

The Confessions are the most profitable, at least the most edifying, product of his pen; indeed, we may no doubt say, the most edifying book in all the patristic literature. They were accordingly, the most read even during his lifetime, [2161] and they have been the most frequently published since. [2162] A more sincere and more earnest book was never written. The historical part, to the tenth book, is one of the devotional classics of all creeds, and second in popularity only to the "Imitation of Christ," by Thomas a Kempis, and Bunyan's "Pilgrim's Progress." Certainly no autobiography is superior to it in true humility, spiritual depth, and universal interest. Augustine's experience, as a heathen sensualist, a Manichaean heretic, an anxious inquirer, a sincere penitent, and a grateful convert, is reflected in every human soul that struggles through the temptations of nature and the labyrinth of error to the knowledge of truth and the beauty of holiness, and after many sighs and tears finds rest ad peace in the arms of a merciful Saviour. Rousseau's "Confessions," and Goethe's "Truth and Poetry," though written in a radically different spirit, may be compared with Augustine's Confessions as works of rare genius and of absorbing interest, but, by attempting to exalt human nature in its unsanctified state, they tend as much to expose its vanity and weakness, as the work of the bishop of Hippo, being written with a single eye to the glory of God, raises man from the dust of repentance to a new and imperishable life of the Spirit. [2163]

Augustine composed the Confessions about the year 400. The first ten books contain, in the form of a continuous prayer and confession before God, a general sketch of his earlier life, of his conversion, and of his return to Africa in the thirty-fourth year of his age. The salient points in these books are the engaging history of his conversion in Milan, and the story of the last days of his noble mother in Ostia, spent as it were at the very gate of heaven and in full assurance of a blessed reunion at the throne of glory. The last three books (and a part of the tenth) are devoted to speculative philosophy; they treat, partly in tacit opposition to Manichaeism, of the metaphysical questions of the possibility of knowing God, and the nature of time and space; and they give an interpretation of the Mosaic cosmogony in the style of the typical allegorical exegesis usual with the fathers, but foreign to our age; they are therefore of little value to the general reader, except as showing that even abstract metaphysical subjects may be devotionally treated.

The Retractations were produced in the evening of his life (427), when, mindful of the proverb: "In the multitude of words there wanteth not sin," [2164] and remembering that we must give account for every idle word, [2165] he judged himself, that he might not be judged. [2166] He revised in chronological order the numerous works he had written before and during his episcopate, and retracted or corrected whatever in them seemed to his riper knowledge false or obscure. In all essential points, nevertheless, his theological system remained the same from his conversion to this time. The Retractations give beautiful evidence of his love of truth, his conscientiousness, and his humility. [2167]

To this same class should be added the Letters of Augustine, of which the Benedictine editors, in their second volume, give two hundred and seventy (including letters to Augustine) in chronological order from a.d. 386 to a.d. 429. These letters treat, sometimes very minutely, of all the important questions of his time, and give us an insight of his cares, his official fidelity, his large heart, and his effort to become, like Paul, all things to all men.

When the questions of friends and pupils accumulated, he answered them in special works; and in this way he produced various collections of Quaestiones and Responsiones, dogmatical, exegetical, and miscellaneous (a.d. 390, 397, &c.).

II. Philosophical treatises, in dialogue; almost all composed in his earlier life; either during his residence on the country-seat Cassiciacum in the vicinity of Milan, where he spent half a year before his baptism in instructive and stimulating conversation in a sort of academy or Christian Platonic banquet with Monica, his son Adeodatus, his brother Navigius, his friend Alypius, and some cousins and pupils; or during his second residence in Rome; or soon after his return to Africa. [2168]

To this class belong the works: Contra Academicos libri tres (386), in which he combats the skepticism and probabilism of the New Academy,--the doctrine that man can never reach the truth, but can at best attain only probability; De vita beata (386), in which he makes true blessedness to consist in the perfect knowledge of God; De ordine,--on the relation of evil to the divine order of the world
[2169] (386); Soliloquia (387), communings with his own soul concerning God, the highest good, the knowledge of truth, and immortality; De immortalitate animae (387), a continuation of the Soliloquies; De quantitate animae (387), discussing sundry questions of the size, the origin, the incorporeity of the soul; De musica libri vi (387389); De magistro (389), in which, in a dialogue with his son Adeodatus, a pious and promising, but precocious youth, who died soon after his return to Africa (389), he treats on the importance and virtue of the word of God, and on Christ as the infallible Master. [2170] To these may be added the later work, De anima et ejus origine (419). Other philosophical works on grammar, dialectics (or ars bene disputandi), rhetoric, geometry, and arithmetic, are lost. [2171]

These works exhibit as yet little that is specifically Christian and churchly; but they show a Platonism seized and consecrated by the spirit of Christianity, full of high thoughts, ideal views, and discriminating argument. They were designed to present the different stages of human thought by which he himself had reached the knowledge of the truth, and to serve others as steps to the sanctuary. They form an elementary introduction to his theology. He afterwards, in his Retractations, withdrew many things contained in them, like the Platonic view of the pre-existence of the soul, and the Platonic idea that the acquisition of knowledge is a recollection or excavation of the knowledge hidden in the mind. [2172] The philosopher in him afterwards yielded more and more to the theologian, and his views became more positive and empirical, though in some cases narrower also and more exclusive. Yet he could never cease to philosophize, and even his later works, especially De Trinitate and De Civitate Dei, are full of profound speculations. Before his conversion he, followed a particular system of philosophy, first the Manichaean, then the Platonic; after his conversion he embraced the Christian philosophy, which is based on the divine revelation of the Scriptures, and is the handmaid of theology and religion; but at the same time he prepared the way for the catholic ecclesiastical philosophy, which rests on the authority of the church, and became complete in the scholasticism of the middle age.

In the history of philosophy he deserves a place in the highest rank, and has done greater service to the science of sciences than any other father, Clement of Alexandria and Origen not excepted. He attacked and refuted the pagan philosophy as pantheistic or dualistic at heart; he shook the superstitions of astrology and magic; he expelled from philosophy the doctrine of emanation, and the idea that God is the soul of the world; he substantially advanced psychology; he solved the question of the origin and the nature of evil more nearly than any of his predecessors, and as nearly as most of his successors; he was the first to investigate thoroughly the relation of divine omnipotence and omniscience to human freedom, and to construct a theodicy; in short, he is properly the founder of a Christian philosophy, and not only divided with Aristotle the empire of the mediaeval scholasticism, but furnished also living germs for new systems of philosophy, and will always be consulted in the speculative establishment of Christian doctrines.

III. Apologetic works against Pagans and Jews. Among these the twenty-two books, De Civitate Dei, are still well worth reading. They form the deepest and richest apologetic work of antiquity; begun in 413, after the occupation of Rome by the Gothic king Alaric, finished in 426, and often separately published. They condense his entire theory of the world and of man, and are the first attempt at a comprehensive philosophy of universal history under the dualistic view of two antagonistic currents or organized forces, a kingdom of this world which is doomed to final destruction and a kingdom of God which will last forever. [2173]

IV. Religious-Theological works of a general nature (in part anti-Manichaean): De utilitate credendi, against the Gnostic exaltation of knowledge (392); De fide et symbolo, a discourse which, though only presbyter, he delivered on the Apostles' Creed before the council at Hippo at the request of the bishops in 393; De doctrina Christiana iv libri (397; the fourth book added in 426), a compend of exegetical theology for instruction in the interpretation of the Scriptures according to the analogy of the faith; De catechizandis rudibus, likewise for catechetical purposes (400); Enchiridion, or De fide, spe et caritate, a brief compend of the doctrine of faith and morals, which he wrote in 421, or later, at the request of Laurentius; hence also called Manuale ad Laurentium.

V. Polemic-Theological works. These are the most copious sources of the history of doctrine. The heresies collectively are reviewed in the book De haeresibus ad Quodvultdeum, written between 428 and 430 to a friend and deacon in Carthage, and giving a survey of eighty-eight heresies, from the Simonians to the Pelagians. [2174] In the work De vera religione (390) Augustine proposed to show that the true religion is to be found not with the heretics and schismatics, but only in the catholic church of that time.

The other controversial works are directed against the particular heresies of Manichaeism, Donatism, Arianism, Pelagianism, and Semi-Pelagianism. Augustine, with all the firmness of his convictions, was free from personal antipathy, and used the pen of controversy in the genuine Christian spirit, fortiter in re, suaviter in modo. He understood Paul's aletheuein en agape, and forms in this respect a pleasing contrast to Jerome, who probably had by nature no more fiery temperament than he, but was less able to control it. "Let those," he very beautifully says to the Manichaeans, "burn with hatred against you, who do not know how much pains it costs to find the truth, how hard it is to guard against error;--but I, who after so great and long wavering came to know the truth, must bear myself towards you with the same patience which my fellow-believers showed towards me while I was wandering in blind madness in your opinions." [2175]

1. The anti-Manichaean works date mostly from his earlier life, and in time and matter follow immediately upon his philosophical writings.
[2176] In them he afterwards found most to retract, because he advocated the freedom of the will against the Manichaean fatalism. The most important are: De moribus ecclesiae catholicae, et de moribus Manichaeorum, two books (written during his second residence in Rome, 388); De vera religione (390); Unde malum, et de libero arbitrio, usually simply De libero arbitrio, in three books, against the Manichaean doctrine of evil as a substance, and as having its seat in matter instead of free will (begun in 388, finished in 395); De Genesi contra Manichaeos, a defence of the biblical doctrine of creation (389); De duabus animabus, against the psychological dualism of the Manichaeans (392); Disputatio contra Fortunatum (a triumphant refutation of this Manichaean priest in Hippo in August, 392); Contra Epistolam Manichaei quam vocant fundamenti (397); Contra Faustum Manichaeum, in thirty-three books (400-404); De natura boni (404), &c.

These works treat of the origin of evil; of free will; of the harmony of the Old and New Testaments, and of revelation and nature; of creation out of nothing, in opposition to dualism and hylozoism; of the supremacy of faith over knowledge; of the, authority of the Scriptures and the church; of the true and the false asceticism, and other disputed points; and they are the chief source of our knowledge of the Manichaean Gnosticism and of the arguments against it. Having himself belonged for nine years to this sect, Augustine was the better fitted for the task of refuting it, as Paul was peculiarly prepared for the confutation of the Pharisaic Judaism. His doctrine of the nature of evil is particularly valuable, He has triumphantly demonstrated for all time, that evil is not a corporeal thing, nor in any way substantial, but a product of the free will of the creature, a perversion of substance in itself good, a corruption of the nature created by God.

2. Against the Priscillianists, a sect in Spain built on Manichaean principles, are directed the book Ad Paulum Orosium contra Priscillianistas et Origenistas (411); [2177] the book Contra mendacium, addressed to Consentius (420); and in part the 190th Epistle (alias Ep. 157), to the bishop Optatus, on the origin of the soul (418), and two other letters, in which he refutes erroneous views on the nature of the soul, the limitation of future punishments, and the lawfulness of fraud for supposed good purposes.

3. The anti-Donatistic works, composed between the years 393 and 420, argue against separatism, and contain Augustine's doctrine of the church and church-discipline, and of the sacraments. To these belong: Psalmus contra partem Donati (a.d. 393), a polemic popular song without regular metre, intended to offset the songs of the Donatists; Contra epistolam Parmeniani, written in 400 against the Carthaginian bishop of the Donatists, the successor of Donatus; De baptismo contra Donatistas, in favor of the validity of heretical baptism (400); Contra literas Petiliani (about 400), against the view of Cyprian and the Donatists, that the efficacy of the sacraments depends on the personal worthiness and the ecclesiastical status of the officiating priest; Ad Catholicos Epistola contra Donatistas, vulgo De unitate ecclesiae (402); Contra Cresconium grammaticum Donatistam (406); Breviculus collationis cum Donatistis, a short account of the three-days' religious conference with the Donatists (411); De correctione Donatistarum (417); Contra Gaudentium, Donat. Episcopum, the last anti-Donatistic work (420).
[2178]

4. The anti-Arian works have to do with the deity of Christ and of the Holy Ghost, and with the Holy Trinity. By far the most important of these are the fifteen books De Trinitate (400-416);--the most profound and discriminating production of the ancient church on the Trinity, in no respect inferior to the kindred works of Athanasius and the two Gregories, and for centuries final to the dogma. [2179] This may also be counted among the positive didactic works, for it is not directly controversial. The Collatio cum Maximino Ariano, an obscure babbler, belongs to the year 428.

5. The numerous anti-Pelagian works of Augustine are his most influential and most valuable. They were written between the years 412 and 429. In them Augustine, in his intellectual and spiritual prime, developes his system of anthropology and soteriology, and most nearly approaches the position of evangelical Protestantism: On the Guilt and the Remission of Sins, and Infant Baptism (412); On the Spirit and the Letter (413); On Nature and Grace (415); On the Acts of Pelagius (417); On the Grace of Christ, and Original Sin (418); On Marriage and Concupiscence (419); On Grace and Free Will (426); On Discipline and Grace (427); Against Julian of Eclanum (two large works, written between 421 and 429, the Second unfinished, and hence called Opus imperfectum); On the Predestination of the Saints (428); On the Gift of Perseverance (429); &c. [2180]

VI. Exegetical works. The best of these are: De Genesi ad literam (The Genesis word for word), in twelve books, an extended exposition of the first three chapters of Genesis, particularly the history of the creation literally interpreted, though with many mystical and allegorical interpretations also (written between 401 and 415); [2181] Enarrationes in Psalmos (mostly sermons); [2182] the hundred and twenty-four Homilies on the Gospel of John (416 and 417); [2183] the ten Homilies on the First Epistle of John (417); the Exposition of the Sermon on the Mount (393); the Harmony of the Gospels (De consensu evangelistarum, 400); the Epistle to the Galatians (394); and the unfinished commentary on the Epistle to the Romans. [2184]

Augustine deals more in lively, profound, and edifying thoughts on the Scriptures than in proper grammatical and historical exposition, for which neither he nor his readers had the necessary linguistic knowledge, disposition, or taste. He grounded his theology less upon exegesis than upon his Christian and churchly mind, saturated with Scriptural truths.

VII. Ethical or Practical and Ascetic works. Among these belong three hundred and ninety-six Sermones (mostly very short) de Scripturis (on texts of Scripture), de tempore (festival sermons), de sanctis (in memory of apostles, martyrs, and saints), and de diversis (on various occasions), some of them dictated by Augustine, some taken down by hearers. [2185] Also various moral treatises: De continentia (395); De mendacio (395), against deception (not to be confounded with the similar work already mentioned Contra mendacium, against the fraud-theory of the Priscillianists, written in 420); De agone Christiano (396); De opere monachorum, against monastic idleness (400); De bono conjugali adv. Jovinianum (400); De virginitate (401); De fide et operibus (413); De adulterinis conjugiis, on 1 Cor. vii. 10 sqq. (419); De bono viduitatis (418); De patientia (418); De cura pro mortuis gerenda, to Paulinus of Nola (421); De utilitate jejunii; De diligendo Deo; Meditationes; etc. [2186]

As we survey, this enormous literary labor, augmented by many other treatises and letters now lost, and as we consider his episcopal labors, his many journeys, and his adjudications of controversies among the faithful, which often robbed him of whole days, we must be really astounded at the fidelity, exuberance, energy, and perseverance of this father of the church. Surely, such a life was worth the living. __________________________________________________________________

[2158] Ellies Dupin(Bibliothèque ecclésiastique, tom. iii. lrepartie, p. 818) and Nourrisson(l.c. tom. ii. p. 449) apply to Augustinethe term magnus opinator, which Cicero used of himself. There is, however, this important difference that Augustine, along with his many opinions on speculative questions in philosophy and theology, had very positive convictions in all essential doctrines, while Cicero was a mere ecclectic in philosophy.

[2159] Possidiuscounts in all, including sermons and letters, one thousand and thirty writings of Augustine. On these see, above all, his Retractations, where he himself reviews ninety-three of his works (embracing two hundred and thirty-two books, see ii. 67), in chronological order; in the first book those which he wrote while a layman and presbyter, in the second those which he wrote when a bishop. Also the extended chronological index in Schönemann'sBiblioth. historico-literaria Patrum Latinorum, vol. ii. (Lips. 1794), p. 340 spq. (reprinted in the supplemental volume, xii., of Migne's ed. of the Opera, p. 24 sqq.); and other systematic and alphabetical lists in the eleventh volume of the Bened. ed. (p. 494 sqq., ed. Venet.), and in Migne, tom. xi.

[2160] For this reason the Benedictine editors have placed the Retractations and the Confessions at the head of his works.

[2161] He himself says of them, Retract. l. ii. c. 6: "Multis fratribus eos [Confessionum libros tredecim] multum placuisse et placere scio." Comp. De dono perseverantiae, c. 20: "Quid autem meorum opusculorum frequentius et delectabilius innotescere potuit quam libri Confessionum mearum?" Comp. Ep. 231 Dario comiti.

[2162] Schönemann(in the supplemental volume of Migne's ed. of Augustine, p. 134 sqq.) cites a multitude of separate editions of the Confessions in Latin, Italian, spanish, Portuguese, French, English, and German, from a.d.1475 to 1776. Since that time several new editions have been added. There are German translations by H. Kautz(R.C., Arnsberg, 1840), G. Rapp(Prot., 2d ed., Stuttg., 1847), and others. The best English edition is that of Dr. E. B. Pusey: The Confessions of S. Angustine, Oxford (first in 1838, as the first volume in the Oxf. Library of the Fathers, together with an edition of the Latin original). It is, however, as Dr. Pusey says, only a revision of the translation of Rev. W. Watts, D. D., London, 1650, accompanied with a long preface (pp. i-xxxv) and elucidations from Augustine's works in notes and at the end (pp. 314-346). The edition of Dr. W. G. T. Shedd, Andover, 1860, is, as he says, "a reprint of an old translation by an author unknown to the editor, which was republished in Boston in 1843." A cursory comparison shows, that this anonymous Boston reprint agrees almost word for word with Pusey's revision of Watts, omitting his introduction and all his notes. Dr. Shedd has, however, added an excellent original introduction, in which he clearly and vigorously characterizes the Confessions and draws a comparison between them and the Confessions of Rousseau. He calls the former (p. xxvii) not inaptly the best commentary yet written upon the seventh and eighth chapters of Romans. "That quickening of the human spirit, which puts it again into vital and sensitive relations to the holy and eternal; that illumination of the mind, whereby it is enabled to perceive with clearness the real nature of truth and righteousness; that empowering of the will, to the conflict of victory--the entire process of restoring the Divine image in the soul of man--is delineated in this book, with a vividness and reality never exceeded by the uninspired mind." ... "It is the life of God in the soul of a strong man, rushing and rippling with the freedom of the life of nature. He who watches can almost see the growth; he who listens can hear the perpetual motion; and he who is in sympathy will be swept along."

[2163] Nourrisson(l.c. tom. i. p. 19) calls the Confessions "cet ouvrage unique, souvent imité, toujours parodié, où il s'accuse se condamne et s'humilie, prière ardente, récit entraînant, métaphysique incomparable, histoire de tout un monde qui se reflète dans l'histoire d'une âme."

[2164] Prov. x. 19. This verse (ex multiloquio non effugies peccatum) the Semi-Pelagian Gennadius (De viris illustr. sub Aug.) applies against Augustinein excuse for his erroneous doctrines of freedom and predestination.

[2165] Matt. xii. 36.

[2166] 1 Cor. xi. 31. Comp. his Prologus to the two books of Retractationes.

[2167] J. Morell Mackenzie (in W. Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, vol. i. p. 422) happily calls the Retractations of Augustineone of the noblest sacrifices ever laid upon the altar of truth by a majestic intellect acting in obedience to the purest conscientiousness."

[2168] In tom. i. of the ed. Bened., immediately after the Retractationes and Confessiones, and at the close of the volume. On these philosophical writings, see Brucker: Historia critics Philosophiae, Lips. 1766, tom. iii. pp. 485-507; H. Ritter: Geschichte der Philosophie, vol. vi. p. 153 ff.; Bindemann, l. c. p. 282 sqq.; Huber, l. c. p. 242 sqq.; Gangauf, l.c. p. 25 sqq., and Nourrison, l.c. ch. i. and ii. Nourrison makes the just remark (i. p. 53): "Si la philosophie est la recherche de la verité, jamais sans doute il ne s'est rencontré une âme plus philosophe que celle de saint Augustin. Car jamais âme n'a supporté avec plus d'impatience les anxiétés du doute et n'a fait plus d'efforts pour dissiper les fantômes de l'erreur."

[2169] Or on the question: "Utrum omnia bona et mala divinae providentiae ordo contineat ? " Comp. Retract. i. 3.

[2170] Augustine, in his Confessions (I. ix. c. 6), expresses himself in this touching way about this son of his illicit love: "We took with us [on returning from the country to Milan to receive the sacrament of baptism] also the boy Adeodatus, the son of my carnal sin. Thou hadst formed him well. He was but just fifteen years old, and he was superior in mind to many grave and learned men. I acknowledge Thy gifts, O Lord, my God, who createst all, and who canst reform our deformities; for I had no part in that boy but sin. And when we brought him up in Thy nurture, Thou, only Thou, didst prompt us to it; I acknowledge Thy gifts. There is my book entitled, De Magistro; he speaks with me there. Thou knowest that all things there put into his mouth were in his mind when he was sixteen years of age. That maturity of mind was a terror to me; and who but Thou is the artificer of such wonders? Soon Thou didst take his life from the earth; and I think more quietly of him now, fearing no more for his boyhood, nor his youth, nor his whole life. We took him to ourselves as one of the same age in Thy grace, to be trained in Thy nurture; and we were baptized together; and all trouble about the past fled from us."

[2171] The books on grammar, dialectics, rhetoric, and the ten Categories of Aristotle, in the Appendix to the first volume of the Bened. ed., are spurious. For the genuine works of Augustineon these subjects were written in a different form (the dialogue) and for a higher purpose, and were lost in his own day. Comp. Retract. i. c. 6. In spite of this, Prantl(Geschichte der Logik im Abendlande, pp. 665-674, cited by Huber, l.c. p. 240) has advocated the genuineness of the Principia dialecticae, and Huberinclines to agree. Gangauf, l.c. p. 5, and Nourrisson, i. p. 37, consider them spurious.

[2172] He mathesis ouk allo ti e anamnesis . On his Plato, in the Phaedo, as is well known, rests his doctrine of pre-existence. Augustinewas at first in favor of the idea, Solil. ii. 20, n. 35; afterwards he rejected it, Retract. i. 4, § 4.

[2173] In the Bened. ed. tom. vii. Comp. Retract. ii. 43, and above, §
12. The City of God and the Confessions are the only writings of Augustinewhich Gibbonthought good to read (chap. xxxiii.). Huber(l.c. p. 315) says: "Augustine's philosophy of history, as he presents it in his Civitas Dei, has remained to this hour the standard philosophy of history for the church orthodoxy, the bounds of which this orthodoxy, unable to perceive in the motions of the modern spirit the fresh morning air of a higher day of history, is scarcely able to transcend." Nourrissondevotes a special chapter to the consideration of the two cities of Augustine, the City of the World and the City of God (tom. ii. 43-88). Compare also the Introduction to Saisset'sTraduction de la Cité de Dieu, Par. 1855.

[2174] This work is also incorporated in the Corpus haereseologicum of Fr. Oehler, tom. i. pp. 192-225.

[2175] Comp. Contra Epist. Manichaei quam vocant fundamenti, l. i. 2.

[2176] The earliest anti-Manichaean writings (De libero arbitrio; De moribus eccl. cath. et de moribus Manich.) are in tom. i. ed. Bened.; the latter in tom. viii.

[2177] Tom. viii. p. 611 sqq.

[2178] All these in tom. lx. Comp. above, §§ 69 and 70.

[2179] Tom. viii. ed. Bened. p. 749 sqq. Comp. § 131, above. The work was stolen from him by some impatient friends before revision, and before the completion of the twelfth book, so that he became much discouraged, and could only be moved to finish it by urgent entreaties.

[2180] Opera, tom. x., in two parts, with an Appendix. The same in Migne. Comp.146-160, above.

[2181] Tom. iii. 117-324. Not to be confounded with two other books on Genesis, in which he defends the biblical doctrine of creation against the Manichaeans. In this exegetical work he aimed, as he says, Retract. ii. c. 24, to interpret Genesis "non secundum allegoricas significationes, sed secundum rerum gestarum proprietatem." The work is more original and spirited than the Hexaëmeron of Basil or of Ambrose.

[2182] Tom. iv., the whole volume.
[2183] Tom. iii., 289-824.
[2184] All in tom. iii.

[2185] Tom. v., which contains besides these a multitude (317) of doubtful and spurious sermons, likewise divided into four classes. To these must be added recently discovered sermons, edited from manuscripts in Florence, Monte Cassino, etc., by M. Denis(1792), O. F. Frangipane(1820), A. L. Caillau(Paris, 1836), and Angelo Mai(in the Nova Bibliotheca Patrum).

[2186] Most of them in tom. vi. ed. Bened. On the scripta deperdita, dubia et spuria of Augustine, see the index by Schönemann, l.c. p. 50 sqq., and in the supplemental volume of Migne's edition, pp. 34-40. The so-called Meditations of Augustine(German translation by August Krohne, Stuttgart, 1854) are a later compilation by the abbot of Fescamp in France, at the close of the twelfth century, from the writings of Augustine, Gregory the Great, Anselm, and others. __________________________________________________________________

§ 180. The Influence of Augustine upon Posterity and his Relation to Catholicism and Protestantism.

Before we take leave of this imposing character, and of the period of church history in which he shines as the brightest star, we must add some observations respecting the influence of Augustine on the world since his time, and his position with reference to the great antagonism of Catholicism and Protestantism. All the church fathers are, indeed, the common inheritance of both parties; but no other of them has produced so permanent effects on both, and no other stands in so high regard with both, as Augustine. Upon the Greek church alone has he exercised little or no influence; for this church stopped with the undeveloped synergistic anthropology of the previous age. [2187]

1. Augustine, in the first place, contributed much to the development of the doctrinal basis which Catholicism and Protestantism hold in common against such radical heresies of antiquity, as Manichaeism, Arianism, and Pelagianism. In all these great intellectual conflicts he was in general the champion of the cause of Christian truth against dangerous errors. Through his influence the canon of Holy Scripture (including, indeed, the Old Testament Apocrypha) was fixed in its present form by the councils of Hippo (393) and Carthage (397). He conquered the Manichaean dualism, hylozoism, and fatalism, and saved the biblical idea of God and of creation and the biblical doctrine of the nature of sin and its origin in the free will of man. He developed the Nicene dogma of the Trinity, completed it by the doctrine of the double procession of the Holy Ghost, and gave it the form in which it has ever since prevailed in the West, and in which it received classical expression from his school in the Athanasian Creed. In Christology, on the contrary, he added nothing, and he died shortly before the great Christological conflicts opened, which reached their ecumenical settlement at the council of Chalcedon, twenty years after his death. Yet he anticipated Leo in giving currency in the West to the important formula: "Two natures in one person." [2188]

2. Augustine is also the principal theological creator of the Latin-Catholic system as distinct from the Greek Catholicism on the one hand, and from evangelical Protestantism on the other. He ruled the entire theology of the middle age, and became the father of scholasticism in virtue of his dialectic mind, and the father of mysticism in virtue of his devout heart, without being responsible for the excesses of either system. For scholasticism thought to comprehend the divine with the understanding, and lost itself at last in empty dialectics; and mysticism endeavored to grasp the divine with feeling, and easily strayed into misty sentimentalism; Augustine sought to apprehend the divine with the united power of mind and heart, of bold thought and humble faith. [2189] Anselm, Bernard of Clairvaux, Thomas Aquinas, and Bonaventura, are his nearest of kin in this respect. Even now, since the Catholic church has become a Roman church, he enjoys greater consideration in it than Ambrose, Hilary, Jerome, or Gregory the Great. All this cannot possibly be explained without an interior affinity. [2190]

His very conversion, in which, besides the Scriptures, the personal intercourse of the hierarchical Ambrose and the life of the ascetic Anthony had great influence, was a transition not from heathenism to Christianity (for he was already a Manichaean Christian), but from heresy to the historical, episcopally organized church, as, for the time, the sole authorized vehicle of the apostolic Christianity in conflict with those sects and parties which more or less assailed the foundations of the gospel. [2191] It was, indeed, a full and unconditional surrender of his mind and heart to God, but it was at the same time a submission of his private judgment to the authority of the church which led him to the faith of the gospel. [2192] In the same spirit he embraced the ascetic life, without which, according to the Catholic principle, no high religion is possible. He did not indeed enter a cloister, like Luther, whose conversion in Erfurt was likewise essentially catholic, but he lived in his house in the simplicity of a monk, and made and kept the vow of voluntary poverty and celibacy.
[2193]

He adopted Cyprian's doctrine of the church, and completed it in the conflict with Donatism by transferring the predicates of unity, holiness, universality, exclusiveness, and maternity, directly to the actual church of the time, which, with a firm episcopal organization, an unbroken succession, and the Apostles' Creed, triumphantly withstood the eighty or the hundred opposing sects in the heretical catalogue of the day, and had its visible centre in Rome. In this church he had found rescue from the shipwreck of his life, the home of true, Christianity, firm ground for his thinking, satisfaction for his heart, and a commensurate field for the wide range of his powers. The predicate of infallibility alone he does not plainly bring forward; he assumes a progressive correction of earlier councils by later; and in the Pelagian controversy he asserts the same independence towards pope Zosimus, which Cyprian before him had shown towards pope Stephen in the controversy on heretical baptism, with the advantage of having the right on his side, so that Zosimus found himself compelled to yield to the African church. [2194]

He was the first to give a clear and fixed definition of the sacrament, as a visible sign of invisible grace, resting on divine appointment; but he knows nothing of the number seven; this was a much later enactment. In the doctrine of baptism he is entirely Catholic, [2195] though in logical contradiction with his dogma of predestination; but in the doctrine of the holy communion he stands, like his predecessors, Tertullian and Cyprian, nearer to the Calvinistic theory of a spiritual presence and fruition of Christ's body and blood. He also contributed to promote, at least in his later writings, the Catholic faith of miracles, [2196] and the worship of Mary; [2197] though he exempts the Virgin only from actual sin, not from original, and, with all his reverence for her, never calls her mother of God. [2198]

At first an advocate of religious liberty and of purely spiritual methods of opposing error, he afterwards asserted the fatal principle of the coge intrare, and lent the great weight of his authority to the system of civil persecution, at the bloody fruits of which in the middle age he himself would have shuddered; for he was always at heart a man of love and gentleness, and personally acted on the glorious principle: "Nothing conquers but truth, and the victory of truth is love." [2199]

Thus even truly great and good men have unintentionally, through mistaken zeal, become the authors of much mischief.

3. But, on the other hand, Augustine is, of all the fathers, nearest to evangelical Protestantism, and may be called, in respect of his doctrine of sin and grace, the first forerunner of the Reformation. The Lutheran and Reformed churches have ever conceded to him, without scruple, the cognomen of Saint, and claimed him as one of the most enlightened witnesses of the truth and most striking examples of the marvellous power of divine grace in the transformation of a sinner. It is worthy of mark, that his Pauline doctrines, which are most nearly akin to Protestantism, are the later and more mature parts of his system, and that just these found great acceptance with the laity. The Pelagian controversy, in which he developed his anthropology, marks the culmination of his theological and ecclesiastical career, and his latest writings were directed against the Pelagian Julian and the Semi-Pelagians in Gaul, who were brought to his notice by the two friendly laymen, Prosper and Hilary. These anti-Pelagian works have wrought mightily, it is most true, upon the Catholic church, and have held in check the Pelagianizing tendencies of the hierarchical and monastic system, but they have never passed into its blood and marrow. They waited for a favorable future, and nourished in silence an opposition to the prevailing system.

Even in the middle age the better sects, which attempted to simplify, purify, and spiritualize the reigning Christianity by return to the Holy Scriptures, and the reformers before the Reformation such as Wiclif, Russ, Wessel, resorted most, after the apostle Paul, to the bishop of Hippo as the representative of the doctrine of free grace.

The Reformers were led by his writings into a deeper understanding of Paul, and so prepared for their great vocation. No church teacher did so much to mould Luther and Calvin; none furnished them so powerful weapons against the dominant Pelagianism and formalism; none is so often quoted by them with esteem and love. [2200]

All the Reformers in the outset, Melancthon and Zwingle among them, adopted his denial of free will and his doctrine of predestination, and sometimes even went beyond him into the abyss of supralapsarianism, to cut out the last roots of human merit and boasting. In this point Augustine holds the same relation to the Catholic church, as Luther to the Lutheran; that is, he is a heretic of unimpeachable authority, who is more admired than censured even in his extravagances; yet his doctrine of predestination was indirectly condemned by the pope in Jansenism, as Luther's view was rejected as Calvinism by the Form of Concord. [2201] For Jansenism was nothing but a revival of Augustinianism in the bosom of the Roman Catholic church. [2202]

The excess of Augustine and the Reformers in this direction is due to the earnestness and energy of their sense of sin and grace. The Pelagian looseness could never beget a reformer. It was only the unshaken conviction of man's own inability, of unconditional dependence on God, and of the almighty power of his grace to give us strength for every good work, which could do this. He who would give others the conviction that he has a divine vocation for the church and for mankind, must himself be penetrated with the faith of an eternal, unalterable decree of God, and must cling to it in the darkest hours.

In great men, and only in great men, great opposites and apparently antagonistic truths live together. Small minds cannot hold them. The catholic, churchly, sacramental, and sacerdotal system stands in conflict with the evangelical Protestant Christianity of subjective, personal experience. The doctrine of universal baptismal regeneration, in particular, which presupposes a universal call (at least within the church), can on principles of logic hardly be united with the doctrine of an absolute predestination, which limits the decree of redemption to a portion of the baptized. Augustine supposes, on the one hand, that every baptized person, through the inward operation of the Holy Ghost, which accompanies the outward act of the sacrament, receives the forgiveness of sins, and is translated from the state of nature into the state of grace, and thus, qua baptizatus, is also a child of God and an heir of eternal life; and yet, on the other hand, he makes all these benefits dependent on the absolute will of God, who saves only a certain number out of the "mass of perdition," and preserves these to the end. Regeneration and election, with him, do not, as with Calvin, coincide. The former may exist without the latter, but the latter cannot exist without the former. Augustine assumes that many are actually born into the kingdom of grace only to perish again; Calvin holds that in the case of the non-elect baptism is an unmeaning ceremony; the one putting the delusion in the inward effect, the other in the outward form. The sacramental, churchly system throws the main stress upon the baptismal regeneration to the injury of the eternal election; the Calvinistic and Puritan system sacrifices the virtue of the sacrament to the election; the Lutheran and Anglican system seeks a middle ground, without being able to give a satisfactory theological solution of the problem. The Anglican church allows the two opposite views, and sanctions the one in the baptismal service of the Book of Common Prayer, the other in her Thirty-nine Articles, which are moderately Calvinistic.

It was an evident ordering of God, that the Augustinian system, like the Latin Bible of Jerome, appeared just in that transitional period of history, in which the old civilization was passing away before the flood of barbarism, and a new order of things, under the guidance of the, Christian religion, was in preparation. The church, with her strong, imposing organization and her firm system of doctrine, must save Christianity amidst the chaotic turmoil of the great migration, and must become a training-school for the barbarian nations of the middle age. [2203]

In this process of training, next to the Holy Scriptures, the scholarship of Jerome and the theology and fertile ideas of Augustine were the most important intellectual agent.

Augustine was held in so universal esteem that he could exert influence in all directions, and even in his excesses gave no offence. He was sufficiently catholic for the principle of church authority, and yet at the same time so free and evangelical that he modified its hierarchical and sacramental character, reacted against its tendencies to outward, mechanical ritualism, and kept alive a deep consciousness of sin and grace, and a spirit of fervent and truly Christian piety, until that spirit grew strong enough to break the shell of hierarchical tutelage, and enter a new stage of its development. No other father could have acted more beneficently on the Catholicism of the middle age, and more successfully provided for the evangelical Reformation than St. Augustine, the worthy successor of Paul, and the precursor of Luther and Calvin.

Had he lived at the time of the Reformation, he would in all probability have taken the lead of the evangelical movement against the prevailing Pelagianism of the Roman church. For we must not forget that, notwithstanding their strong affinity, there is an important difference between Catholicism and Romanism or popery. They sustain a similar relation to each other as the Judaism of the Old Testament dispensation, which looked to, and prepared the way for, Christianity, and the Judaism after the crucifixion and after the destruction of Jerusalem, which is antagonistic to Christianity. Catholicism covers the entire ancient and mediaeval history of the church, and includes the Pauline, Augustinian, or evangelical tendencies which increased with the corruptions of the papacy and the growing sense of the necessity of a "reformatio in capite et membris." Romanism proper dates from the council of Trent, which gave it symbolical expression and anathematized the doctrines of the Reformation. Catholicism is the strength of Romanism, Romanism is the weakness of Catholicism. Catholicism produced Jansenism, popery condemned it. Popery never forgets and never learns anything, and can allow no change in doctrine (except by way of addition), without sacrificing its fundamental principle of infallibility, and thus committing suicide. But Catholicism may ultimately burst the chains of popery which have so long kept it confined, and may assume new life and vigor.

Such a personage as Augustine, still holding a mediating place between the two great divisions of Christendom, revered alike by both, and of equal influence with both, is furthermore a welcome pledge of the elevating prospect of a future reconciliation of Catholicism and Protestantism in a higher unity, conserving all the truths, losing all the errors, forgiving all the sins, forgetting all the enmities of both. After all, the contradiction between authority and freedom, the objective and the subjective, the churchly and the personal, the organic and the individual, the sacramental and the experimental in religion, is not absolute, but relative and temporary, and arises not so much from the nature of things, as from the deficiencies of man's knowledge and piety in this world. These elements admit of an ultimate harmony in the perfect state of the church, corresponding to the union of the divine and human natures, which transcends the limits of finite thought and logical comprehension, and is yet completely realized in the person of Christ. They are in fact united in the theological system of St. Paul, who had the highest view of the church, as the mystical "body of Christ," and "the pillar and ground of the truth," and who was at the same time the great champion of evangelical freedom, individual responsibility, and personal union of the believer with his Saviour. We believe in and hope for one holy catholic apostolic church, one communion of saints, one fold, and one Shepherd. The more the different churches become truly Christian, or draw nearer to Christ, and the more they give real effect to His kingdom, the nearer will they come to one another. For Christ is the common head and vital centre of all believers, and the divine harmony of all discordant human sects and creeds. In Christ, says Pascal, one of the greatest and noblest disciples of Augustine, In Christ all contradictions are solved. __________________________________________________________________

[2187] It betrays a very contracted, slavish, and mechanical view of history, when Roman Catholic divines claim the fathers as their exclusive property; forgetting that they taught a great many things which are as inconsistent with the papal as with the Protestant Creed, and knew nothing of certain dogmas (such as the infallibility of the pope, the seven sacraments, transubstantiation, purgatory, indulgences, auricular confession, the immaculate conception of the Virgin Mary, etc.), which are essential to Romanism. "I recollect well," says Dr. Newman, the former intellectual leader of Oxford Tractarianism (in his Letter to Dr. Pusey on his Eirenicon, 1866, p. 5), "what an outcast I seemed to myself, when I took down from the shelves of my library the volumes of St. Athanasius or St. Basil, and set myself to study them; and how, on the contrary, when at length I was brought into Catholic communion, I kissed them with delight, with a feeling that in them I had more than all that I had lost, and, as though I were directly addressing the glorious saints, who bequeathed them to the Church, I said to the inanimate pages, 'You are now mine, and I am yours, beyond any mistake.' " With the same right the Jews might lay exclusive claim to the writings of Moses and the prophets. The fathers were living men, representing the onward progress and conflicts of Christianity in their time, unfolding and defending great truths, but not unmixed with many errors and imperfections which subsequent times have corrected. Those are the true children of the fathers who, standing on the foundation of Christ and the apostles, and, kissing the New Testament rather than any human writings, follow them only as far as they followed Christ, and who carry forward their work in the onward march of true evangelical catholic Christianity.

[2188] He was summoned to the council of Ephesus, which condemned Nestorianism in 431, but died a year before it met. He prevailed upon the Gallic monk, Leporius, to retract Nestorianism. His Christology is in many points defective and obscure. Comp. Dorner'sHistory of Christology, ii. pp. 90-98. Jeromedid still less for this department of doctrine.

[2189] Wiggers(Pragmat. Darstellung des Augustinismus und Pelagianismus, i. p. 27) finds the most peculiar and remarkable point of Augustine's character in his singular union of intellect and imagination, scholasticism and mysticism, in which neither can be said to predominate. So also Huber, l.c. p. 313.

[2190] Nourrisson, the able expounder of the philosophy of Augustine, says (I. c. tom. i. p. iv): "Je ne crois pas, qu'excepté saint Paul, aucun homme ait contribué davantage, par sa parole comme par ses écrits, à organiser, à interpréter, a répandre le christianisme; et, après saint Paul, nul apparemment, non pas même le glorieux, l'invincible Athanase, n'a travaillé d'une manière aussi puissante à fonder l'unité catholique."

[2191] On the catholic and ascetic character of his conversion and his religion, see the observations in my work on Augustine, ch. viii., in the German edition.

[2192] We recall his famous anti-Manichaean dictum: "Ego evangelio non crederem, nisi me catholicae ecclesiae commoveret auctoritas." The Protestant would reverse this maxim, and ground his faith in the church on his faith in Christ and in the gospel. So with the well-known maxim of Irenaeus: "Ubi ecclesia, ibi Spiritus Dei, et ubi Spiritus Dei, ibi ecclesia." According to the spirit of Protestantism it would be said conversely: "Where the Spirit of God is, there is the church, and where the church is, there is the Spirit of God."

[2193] According to genuine Christian principles it would have been far more noble, if he had married the African woman with whom he had lived in illicit intercourse for thirteen years, who was always faithful to him, as he was to her, and had borne him his beloved and highly gifted Adeodatus; instead of casting her off, and, as he for a while intended, choosing another for the partner of his life, whose excellences were more numerous. The superiority of the evangelical Protestant morality over the Catholic asceticism is here palpable. But with the prevailing spirit of his age he would hardly have enjoyed so great regard, nor accomplished so much good, if he had been married. Celibacy was the bridge from the heathen degradation of marriage to the evangelical Christian exaltation and sanctification of the family life.

[2194] On Augustine's doctrine of the church, see § 71, above, and especially the thorough account by R. Rothe: Anfänge der christl. Kirche und ihrer Verfassung, vol. i. (1837), pp. 679-711. "Augustine," says he, "decidedly adopted Cyprian's conception [of the church] in all essential points. And once adopting it, he penetrated it in its whole depth with his wonderfully powerful and exuberant soul, and, by means of his own clear, logical mind, gave it the perfect and rigorous system which perhaps it still lacked" (p. 679 f)." Augustine's conception of the doctrine of the church was about standard for succeeding times" (p. 685).

[2195] Respecting Augustine's doctrine of baptism, see the thorough discussion in W. Wall'sHistory of Infant Baptism, vol. i. p. 173 ff. (Oxford ed. of 1862). His view of the slight condemnation of all unbaptized children contains the germ of the scholastic fancy of the limbus infantum and the poena damni, as distinct from the lower regions of hell and the poena sensus.

[2196] In his former writings he expressed a truly philosophical view concerning miracles (De vera relig. c. 25, § 47; c. 50, § 98; De utilit. credendi, c. 16, § 34; De peccat. meritis et remiss. l. ii. c. 32, § 52, and De civit Dei, xxii. c. 8); but in his Retract. l. i. c. 14, § 5, he corrects or modifies a former remark in his book De utilit. credendi, stating that he did not mean to deny the continuance of miracles altogether, but only such great miracles as occurred at the time of Christ ("quia non tanta nec omnia, non quia nulla fiunt"). See above, §§ 87 and 88, and the instructive monograph of the younger Nitzsch(Lic. and Privatdocent in Berlin): Augustinus' Lehre vom Wunder, Berlin, 1865 (97 pp.).

[2197] See above, §§ 81 and 82.

[2198] Comp. Tract. in Evang. Joannis, viii, c. 9, where he says: "Cur ergo ait matri filius: Quid mihi et tibi est, mulier? nondum venit hora mea (John ii. 4). Dominus noster Jesus Christus et Deus erat et homo: secundum quod Deus erat, matrem non habebat; secundum quod homo erat, habebat. Mater ergo [Maria] erat carnis, mater humanitatis, mater infirmitatis quam suscepit propter nos." This strict separation of the Godhead from the manhood of Jesus in his birth from the Virgin would have exposed Augustinein the East to the suspicion of Nestorianism. But he died a year before the council of Ephesus, at which Nestorius was condemned.

[2199] See above, § 27, p. 144 f. He changed his view partly from his experience that the Donatists, in his own diocese, were converted to the catholic unity "timore legum imperialium," and were afterwards perfectly good Catholics. He adduces also a misinterpretation of Luke xiv. 23, and Prov. ix. 9: "Da sapienti occasionem et sapientior erit." Ep. 93, ad Vincentium Rogatistam, § 17 (tom. ii. p. 237 sq. ed. Bened.). But he expressly discouraged the infliction of death on heretics, and adjured the proconsul Donatus, Ep. 100, by Jesus Christ, not to repay the Donatists in kind. "Corrigi eos cupimus, non necari."

[2200] Lutherpronounced upon the church fathers (with whom, however, excepting Augustine, he was but slightly acquainted) very condemnatory judgments, even upon Basil, Chrysostom, and Jerome(for Jeromehe had a downright antipathy, on account of his advocacy of fasts, virginity, and monkery); he was at times dissatisfied even with Augustine, because he after all did not find in him his sola fide, his articulus stantis et cadentis ecclesiae, and says of him: "Augustineoften erred; he cannot be trusted. Though he was good and holy, yet he, as well as other fathers, was wanting in the true faith." But this cursory utterance is overborne by numerous commendations; and all such judgments of Luther must be taken cum grano salis. He calls Augustinethe most pious, grave, and sincere of the fathers, the patron of divines, who taught a pure doctrine and submitted it in Christian humility to the Holy Scriptures, etc., and he thinks, if he had lived in the sixteenth century, he would have been a Protestant (si hoc seculo viveret, nobiscum sentiret), while Jeromewould have gone with Rome. Compare his singular but striking judgments on the fathers in Lutheri colloquia, ed. H. E. Bindseil, 1863, tom. iii. 149, and many other places. Gangauf, a Roman Catholic (a pupil of the philosopher Günther), concedes (l.c. p. 28, note 13) that Luther and Calvin built their doctrinal system mainly on Augustine, but, as he correctly thinks, with only partial right. Nourrisson, likewise a Roman Catholic, derives Protestantism from a corrupted (!) Augustinianism, and very superficially makes Lutheranism and Calvinism essentially to consist in the denial of the freedom of the will, which was only one of the questions of the Reformation. "On ne saurait le méconnaître, de l'Augustinianisme corrompu, mais enfin de l'Augustinianisme procède le Protestantisme. Car, sans parler de Wiclef et de Huss, qui, nourris de saint Augustin, soutiennent, avec le réalisme platonicien, la doctrine de la prédestination; Luther et Calvin ne font guére autre chose, dans leurs Principaux ouvages, que cultiver des semences d'Augustinianisme" (l.c. ii. p. 176). But the Reformation is far more, of course, than a repristination of an old controversy; it is a new creation, and marks the epoch of modern Christianity which is different both from the mediaeval and from ancient or patristic Christianity.

[2201] It is well known that Luther, as late as 1526, in his work, De servo arbitrio, against Erasmus, which he never retracted, proceeded upon the most rigorous notion of the divine omnipotence, wholly denied the freedom of the will, declared it a mere lie (merum mendacium), pronounced the calls of the Scriptures to repentance a divine irony, based eternal salvation and eternal perdition upon the secret will of God, and almost exceeded Calvin. See particulars in the books on doctrine-history; the inaugural dissertation of Jul. Müller: Lutheri de praedestinatione et libero arbitrio doctrina, Gott. 1832; and a historical treatise on predestination by Carl Beckin the Studien und Kritiken for 1847. We add, as a curiosity, the opinion of Gibbon(ch. xxxiii.), who, however, had a very limited and superficial knowledge of Augustine: "The rigid system of Christianity which he framed or restored, has been entertained, with public applause, and secret reluctance, by the Latin church. The church of Rome has canonized Augustine, and reprobated Calvin. Yet as the real difference between them is invisible even to a theological microscope, the Molinists are oppressed by the authority of the saint, and the Jansenists are disgraced by their resemblance to the heretic. In the mean while the Protestant Arminians stand aloof, and deride the mutual perplexity of the disputants. Perhaps a reasoner, still more independent, may smile in his tum when he peruses an Arminian commentary on the Epistle to the Romans." Nourrisson(ii. 179), from his Romish standpoint, likewise makes Lutheranism to consist "essentiellement dans la question du libre arbitre." But the principle of Lutheranism, and of Protestantism generally, is the supremacy of the Holy Scriptures as a rule of faith, and justification by free grace through faith in Christ.

[2202] On the mighty influence of Augustinein the seventeenth century in France, especially on the noble Jansenists, see the works on Jansenism, and also Nourrisson, l.c. tom. ii. pp. 186-276.

[2203] Guizot, the Protestant historian and statesman, very correctly says in his Histoire générale de la civilization en Europe (Deuxième leçon, p. 45 sq. ed. Bruxelles, 1850): "S'il n'eût pas été une église, je ne sais ce qui en serait avenu au milieu de la chute de l'empire romain .... Si le christianisme n'eût été comme dans les premiers temps, qu'une croyance, un sentiment, une conviction individuelle, on peut croire qu'il aurait succombé au milieu de la dissolution de l'empire et de l'invasion des barbares. Il a succombé plus tard, en Asie et dans tous le nord de l'Afrique, sous une invasion de méme nature, sous l'invasion des barbares musulmans; il a succombé alors, quoiqu'il fût à l'état d'institution, d'église constituée. A bien plus forte raison le même fait aurait pu arriver au moment de la chute de l'empire romain. Il n'y avait alors aucun des moyens par lesquels aujourd'hui les influences morales s'établissent ou' résistent indépendamment des institutions, aucun des moyens par lesquels une pure vérité, une pure idée acquiert un grand empire sur les esprits, gouverne les actions, détermine des événemens. Rien de semblable n'existait au IVesiècle, pour donner aux idées, aux sentiments personels, une pareille autorité. Il est clair qu'il fallait une société fortement organisée, fortement gouvernée, pour lutter contre un pareil désastre, pour sortir victorieuse d'un tel ouragan. Je no crois pas trop dire en affirmant qu'à la fin du IVeet au commencement du Vesiècle, c'est l'église chrétienne qui a sauvé le christianisme; c'est l'église avec ses institutions, ses magistrats, son pouvoir, qui s'est défendue vigoureusement contre la dissolution intérieure de l'empire, contre la barbarie, qui a conquis les barbares, qui est devenue le lien, le moyen, le principe de civilisation entre le monde romain et le monde barbare." __________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________

APPENDIX TO THE REVISED EDITION, 1884.

With new Additions, 1889. __________________________________________________________________

ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA.

[In the additions to the literature I have followed the method of italicizing book-titles and words in foreign languages, as in the revised edition of vols. i. and ii. The same method will be carried out in all subsequent volumes.]

Page 11. Add To Literature On Constantine The Great:

Th. Zahn: Constantin der Grosse und die Kirche. Hannover, 1876. Demetriades: Die christl. Regierung und Orthodoxie Kaiser Constantin's des Gr. Muenchen, 1878. Th. Brieger: Constantin der Gr. als Religionspolitiker. Gotha, 1880. E. L. Cutts: Constantine the Great. Lond. And N. Y., 1881. W. Gass: Konstantin der Gr. und seine Soehne, in Herzog,2 vii. (1881), 199-207. John Wordsworth: Const. the Gr. and his Sons, in Smith and Wace, i. 623-654. Edm. Stapfer: in Lichtenberger, iii. 388-393.--Comp. also vol. ii. p. 64-74, especially on the Edicts Of Toleration (only two, not three, as formerly assumed). Victor Schultze Geschichte des Untergangs des Griechisch-roemischen Heidenthums. Jena, 1887, Vol. i. 28-68.

Page 40. Add To Lit, on the heathen sources:

Juliani imperatoris Librorum contra Christianos quae supersunt. Collegit, recensuit, prolegomenis instruxit Car. Joa. Neumann. Insunt Cyrilli Alexandrini fragmenta syriaca ab Eberh. Nestle edita. Lips.,
1880. Kaiser Julian's Buecher gegen die Christen. Nach ihrer Wiederherstellung uebersetzt von Karl Joh. Neumann. Leipzig, 1880. 53 pages. This is Fasc. iii. of Scriptorum Graecorum qui Christianam impugnaverunt religionem quae supersunt, ed. by Neumann.

Page 40, bottom of the page. Add to works on Julian the Apostate:

Alb. De Broglie (R.C.), in the third and fourth vols. of his L'église et l'empire romain au quatrième siécle. Par., 4th ed., 1868. (Very full.) J. F. A. Muecke: Flavius Claudius Julianus. Nach den Quellen. Gotha, 1867 and 1869. 2 vols. (Full, painstaking, prolix, too much dependent on Ammianus, and partial to Julian.) Kellerbaum: Skizze der Vorgeschichte Julians, 1877. F. Rode: Gesch. der Reaction des Kaiser Julianus gegen die christl. Kirche. Jens, 1877. (Careful, partly against Teuffel and Muecke.) H. Adrien Naville: Julien l'apostate et sa philosophie du polythéisme. . Paris and Neuchatel, 1877. Comp. his art. in Lichtenbergers "Encyclop.," vii. 519-525. Torquati: Studii storico-critici sulla vita ... di Giuliano l'Apostata. Rom., 1878. G.
H. Rendall: The Emperor Julian: Paganism and Christianity. Lond., 1879.
J. G. E. Hoffmann: Jul. der Abtruennige, Syrische Erzaehlungen. Leiden,
1880. (Old romances reflecting the feelings of the Eastern Christians.) Comp. also art. on Jul. in the "Encycl. Brit.," 9th ed., vol. xiii. 768-770 (by Kirkup); in Herzog2, vii. 285-296 (by Harnack); in Smith and Wace, iii. 484-524 (by Prebendary John Wordsworth, very full and fair).

Page 60. Add to literature:

Tillemont: Hist. des empereurs, tom. v. A. De Broglie, l.c. Victor Schultze: Gesch. d. Untergangs des gr. roem. Heidenthums, i. 209-400.

Page 81, last line, after Muenter, 1826, add:

; by C. Bursian, Lips., 1856; C. Halm, Vienna, 1867).

Page 93. Add as footnote 3:

3 Jerome, who was a shrewd observer of men and things, and witnessed the first effects of the union of church and state, says: "Ecclesia postquam ad Christianos principes venit, potentia quidem et divitiis major, sed virtutibus minor facta.'

Page 148. Add at the bottom of the page:

H. Weingarten: Der Ursprung des Moenchthums im nachconstantinischen Zeitalter. Gotha, 1877. See also his art. in Herzog2, x. 758 sqq. Ad. Harnack: Das Moenchthum, seine Ideale und seine Geschichte. Giessen, 1882.--Comp. vol. ii. ch. ix. p. 387 sqq.

Page 226. Add to footnote:

Ad. Franz, Marcus Aur. Cassiodorus Senator. Breslau, 1872.

Page 242, i 50, add:

See Lit. on clerical celibacy in vol. i. p. 403 sq., especially Theiner, Lea, and von Schulte.

Page 314. Add to Lit. on Leo the Great:

Friedrich (old Cath.): Zur aeltesten Geschichte des Primates in der Kirche. Bonn, 1879. Jos. Langen (old Cath.): Geschichte der roem. Kirche bis zum Pontificate Leo's I. Bonn, 1881. Karl Mueller in Herzog2, viii. (1881), 551-563. C. Gore, in Smith and Wace, iii. (1882), 652-673. By the same: Leo the Great (Lond. Soc. for Promoting Christ Knowledge, 175 pages). On the literary merits of Leo, see Ebert: Geschichte der christl. Lat. Lit., vol. i. 447-449.

Page 329. .Add to § 64 the following:
LIST OF POPES AND EMPERORS

From Constantine the Great to Gregory the Great, a.d. 314-590.

Comp. the lists in vol. ii. 166 sqq., and vol. iv. 205 Sqq.

This list is based upon Jaffé's Regesta, Potthast's Biblioth. Hist. Medii Aevi, and Cardinal Hergenröther's list, in his Kirchengesch., third ed. (1886), vol. iii. 1057 sqq.

Date
Pope
Emperor
Date
311-314
Melchiades
Constantine I, or The Great
306 (323)-337
314-335
Silvester I
336-337
Marcus
Constantine II (in Gaul)
337-340
337-352
Julius I
Constantius II (In the East)
337-350
Constans (In Italy)
352-66
Liberius
357
Filix II, Antipope
Constantius Alone
350-361
Julian
361-363
Jovian
363-364
366-843
Damasus
Valentinian I
364-375
Valens
364-378
366-367
Ursicinus, Antipope
Gratian
375-383
Valentinian II (in the West)
375-392
385-398
Siricius
Theodosius
379-395
398-402
Anastasius
Arcadius (in the East)
395-408
402-417
Innocent I
Honorius (in the West)
395-423
417-418
Zosimus
Theodosius II (E.)
408-450
418-422
Bonifacius
(418 Dec. 27)
(Eulalius, Antipope)
422-432
Coelestinus I
Valentinian III (W.)
423-455
432-440
Sixtus III
440-461
Leo I the Great
Marcian (E.)
450-457
Maximus Avitus (W.)
455-457
Majorian (W.)
457-461
Leo I. (E.)
457-474
461-468
Hilarus
Severus (W.)
461-465
Vacancy (W.)
465-467
468-483
Simplicius
Anthemius (W.)
467-472
Olybrius (W.)
472-473
Glycerius (W.)
473-474
Julius Nepos (W.)
474

Page 330, line 8 from below, read after Hefele (R.C.):

Conciliengeschichte, Freiburg i. B. 1855 sqq.; second revised ed. 1873 sqq., 7 vols., down to the Council of Florence (1447).

Page 353. Add to footnote:

The reign of Pope Pius IX. has added another Council to the Latin list of oecumenical Councils, that of the Vatican, 1870, which is counted as the twentieth (by Bishop Hefele, in the revised edition of his Conciliengesch., i. 60), and which decreed the infallibility of the Pope in all his official utterances, thereby superseding the necessity of future oecumencal Councils. It has given rise to the Old Catholic secession, headed by eminent scholars such as Döllinger, Reinkens, Reusch, Langen. See the author's Creeds of Christendom, vol. i. 134 sqq.

Page 518. Add to Lit.

C. A. Hammond: Antient Liturgies (with introduction, notes, and liturgical glossary). Oxford, 1878. Ch. A. Swainson: Greek Liturgies, chiefly from Original Sources. Cambridge, 1884.

Page 541. § 103. Church Architecture:

On the history of Architecture in general, see the works of Kugler: Geschichte der Baukunst (1859, 3 vols.); Schnaase: Gesch. der Kunst (1843-66, 8 vols.); Lübke History of Art (Eng. transl. New York, 1877, 2 vols.); Viollet Le Duc: Lectures an Architecture (London, 1877), and his numerous works in French, including Dictionnaire De l'architecture Française (Paris, 1853-69, 10 vols.); James Fergusson: History of Architecture of all Countries from the earliest Times to the present (Lond., 1865; 2d ed., 1874, 4 vols.). On church architecture in particular: Richard Brown: Sacred Architecture; its Rise, Progress, and Present State (Lond., 1845); Kreuser: Der christl. Kirchenbau (Bonn, 1851); Hübsch: Altchristl. Kirchen (Karlsruhe, 1858-61); De Vogüé: Architecture civile et relig. du Ie au VIIe siècle (Paris, 1877, 2 vols.); Ch. E. Norton: Studies of Church Buildings in the Middle Ages (Now York, 1880). There are also special works on the basilicas in Rome, Constantinople, and Ravenna. See §§ 106 and 107.

Page 560. § 109. Crosses and Crucifixes.
Comp. the Lit. in vol. ii. §§ 75 and 77.
Page 563. Add to Lit.

Mrs. Jameson and Lady Eastlake: The History of Our Lord as exemplified in Works of Art (with illustrations). London, 1864; second ed. 1865. 2 vols. Also the works on Christian Art, and on the Catacombs quoted in vol. ii. §§ 75 and 82.

Page 622. Add to Lit., line 3 from below:

Eugene Revillout: Le Concile de Nicée d'après les textes coptes et les diverses collections canoniques. Paris, 1881. The works on Arianism and on Athanasius include accounts of the Council of Nicaea. On the Nicene Creed and its literature, see Schaff: Creeds of Christendom, vol. i. 12 sqq. and 24 sqq.; and the article of Ad. Harnack, in Herzog,2 vol. viii. (1881) 212-230, abridged in Schaff-Herzog (1886), ii. 1648 sqq.

Page 651. Add to Lit., line 13:

Theod. Zahn: Marcellus Von Ancyra. Gotha, 1867. (Zahn represents Marcellus as essentially orthodox and agreed with Irenaeus, but as seeking to gain a more simple and satisfactory conception of the truth from the Bible than the theology of the age presented. Neander, Dogmengesch., i. 275, had suggested a similar view.) W. Möller: Art. Marcellus in Herzog2 vol. ix. (1881), 279-282. (Partly in opposition to Zahn.) E. S. Ffoulkes, in Smith and Wace, iii. 808-813. (Ignores the works of Zahn and other German writers.)

Page 689. § 132. The Athanasian Creed. Add to Lit.:

A. P. Stanley: The Athanasian Creed. Lond., 1871. E. S. Ffoulkes: The Athanasian Creed. Lond., 1872. Ch. A. Heurtley: The Athanasian Creed. Oxf., 1872. (Against Ffoulkes.) J. R. Lumby: History of the Creeds. Cambridge, 1873; second ed. 1880. The Utrecht Psalter, a facsimile ed., published in London, 1875. This contains the oldest MS. of the Athan. Creed, which by Ussher and Waterland was assigned to the sixth century, but by recent scholars to the ninth century. C. A. Swainson: The Nicene and Apostles' Creeds, together with an Account o f the Growth and Reception of the Creed of St. Athanasius. Lond., 1875. (Comp. his art. Creed in Smith and Wace, i. 711.) G. D. W. Ommaney: Early History of the Athan. Creed. An Examination of Recent Theories. Lond., 1875; 2d ed. 1880. Schaff: Creeds of Christendom, i. 34 sqq. and ii. 66-72, 555 sq. (With a facsimile of the oldest MS. from the Utrecht Psalter.)

Page 696.

The statements concerning the origin and age of the Athanasian Creed should be conformed to the authors views as expressed in his work on Creeds, i. 36. The latest investigations do not warrant us to trace it higher than the eighth or seventh century. The first commentary on it ascribed to Venantius Fortunatus, 570, is of doubtful genuineness, and denied to him by Gieseler, Ffoulkes, and others. The majority of recent Anglican writers, including Stanley, Swainson, and Lumby, assign the Creed to an unknown author in Gaul between a.d. 750 and 850, probably during the reign of Charlemagne (d. 814). Hardy and Ommaney plead for an earlier date. The question is not yet fully settled. The Creed consists of two parts, one on the Trinity and one on the Incarnation, which were afterward welded together by a third hand. The second part was found separately as a fragment of a sermon on the Incarnation, at Treves, in a MS. from the middle of the eighth century, and was first published by Prof. Swainson, 1871, and again in 1875.

Page 872. Add to Lit. on Eusebius:

Fr. Ad. Heinichen: Eusebii Pamphili Scripta Historica. New ed. Lips., 1868-70. 3 Tom. The third vol. (804 pages) contains Commentarii et Meletemata. The ample indexes and critical and explanatory notes make this the most useful edition of the Church History and other historical works of Eusebius. Dindorf's ed., Lips., 1867 sqq., 4 vols., includes the two apologetic works. Best ed. of the Chronicle by Alfred Schöne: Eusebii Chronicorum libri II. Berol. 1866 and 1875. 2 Tom., 4°. Schöne was assisted by Petermann in the Armenian Version, and by Rödiger in the Syriac Epitome. He gives also the chronographeion suntomonof the year 853, the first part of which professes to be derived from the labors of Eusebius. Stein: Eusebius nach s. Leben, s. Schriften, und s. dogmatischen Charakter. Würzburg, 1859. Bishop Lightfoot: art. Eusebius of Caes. in Smith and Wace, vol. ii. (full and fair). Semisch: art. Eus. v. Caes. in Herzog,2 vol. iv. 390-398. A new translation of Eusebius, with commentary, by A. C. McGiffert, will appear, N. York, 1890.

Page 885. Add to Lit. on Athanasius:

G. R. Sievers: Athanasii Vita acephala (written before 412, first publ. by Maffei, 1738). Ein Beitrag zur Gesch. des Athan. In the "Zeitschr. für Hist. Theol." (ed. by Kahnis). Gotha, 1868, pp. 89-162. Böhringer: Athanasius und Arius, in his Kirchengesch. in Biogr. Bd. vi., new ed. Leipz., 1874. Hergenröther (R.C.): Der heil. Athanas. der Gr. Cologne, 1877 (an essay, pages 24). L. Atzberger: Die Logoslehre des heil. Athanas. München, 1880. W. Möller: Art. Athan. in Herzog,2 i. 740-747. Lüdtke: in Wetzer and Welte, 2 i. (1882), 1534-1543. Gwatkin: Studies in Arianism. Cambr. 1882.

Page 890. Add to footnote at the bottom:

Villemain considers Athanasius the greatest man between the Apostles and Gregory VII., and says of him: "Sa vie, ses combats, son génie servirent plus à l'agrandissement du christianisme que toute la puissance de Constantin .... Athanase cherche le triomphe, et non le martyre. Tel qu'un chef de parti, tel qu'un général experimenté qui se sent nécessaire aux siens, Athan. ne s'expose que pour le succès, ne combat que pour vaincre, se retire quelque fois pour reparaître avec l'éclat d'un triomphe populaire." (Tableau de l'éloquence chrétienne au IVe siècle, p. 92.)

Page 894 line 11. Add to Lit. on St. Basil:

Dörgens: Der heil. Basilius und die class. Studien. Leipz., 1857. Eug. Fialon. Étude historique et literaire sur S. Basile, suivie de l'hexaemeron. Paris, 1861. G. B. Sievers: Leben des Libanios. Berl., 1868 (p294 sqq.). Böhringer: Die drei Kappadozier oder die trinitarischen Epigonen (Basil, Gregory of Nyssa, and Gregory of Naz.), in Kirchengesch. in Biograph., new ed. Bd. vii. and viii. 1875. Weiss: Die drei grossen Kappadozier als Exegeten. Braunsberg, 1872. R. Travers Smith: St. Basil the Great. London, 1879. (Soc. for Promoting Christian Knowledge), 232 pages. Scholl: Des heil. Basil Lehre von der Gnade. Freib., 1881. W. Möller, in Herzog,2 ii. 116-121. E. Venables, in Smith and Wace, i. 282-297. Farrar: "Lives of the Fathers," 1889. vol. ii. 1-55.

Page 904 line 7. Add to Lit. on Gregory of Nyssa:

Böhringer: Kirchengesch. in Biogr., new ed., vol. viii. 1876. G Herrmann: Greg. Nyss. Sententiae de salute adipiscenda. Halle, 1875. .
T. Bergades: De universo et de anima hominis doctrina Gregor. Nyss. Leipz., 1876. W. Möller, in Herzog,2 v. 396-404. E. Venables, in Smith and Wace, ii. 761-768. A. Paumier, in Lichtenberger, 723-725. On his doctrine of the Trinity and the Person of Christ, see especially Baur and Dorner. On his doctrine of the apokatastasis and relation to Origen, see Möller, G. Herrmann, and Bergades. l.c. Farrar: "Lives of the Fathers," (1889), ii. 56-83.

Page 909, line 4. Add to Lit. on Gregory of Nazianzus:

A. Grenier: La vie et les poésies de saint Grégoire de Nazianze. Paris,
1858. Böhringer: K. G. in Biogr., new ed., vol. viii. 1876. Abbé A. Benoît: Vie de saint Grégoire de Nazianze. Paris, 1877. J. R. Newman: Church of the Fathers, pp. 116-145, 551. Dabas: La femme au quatrième siècle dans les poésies de Grég. de Naz. Bordeaux, 1868. H. W. Watkins, in Smith and Wace, ii. 741-761. W. Gass, in Herzog,2 v. 392-396. A. Paumier, in Lichtenberger, v., 716-722. On his christology, see Neander, Baur and especially Dorner. His views on future punishment have been discussed by Farrar, and Pusey (see vol. ii. 612). Farrar:: "Lives of the Fathers," i. 491-582.

Page 920, line 22. Add:

In one of his plaintive songs from his religious retreat, after lamenting the factions of the church, the loss of youth, health, strength, parents, and friends, and his gloomy and homeless condition, Gregory thus gives touching expression to his faith in Christ as the last and only comforter:

"Thy will be done, O Lord! That day shall spring, When at thy word, this clay shall reappear.

No death I dread, but that which sin will bring;
No fire or flood without thy wrath I fear;

For Thou, O Christ, my King, art fatherland to me. My wealth, and might, and rest; my all I find in Thee." 1

1 Pros heauton, in Daniel's Thesaurus Hymnol., iii., 11:

Christe anax, su de moi patre, sthenos, olbos, hapanta,

Soi d ar anapsuxaimi bion kai kede ameipsas.

Page 924. After line 2, add to Lit. on Cyril of Jerusalem:

J. H. Newman: Preface to the Oxford transl. of Cyril in the "Library of the Fathers"(1839). E. Venables, in Smith and Wace, i. 760-763. C. Burk, in Herzog,2 iii. 416-418.

Page 933, line 4 from below. Add to Lit. on Chrysostom:

Villemain: L'éloquence chrétienne dans le quatrième siècle. Paris 1849; new ed. 1857. P. Albert: St. Jean Chrysostôme considéré comme orateur populaire. Paris, 1858. Abbé Rochet: Histoire de S. Jean Chrysostôme. Paris, 1866. 2 vols. Th. Förster: Chrysostomus in seinem Verhältniss zur antiochenischen Schule. Gotha, 1869. W. Maggilvray: John of the Golden Mouth. Lond., 1871. Am. Thierry: S. J. Chrysostôme et l' imperatrice Eudoxie. 2d ed. Paris, 1874. Böhringer: Johann Chrysostomus und Olympias, in his K. G. in Biogr., vol. ix., new ed., 1876. W. R. W. Stephens: St. Chrysostom: his Life and Times. London, 1872; 3d ed.,
1883. F. W. Farrar, in "Lives of the Fathers," Lond., 1889, ii. 460-540.

Engl. translation of works of St. Chrys., edited by Schaff, N. York, 1889, 6 vols. (with biographical sketch and literature by Schaff).

Page 942, line 14. Add to Lit. on Cyril of Alex.:

A new ed. of Cyril's works, including his Com. on the Minor Prophets, the Gospel of John, the Five Books against Nestorius, the Scholia on the Incarnation, etc., was prepared with great pains by Philip Pusey (son of Dr. Pusey). Oxf., 1868-81. In 5 vols Engl. trans. in the Oxford "Library of the Fathers." 1874 sqq. See an interesting sketch of Ph. Pusey (d. 1880) and his ed. in the "Church Quarterly Review" (London), Jan., 1883, pp. 257-291.

Page 942, line 24. Add:

Hefele: Conciliengesch., vol. ii., revised ed. (1875), where Cyril figures very prominently, pp. 135, 157, 167 sqq., 247 sqq., 266 sqq., etc. C. Burk, in Herzog,2 iii. 418 sq. W. Bright: St. Cyrillus of Al., in Smith and Wace, i. 763-773.

Page 950. Add to Lit. on Ephraem:

Evangelii Concordantis Expositio facta a S. Ephraemo Doctore Syro. Venet., 1876. (A Commentary on Tatian's Diatessaron, found in the Mechitarist Convent at Venice in an Armenian translation, translated into Latin, 1841, by Aucher, and published with an introduction by Prof. Mösinger of Salzburg.) Comp. also the art. Ephraem, in Herzog,2 iv. 255-261 (by Radiger, revised by Spiegel). In Smith and Wace, ii. 137-145 (by E. Venables).

Page 955. Add to Lit. on Lactantius:

English translation by W. Fletcher, in Clark's "Ante-Nicene Library," vols. xxi. and xxii. Edinb., 1871. For an estimate of his literary merits, see Ebert: Gesch. der christl. lat. Lit. Leipz., 1874 sqq., vol. i. 70-86. Ebert, in Herzog,2 viii. 364-366. Ffoulkes, in Smith and Wace, iii. 613-617.

Page 959, line 9. Add to Lit. on Hilary of Poitiers:

Reinkens: Hilarius von Poitiers. Schaffhausen, 1864. Semisch, in Herzog,2 vi. 416-427. Cazenove, in Smith and Wace, ii. 54-66, and his St. Hilary of Poitiers. Lond., 1883. (Soc. for Promot. Christian Knowledge.) Farrar: in "Lives of the Fathers" (1889), i. 426-467.

Page 961. Add to Lit on Ambrose,

Bannard: Histoire de S. Ambroise. Paris, 1871. Ebert: Gesch. der christl. lat. Lit., i. 135-176 (1874). Robinson Thornton: St. Ambrose: his Life, Times, and Teaching. Lond., 1879, 215 pages (Soc. for Promoting Christ. Knowledge). Plitt, in Herzog,2 i. 331-335. J. Ll. Davies, in Smith and Wace, i. 91-99. Cunitz, in Lichtenberger, i. 229-232. Farrar: "Lives of the Fathers "(1889), ii. 84-149. On the hymns of Ambrose, Comp. especially Ebert, l. c.

Page 967. Add to Lit. on Jerome:

Amédée Thierry: St. Jérôme, la société chrétienne à Rome et l'emigration romaine en terre sainte. Par., 1867. 2 vols. (He says at the close: "There is no continuation of Jerome's work; a few more letters of Augustine and Paulinus, and night falls on the West.") Lübeck: Hieronymus quos noverit scriptores et ex quibus hauserit. Leipzig, 1872. Ebert: Gesch. der christl. lat. Lit. Leipz., 1874 sqq., i. 176-203 (especially on the Latinity of Jerome, in which he places him first among the fathers). Edward L. Cutts: St. Jerome. London, 1877 (Soc. for Promot. Chr. Knowledge), 230 pages. Zöckler, in Herzog,2 vi. 103-108. Cunitz, in Lichtenberger, vii. 243-250. Freemantle, in Smith and Wace, iii. 29-50. ("Jerome lived and reigned for a thousand years. His writings contain the whole spirit of the church of the middle ages, its monasticism, its contrast of sacred things with profane, its credulity and superstition, its subjection to hierarchical authority, its dread of heresy, its passion for pilgrimages. To the society which was thus in a great measure formed by him, his Bible was the greatest boon which could have been given. But he founded no school and had no inspiring power; there was no courage or width of view in his spiritual legacy which could break through the fatal circle of bondage to received authority which was closing round manki

On Jerome as a Bible translator, comp. F. Kaulen (R.C.): Geschichte der Vulgata. Mainz, 1869. Hermann Rönsch: Itala und Vulgata. Das Sprachidiom der urchristlichen Itala und der katholischen Vulgata. 2d ed., revised. Marburg, 1875. L. Ziegler: Die latein Bibelübersetzungen vor Hieronymus und die Itala des Augustinus. München, 1879. (He maintains the existence of several Latin versions or revisions before Jerome.) Westcott's art. "Vulgate," in Smith's Dict. of the Bible. O.
F. Fritzsche: Latein. Bibelübersetzungen, in the new ed. of Herzog, vol. viii. (1881), pp. 433-472. Westcott and Hort's Greek Testament, vol. ii., lntrod., pp. 78-84.

Page 989, line 13. Add to Lit. on Augustine:

English translations of select works of Aug. by Dr. Pusey and others in the Oxford Library of the Fathers" : the Confessions, vol. i., 1839, 4th ed., 1853; Sermons, vol. xvi., 1844, and vol. xx., 1845; Short Treatises, vol. xxii., 1847; Expositions on the Psalms, vols. xxiv., xxv., xxx., xxxii., xxxvii., xxxix., 1847, 1849, 1850, 1853, 1854; Homilies on John, vols. xxvi. and xxix., 1848 and 1849. Another translation by Marcus Dods and others, Edinb. (T. and T. Clark), 1871-76, 15 vols., containing the City of God, the Anti-Donatist, the Anti-Pelagian, the Anti-Manichaean writings, Letters, On the Trinity, the Sermon on the Mount, and the Harmony of the Gospels, On Christian Doctrine, the Euchiridion, on Catechising, on Faith and the Creed, Lectures on John, and Confessions. The same revised with new translations and Prolegomena, edited by Philip Schaff, N. York, 1886-88, 8 vols. German translation of select writings of Aug. in the Kempten Bibliothek Der Kirchenväter, 1871-79, 8 vols.

On the same page, line 30. Substitute and add at the close of Lit.:

C. Bindemann: Der heil. Augustin. Berlin, 1844-55-69. 3 vols. Gangauf: Des heil. Aug. Lehre von Gott dem dreieinigen. Augsburg, 1866. Reinkens: Geschichtsphilosophie des heil. Augustin. Schaffhausen, 1866. Emil Feuerlein: Ueber die Stellung Augustin's in der Kirchen- und Kulturgeschichte. 1869. (In v. Sybel's "Hist. Zeitschrift" for 1869, vol. xi., 270-313. Ernst: Die Werke und Tugenden der Ungläubigen nach Augustin. Freib., 1872. Böhringer: Aurelius Augustinus, revised ed. Leipz., 1877-78. 2 parts. Aug. Dorner: Augustinus, sein Theol. System und seine religionsphilosophische Auschauung. Berlin, 1873. Ebert: Gesch. der christl. lat. Lit. Leipzig, 1874 sqq., vol. i. 203-243. Edward L. Cutts: St. Augustine. London (Soc. for Prom. Christian Knowledge), 1880. H. Reuter: Augustinische Studien, in Brieger's "Zeitschrift für Kirchengesch." for 1880-83 (four articles on Aug.'s doctrine of the church, predestination, the kingdom of God, etc.). Ch.
H. Collett: St. Aug., a Sketch o f his Life and Writings as affecting the Controversy with Rome. Lond., 1883. W. Cunningham: S. Austin and his Place in Christian Thought (Hulsean Lectures for 1885), Cambridge, 1886 (283 pp.). James F. Spalding: The Teaching and Influence of Saint Augustine. N. York, 1886 (106 pp.). H. Reuter: Augustinische Studien, Gotha, 1887 (516 pp.; able, learned, and instructive). Ad. Harnack: Augustin's Confessionen. Giessen, 1888 (31 pp., brief, but suggestive).
F. W. Farrar, in his "Lives of the Fathers," Lond. 1889, vol. ii. 298-460.

On the Philosophy of Aug., compare besides the works quoted on same page:

Erdmann: Grundriss der Gesch. der Philos., i. 231 sqq. Ueberweg: History of Philos. Engl. transl. by Morris, vol. i. 333-346. Ferraz: De la psychologie de S. Aug. 2d ed. Paris, 1869. Schütz: Augustinum non esse ontologum. Monast., 1867. G. Loesche: De Augustino Plotinizanto in doctrina de Deo disserenda. Jenae, 1880. (68 pages.) __________________________________________________________________

ADDENDA TO THE FIFTH EDITION. 1893
Page 2. Add to Literature:

The historical works of Eusebius, Socrates, Sozomenus, Theodoret, Rufinus, Jerome, and Gennadius, are translated with Introductions and Notes by various American and English scholars in the second series of the "Select Library of Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church," edited by Schaff and Wace, New York and Oxford, vols. i.-iv., 1890-92.

Page 40.

Julian The Emperor, containing Gregory Nazianzen's Two Invectives, and Libanius' Monody, with Julian's extant Theosophical Works. Translated by C. W. King, M. A. London, 1888. With notes and archaeological illustrations (pp. 288). __________________________________________________________________

APPENDIX TO THE REVISED EDITION, 1884.

With new Additions, 1889. __________________________________________________________________

ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA.

[In the additions to the literature I have followed the method of italicizing book-titles and words in foreign languages, as in the revised edition of vols. i. and ii. The same method will be carried out in all subsequent volumes.]

Page 11. Add To Literature On Constantine The Great:

Th. Zahn: Constantin der Grosse und die Kirche. Hannover, 1876. Demetriades: Die christl. Regierung und Orthodoxie Kaiser Constantin's des Gr. Muenchen, 1878. Th. Brieger: Constantin der Gr. als Religionspolitiker. Gotha, 1880. E. L. Cutts: Constantine the Great. Lond. And N. Y., 1881. W. Gass: Konstantin der Gr. und seine Soehne, in Herzog,2 vii. (1881), 199-207. John Wordsworth: Const. the Gr. and his Sons, in Smith and Wace, i. 623-654. Edm. Stapfer: in Lichtenberger, iii. 388-393.--Comp. also vol. ii. p. 64-74, especially on the Edicts Of Toleration (only two, not three, as formerly assumed). Victor Schultze Geschichte des Untergangs des Griechisch-roemischen Heidenthums. Jena, 1887, Vol. i. 28-68.

Page 40. Add To Lit, on the heathen sources:

Juliani imperatoris Librorum contra Christianos quae supersunt. Collegit, recensuit, prolegomenis instruxit Car. Joa. Neumann. Insunt Cyrilli Alexandrini fragmenta syriaca ab Eberh. Nestle edita. Lips.,
1880. Kaiser Julian's Buecher gegen die Christen. Nach ihrer Wiederherstellung uebersetzt von Karl Joh. Neumann. Leipzig, 1880. 53 pages. This is Fasc. iii. of Scriptorum Graecorum qui Christianam impugnaverunt religionem quae supersunt, ed. by Neumann.

Page 40, bottom of the page. Add to works on Julian the Apostate:

Alb. De Broglie (R.C.), in the third and fourth vols. of his L'église et l'empire romain au quatrième siécle. Par., 4th ed., 1868. (Very full.) J. F. A. Muecke: Flavius Claudius Julianus. Nach den Quellen. Gotha, 1867 and 1869. 2 vols. (Full, painstaking, prolix, too much dependent on Ammianus, and partial to Julian.) Kellerbaum: Skizze der Vorgeschichte Julians, 1877. F. Rode: Gesch. der Reaction des Kaiser Julianus gegen die christl. Kirche. Jens, 1877. (Careful, partly against Teuffel and Muecke.) H. Adrien Naville: Julien l'apostate et sa philosophie du polythéisme. . Paris and Neuchatel, 1877. Comp. his art. in Lichtenbergers "Encyclop.," vii. 519-525. Torquati: Studii storico-critici sulla vita ... di Giuliano l'Apostata. Rom., 1878. G.
H. Rendall: The Emperor Julian: Paganism and Christianity. Lond., 1879.
J. G. E. Hoffmann: Jul. der Abtruennige, Syrische Erzaehlungen. Leiden,
1880. (Old romances reflecting the feelings of the Eastern Christians.) Comp. also art. on Jul. in the "Encycl. Brit.," 9th ed., vol. xiii. 768-770 (by Kirkup); in Herzog2, vii. 285-296 (by Harnack); in Smith and Wace, iii. 484-524 (by Prebendary John Wordsworth, very full and fair).

Page 60. Add to literature:

Tillemont: Hist. des empereurs, tom. v. A. De Broglie, l.c. Victor Schultze: Gesch. d. Untergangs des gr. roem. Heidenthums, i. 209-400.

Page 81, last line, after Muenter, 1826, add:

; by C. Bursian, Lips., 1856; C. Halm, Vienna, 1867).

Page 93. Add as footnote 3:

3 Jerome, who was a shrewd observer of men and things, and witnessed the first effects of the union of church and state, says: "Ecclesia postquam ad Christianos principes venit, potentia quidem et divitiis major, sed virtutibus minor facta.'

Page 148. Add at the bottom of the page:

H. Weingarten: Der Ursprung des Moenchthums im nachconstantinischen Zeitalter. Gotha, 1877. See also his art. in Herzog2, x. 758 sqq. Ad. Harnack: Das Moenchthum, seine Ideale und seine Geschichte. Giessen, 1882.--Comp. vol. ii. ch. ix. p. 387 sqq.

Page 226. Add to footnote:

Ad. Franz, Marcus Aur. Cassiodorus Senator. Breslau, 1872.

Page 242, i 50, add:

See Lit. on clerical celibacy in vol. i. p. 403 sq., especially Theiner, Lea, and von Schulte.

Page 314. Add to Lit. on Leo the Great:

Friedrich (old Cath.): Zur aeltesten Geschichte des Primates in der Kirche. Bonn, 1879. Jos. Langen (old Cath.): Geschichte der roem. Kirche bis zum Pontificate Leo's I. Bonn, 1881. Karl Mueller in Herzog2, viii. (1881), 551-563. C. Gore, in Smith and Wace, iii. (1882), 652-673. By the same: Leo the Great (Lond. Soc. for Promoting Christ Knowledge, 175 pages). On the literary merits of Leo, see Ebert: Geschichte der christl. Lat. Lit., vol. i. 447-449.

Page 329.

Add to § 64 the following: __________________________________________________________________

Indexes __________________________________________________________________

Subject Index
Architecture, [1]iii.xi.ii-p0.1, [2]iii.xi.v-p0.1
Art, [3]iii.xi-p1.2
Asceticism, [4]iii.vii.i-p0.1
Baptism, [5]iii.x.xix-p0.1
Bishops, [6]iii.viii.vi-p0.1
Christmas, [7]iii.x.iv-p0.1
Church Discipline, [8]iii.ix-p1.2
Church Hierarchy, [9]iii.viii-p1.2
Church Schisms, [10]iii.ix-p1.3
Church and State, [11]iii.vi-p1.2

Clergy, [12]iii.viii.i-p0.1, [13]iii.viii.iii-p0.1, [14]iii.viii.iv-p0.1

Confirmation, [15]iii.x.xx-p0.1
Cross, [16]iii.xi.viii-p0.1
Donatism, [17]iii.ix.ii-p0.1
Easter, [18]iii.x.v-p0.1
Ecclesiastical Law, [19]iii.viii.xx-p0.1

Eucharist, [20]iii.x.xxii-p0.1, [21]iii.x.xxiii-p0.1, [22]iii.x.xxiv-p0.1

Liturgy, [23]iii.x.xxv-p0.1
Oriental, [24]iii.x.xxvi-p0.1
Western, [25]iii.x.xxvii-p0.1
Mariolatry, [26]iii.x.ix-p0.1
Mariology, [27]iii.x.viii-p0.1
Miracles, [28]iii.x.xv-p0.1

Monasticism, [29]iii.vii-p1.2, [30]iii.vii.xvii-p0.1

Music, [31]iii.xi.xii-p0.2
Ordination, [32]iii.x.xxi-p0.1
Papacy, [33]iii.viii.xiii-p0.1
Patriarchs, [34]iii.viii.viii-p0.1
Pentecost, [35]iii.x.vii-p0.1
Pilgrimages, [36]iii.x.xvi-p0.2
Poetry, [37]iii.xi.xii-p0.1
Oriental, [38]iii.xi.xiii-p0.1
Processions , [39]iii.x.xvi-p0.1
Public Worship, [40]iii.x-p1.2
Relics, [41]iii.x.xiv-p0.1
Resurrection, [42]iii.x.xiv-p0.2
Sacraments, [43]iii.x.xviii-p0.1
Slavery, [44]iii.vi.viii-p0.2
Social Reforms, [45]iii.vi.viii-p0.1

The Church Year, [46]iii.x.iii-p0.1 __________________________________________________________________

Index of Scripture References
Genesis

[47]1:1 [48]1:3 [49]2:17 [50]2:24 [51]3 [52]3:15 [53]3:19
[54]5:3 [55]6:4 [56]8:21 [57]9:25 [58]14:14 [59]31:10
[60]31:24 [61]50:1-2 [62]50:25 [63]50:26

Exodus

[64]12:15 [65]13:19 [66]20:4 [67]27:30 [68]28:1-53
[69]28:6-11 [70]28:15-30 [71]28:30 [72]28:39 [73]34:19-20
[74]34:19-20 [75]34:28

Leviticus
[76]20:7 [77]27:30-33
Numbers

[78]6:1-21 [79]12:6 [80]18:15 [81]18:15 [82]18:20-24 [83]19:2 [84]19:11 [85]22:22-33

Deuteronomy
[86]12 [87]13:6-10 [88]14:22 [89]104
Joshua
[90]6:3 [91]24:32
Judges
[92]16:7 [93]100:14
1 Samuel
[94]16:6 [95]21
2 Samuel
[96]2:18
1 Kings
[97]3:5 [98]7:23-26 [99]8:1 [100]19:8
2 Kings
[101]3:13 [102]13:21
2 Chronicles

[103]4:2-5 [104]30:17 [105]31:4 [106]35:21 [107]100:5-7

Job
[108]19:26 [109]33:15-16
Psalms

[110]3:1 [111]10 [112]19:5 [113]25 [114]25:6 [115]31:2
[116]31:5 [117]33:15 [118]34 [119]34:15 [120]40 [121]43:1
[122]45 [123]45 [124]45:3 [125]51:5 [126]51:7 [127]72:10-11
[128]91:15 [129]96:5 [130]98 [131]113 [132]119:37
[133]119:164 [134]119:164 [135]127 [136]139:7

Proverbs

[137]8:22 [138]8:22-25 [139]9:9 [140]10:19 [141]10:19 [142]22:8

Ecclesiastes

[143]1:6 [144]1:9 [145]1:31 [146]2:10 [147]3:3 [148]4:22
[149]4:25 [150]5 [151]6:25 [152]7 [153]8:1 [154]10
[155]10:2-4 [156]10:6 [157]50 [158]50 [159]50 [160]50
[161]50 [162]50

Isaiah

[163]1:3 [164]6:3 [165]6:3 [166]7:9 [167]20:2 [168]49:23
[169]52:14 [170]53:2-3 [171]53:2-3 [172]58:13 [173]63:16
[174]64:4 [175]66:7 [176]66:10

Jeremiah
[177]1:5 [178]1:17 [179]10:11
Ezekiel
[180]4:4 [181]18:2-4 [182]44:1-3
Daniel

[183]2:4 [184]2:36 [185]10:13 [186]10:20 [187]10:21 [188]12:1

Hosea
[189]1:2
Zechariah
[190]12:1
Malachi
[191]1:10
Matthew

[192]1:18 [193]1:20 [194]1:24 [195]1:25 [196]1:25 [197]1:25
[198]1:25 [199]1:25 [200]1:25 [201]2:1-11 [202]5:13
[203]5:17-19 [204]5:28 [205]5:40 [206]5:89 [207]6:14
[208]6:34 [209]7:18 [210]8:29 [211]8:47 [212]9:20 [213]9:20
[214]10:15 [215]10:20 [216]11:18-19 [217]11:27 [218]12:31
[219]12:32 [220]12:36 [221]12:39-40 [222]12:46-47
[223]12:46-50 [224]13 [225]13 [226]13:38 [227]15:2 [228]16
[229]16:18 [230]16:18 [231]16:18 [232]16:22 [233]18:10
[234]19:5 [235]19:21 [236]19:21 [237]19:23-24 [238]20:9
[239]21:8 [240]21:8 [241]22:30 [242]24:19 [243]25:6
[244]25:34 [245]25:40 [246]25:46 [247]26:39 [248]28:19
[249]28:20 [250]28:20 [251]63

Mark

[252]1:24 [253]3:31-32 [254]6:4 [255]6:17 [256]7:3 [257]7:34 [258]9:50 [259]12:52 [260]13:32 [261]15:7

Luke

[262]1:15 [263]1:23 [264]1:26-39 [265]1:28 [266]1:28
[267]1:28 [268]1:28 [269]1:28 [270]1:28 [271]1:35 [272]1:36
[273]1:38 [274]1:38 [275]1:42 [276]1:42 [277]1:43 [278]1:43
[279]1:43 [280]1:43 [281]1:43 [282]1:48 [283]1:58 [284]2:1
[285]2:7 [286]2:7 [287]2:7 [288]2:8 [289]2:14 [290]2:22
[291]2:22-38 [292]2:35 [293]2:35 [294]2:35 [295]2:52
[296]2:52 [297]2:53 [298]3:23 [299]8:28 [300]10:38-42
[301]11:38 [302]12:35 [303]14:23 [304]14:23 [305]14:23
[306]14:33 [307]15:7 [308]15:10 [309]16:27

John

[310]1:1 [311]1:1 [312]1:14 [313]1:18 [314]2:3 [315]2:4
[316]2:4 [317]2:4 [318]2:21 [319]3:5 [320]3:5 [321]3:6
[322]3:13 [323]3:27 [324]3:30 [325]5:2-16 [326]5:17
[327]5:17 [328]5:17 [329]5:18 [330]5:26-27 [331]6:37
[332]6:39 [333]6:53 [334]6:57 [335]7:3 [336]7:5 [337]7:10
[338]8:26 [339]10:22 [340]12:27-28 [341]13 [342]14:10
[343]14:10 [344]14:16 [345]14:26 [346]14:26 [347]14:28
[348]14:28 [349]15:15 [350]15:26 [351]15:26 [352]15:26
[353]17:5 [354]17:5 [355]19:21 [356]19:25 [357]19:25
[358]19:25-27 [359]20:22 [360]20:22 [361]25

Acts

[362]1 [363]1:13 [364]1:14 [365]1:14 [366]2:36 [367]3
[368]5:3-4 [369]5:14-15 [370]7:8 [371]7:16 [372]9:13
[373]9:32 [374]9:41 [375]10:17 [376]10:24 [377]12:6
[378]12:15 [379]13:2 [380]14:23 [381]15 [382]15:6
[383]15:20 [384]15:22 [385]15:28 [386]17:34 [387]19:11-12
[388]19:13 [389]20:36 [390]23:26

Romans

[391]1:4 [392]1:7 [393]2:14 [394]2:20 [395]3:24 [396]4:4-5
[397]4:6 [398]5:12 [399]5:12 [400]5:12 [401]5:12 [402]5:12
[403]5:12 [404]5:12 [405]5:12 [406]5:12 [407]5:12-21
[408]6:4-6 [409]8:8-9 [410]8:11 [411]8:19 [412]8:29
[413]8:29 [414]8:31 [415]9:6 [416]9:36 [417]12:1 [418]12:12
[419]13:6 [420]13:14 [421]14:20 [422]14:23 [423]14:23
[424]15:16 [425]15:27 [426]16:1 [427]1608 [428]1661
[429]1693 [430]1698 [431]1719 [432]1719 [433]1730 [434]1731
[435]1749 [436]1749 [437]1754 [438]1764 [439]1822 [440]1828
[441]1833 [442]1844 [443]1845 [444]1847 [445]1847 [446]1848
[447]1852 [448]1853 [449]1854

1 Corinthians

[450]1:2 [451]2:8 [452]2:9 [453]2:9 [454]2:9 [455]2:11-12
[456]2:14 [457]3:15 [458]4:7 [459]4:7 [460]6:1-6 [461]6:11
[462]7 [463]7:1 [464]7:1 [465]7:3 [466]7:8 [467]7:9
[468]7:10 [469]7:21 [470]7:25 [471]7:25 [472]7:26 [473]7:29
[474]7:36 [475]7:38 [476]7:39 [477]9:5 [478]10:4 [479]10:21
[480]11:27-28 [481]11:28-29 [482]11:31 [483]12 [484]13:1-3
[485]14:16 [486]15:22 [487]15:22 [488]15:22 [489]15:25
[490]15:28 [491]15:45 [492]21

2 Corinthians

[493]1 [494]4:4 [495]5:16 [496]6:14 [497]9:4 [498]9:6 [499]9:12 [500]12 [501]13:13

Galatians

[502]1:1 [503]2 [504]2 [505]2:11 [506]2:11 [507]2:11
[508]2:11-12 [509]2:11-14 [510]2:11-14 [511]2:14 [512]3:1
[513]3:28 [514]4:4 [515]5:17 [516]5:19

Ephesians

[517]1:1 [518]1:4 [519]1:15 [520]1:18 [521]2:3 [522]2:3
[523]2:8 [524]2:8 [525]2:8 [526]2:8-9 [527]2:9 [528]2:10
[529]3:3 [530]3:8 [531]3:13 [532]3:16 [533]4:11 [534]4:11
[535]5:5 [536]5:14 [537]5:14 [538]5:17 [539]5:19 [540]5:32
[541]6:12 [542]100:20

Philippians

[543]1:1 [544]1:1 [545]1:1 [546]1:6 [547]1:6 [548]1:29 [549]2:6 [550]2:6 [551]2:6 [552]2:7 [553]2:7-9 [554]2:13

Colossians

[555]1:15 [556]1:15 [557]1:15 [558]1:15 [559]2:16-23 [560]2:18 [561]2:18 [562]4:4 [563]4:6 [564]4:10

1 Thessalonians
[565]5:17 [566]5:23
2 Thessalonians
[567]2:7
1 Timothy

[568]1:15 [569]2:4 [570]2:15 [571]3:2 [572]3:2 [573]3:3
[574]3:12 [575]3:12 [576]3:16 [577]3:16 [578]4:1-3 [579]4:3
[580]4:3-5 [581]5:9 [582]5:14

2 Timothy
[583]2:11 [584]2:11-13
Titus

[585]1:3 [586]1:5 [587]1:5 [588]1:7 [589]1:7 [590]2 [591]2:13 [592]2:14 [593]3 [594]3:5-7 [595]3:8 [596]12

Hebrews

[597]1:3 [598]1:4 [599]1:4 [600]1:14 [601]1:14 [602]2:16
[603]2:18 [604]3:2 [605]3:14 [606]5:6 [607]5:8-9 [608]6:4
[609]7:1 [610]7:3 [611]7:4 [612]7:23-24 [613]8:2 [614]8:6
[615]9:13 [616]10:14 [617]11:35 [618]13:4 [619]13:10

James
[620]1:17
1 Peter

[621]2:2 [622]2:9 [623]2:9 [624]5:1 [625]5:8

2 Peter
[626]2:16
1 John
[627]1:8 [628]3:9 [629]5:7 [630]5:18
Revelation

[631]2:1-7 [632]2:17 [633]3:11 [634]4:8 [635]6:9 [636]6:9
[637]8:3-4 [638]11:15 [639]12:7-9 [640]13:7 [641]13:10
[642]14:4 [643]17:3 [644]19:10 [645]19:10 [646]20:6
[647]22:8-9 [648]22:8-9

1 Maccabees
[649]4:59
2 Maccabees
[650]6
Sirach

[651]1:4 __________________________________________________________________

Index of Names

* Aerius: [652]1 [653]2 [654]3 [655]4 * Ambrose: [656]1 [657]2 [658]3 [659]4 [660]5 [661]6 [662]7 [663]8
[664]9 [665]10 [666]11 [667]12 [668]13 [669]14 [670]15 [671]16
[672]17 [673]18 [674]19 [675]20 [676]21 [677]22 [678]23 [679]24
[680]25 [681]26 [682]27 [683]28 [684]29 [685]30 [686]31 [687]32
[688]33 [689]34 [690]35 [691]36 [692]37 [693]38 [694]39 [695]40
[696]41 [697]42 [698]43 [699]44 [700]45 [701]46 [702]47 [703]48
[704]49 [705]50 [706]51 [707]52 [708]53 [709]54 [710]55 [711]56
[712]57 [713]58 [714]59 [715]60 [716]61 [717]62 [718]63 [719]64
[720]65 [721]66 [722]67 [723]68 [724]69 [725]70 [726]71 [727]72
[728]73 [729]74 [730]75 [731]76 [732]77 [733]78 [734]79 [735]80
[736]81 [737]82 [738]83 [739]84 [740]85 [741]86 [742]87 [743]88
[744]89 [745]90 [746]91 [747]92 [748]93 [749]94 [750]95 [751]96
[752]97 [753]98 [754]99 [755]100 [756]101 [757]102 [758]103
[759]104 [760]105 [761]106 [762]107 [763]108 [764]109 [765]110
[766]111 [767]112 [768]113 [769]114 [770]115 [771]116 [772]117
[773]118 [774]119 [775]120 [776]121 [777]122 [778]123 [779]124
[780]125 [781]126 [782]127 [783]128 [784]129 [785]130 [786]131
[787]132 [788]133 [789]134 [790]135 [791]136 [792]137 [793]138
[794]139 [795]140 [796]141 [797]142 [798]143 [799]144 [800]145
[801]146 [802]147 [803]148 [804]149 [805]150 * Ambrose of Milan: [806]1 * Anastasius II.: [807]1 * Anthony: [808]1 [809]2 [810]3 [811]4 [812]5 [813]6 [814]7 [815]8
[816]9 [817]10 [818]11 [819]12 [820]13 [821]14 [822]15 [823]16
[824]17 [825]18 [826]19 [827]20 [828]21 [829]22 [830]23 [831]24
[832]25 [833]26 [834]27 [835]28 [836]29 [837]30 [838]31 [839]32
[840]33 [841]34 [842]35 [843]36 [844]37 [845]38 [846]39 [847]40
[848]41 [849]42 [850]43 [851]44 [852]45 [853]46 [854]47 [855]48
[856]49 [857]50 [858]51 [859]52 [860]53 [861]54 [862]55 [863]56
[864]57 [865]58 [866]59 [867]60 * Athanasius: [868]1 [869]2 * Audius: [870]1 * Augustine: [871]1 [872]2 [873]3 [874]4 [875]5 [876]6 [877]7 [878]8
[879]9 [880]10 [881]11 [882]12 [883]13 [884]14 [885]15 [886]16
[887]17 [888]18 [889]19 [890]20 [891]21 [892]22 [893]23 [894]24
[895]25 [896]26 [897]27 [898]28 [899]29 [900]30 [901]31 [902]32
[903]33 [904]34 [905]35 [906]36 [907]37 [908]38 [909]39 [910]40
[911]41 [912]42 [913]43 [914]44 [915]45 [916]46 [917]47 [918]48
[919]49 [920]50 [921]51 [922]52 [923]53 [924]54 [925]55 [926]56
[927]57 [928]58 [929]59 [930]60 [931]61 [932]62 [933]63 [934]64
[935]65 [936]66 [937]67 [938]68 [939]69 [940]70 [941]71 [942]72
[943]73 [944]74 [945]75 [946]76 [947]77 [948]78 [949]79 [950]80
[951]81 [952]82 [953]83 [954]84 [955]85 [956]86 [957]87 [958]88
[959]89 [960]90 [961]91 [962]92 [963]93 [964]94 [965]95 [966]96
[967]97 [968]98 [969]99 [970]100 [971]101 [972]102 [973]103
[974]104 [975]105 [976]106 [977]107 [978]108 [979]109 [980]110
[981]111 [982]112 [983]113 [984]114 [985]115 [986]116 [987]117
[988]118 [989]119 [990]120 [991]121 [992]122 [993]123 [994]124
[995]125 [996]126 [997]127 [998]128 [999]129 [1000]130 [1001]131
[1002]132 [1003]133 [1004]134 [1005]135 [1006]136 [1007]137
[1008]138 [1009]139 [1010]140 [1011]141 [1012]142 [1013]143
[1014]144 [1015]145 [1016]146 [1017]147 [1018]148 [1019]149
[1020]150 [1021]151 [1022]152 [1023]153 [1024]154 [1025]155
[1026]156 [1027]157 [1028]158 [1029]159 [1030]160 [1031]161
[1032]162 [1033]163 [1034]164 [1035]165 [1036]166 [1037]167
[1038]168 [1039]169 [1040]170 [1041]171 [1042]172 [1043]173
[1044]174 [1045]175 [1046]176 [1047]177 [1048]178 [1049]179
[1050]180 [1051]181 [1052]182 [1053]183 [1054]184 [1055]185
[1056]186 [1057]187 [1058]188 [1059]189 [1060]190 [1061]191
[1062]192 [1063]193 [1064]194 [1065]195 [1066]196 [1067]197
[1068]198 [1069]199 [1070]200 [1071]201 [1072]202 [1073]203
[1074]204 [1075]205 [1076]206 [1077]207 [1078]208 [1079]209
[1080]210 [1081]211 [1082]212 [1083]213 [1084]214 [1085]215
[1086]216 [1087]217 [1088]218 [1089]219 [1090]220 [1091]221
[1092]222 [1093]223 [1094]224 [1095]225 [1096]226 [1097]227
[1098]228 [1099]229 [1100]230 [1101]231 [1102]232 [1103]233
[1104]234 [1105]235 [1106]236 [1107]237 [1108]238 [1109]239
[1110]240 [1111]241 [1112]242 [1113]243 [1114]244 [1115]245
[1116]246 [1117]247 [1118]248 [1119]249 [1120]250 [1121]251
[1122]252 [1123]253 [1124]254 [1125]255 [1126]256 [1127]257
[1128]258 [1129]259 [1130]260 [1131]261 [1132]262 [1133]263
[1134]264 [1135]265 [1136]266 [1137]267 [1138]268 [1139]269
[1140]270 [1141]271 [1142]272 [1143]273 [1144]274 [1145]275
[1146]276 [1147]277 [1148]278 [1149]279 [1150]280 [1151]281
[1152]282 [1153]283 [1154]284 [1155]285 [1156]286 [1157]287
[1158]288 [1159]289 [1160]290 [1161]291 [1162]292 [1163]293
[1164]294 [1165]295 [1166]296 [1167]297 [1168]298 [1169]299
[1170]300 [1171]301 [1172]302 [1173]303 [1174]304 [1175]305
[1176]306 [1177]307 [1178]308 [1179]309 [1180]310 [1181]311
[1182]312 [1183]313 [1184]314 [1185]315 [1186]316 [1187]317
[1188]318 [1189]319 [1190]320 [1191]321 [1192]322 [1193]323
[1194]324 [1195]325 [1196]326 [1197]327 [1198]328 [1199]329
[1200]330 [1201]331 [1202]332 [1203]333 [1204]334 [1205]335
[1206]336 [1207]337 [1208]338 [1209]339 [1210]340 [1211]341
[1212]342 [1213]343 [1214]344 [1215]345 [1216]346 [1217]347
[1218]348 [1219]349 [1220]350 [1221]351 [1222]352 [1223]353
[1224]354 [1225]355 [1226]356 [1227]357 [1228]358 [1229]359
[1230]360 [1231]361 [1232]362 [1233]363 [1234]364 [1235]365
[1236]366 [1237]367 [1238]368 [1239]369 [1240]370 [1241]371
[1242]372 [1243]373 [1244]374 [1245]375 [1246]376 [1247]377
[1248]378 [1249]379 [1250]380 [1251]381 [1252]382 [1253]383
[1254]384 [1255]385 [1256]386 [1257]387 [1258]388 [1259]389
[1260]390 [1261]391 [1262]392 [1263]393 [1264]394 [1265]395
[1266]396 [1267]397 [1268]398 [1269]399 [1270]400 [1271]401
[1272]402 [1273]403 [1274]404 [1275]405 [1276]406 [1277]407
[1278]408 [1279]409 [1280]410 [1281]411 [1282]412 [1283]413
[1284]414 [1285]415 [1286]416 [1287]417 [1288]418 [1289]419
[1290]420 [1291]421 [1292]422 [1293]423 [1294]424 [1295]425
[1296]426 [1297]427 [1298]428 [1299]429 [1300]430 [1301]431
[1302]432 [1303]433 [1304]434 [1305]435 [1306]436 [1307]437
[1308]438 [1309]439 [1310]440 [1311]441 [1312]442 [1313]443
[1314]444 [1315]445 [1316]446 [1317]447 [1318]448 [1319]449
[1320]450 [1321]451 [1322]452 [1323]453 [1324]454 [1325]455
[1326]456 [1327]457 [1328]458 [1329]459 [1330]460 [1331]461
[1332]462 [1333]463 [1334]464 [1335]465 [1336]466 [1337]467
[1338]468 [1339]469 [1340]470 [1341]471 [1342]472 [1343]473
[1344]474 [1345]475 [1346]476 [1347]477 [1348]478 [1349]479
[1350]480 [1351]481 [1352]482 [1353]483 [1354]484 [1355]485
[1356]486 [1357]487 [1358]488 [1359]489 [1360]490 [1361]491
[1362]492 [1363]493 [1364]494 [1365]495 [1366]496 [1367]497
[1368]498 [1369]499 [1370]500 [1371]501 [1372]502 [1373]503
[1374]504 [1375]505 [1376]506 [1377]507 [1378]508 [1379]509
[1380]510 [1381]511 [1382]512 [1383]513 [1384]514 [1385]515
[1386]516 [1387]517 [1388]518 [1389]519 [1390]520 [1391]521
[1392]522 [1393]523 [1394]524 [1395]525 [1396]526 [1397]527
[1398]528 [1399]529 [1400]530 [1401]531 [1402]532 [1403]533
[1404]534 [1405]535 [1406]536 [1407]537 [1408]538 [1409]539
[1410]540 [1411]541 [1412]542 [1413]543 [1414]544 [1415]545
[1416]546 [1417]547 [1418]548 [1419]549 [1420]550 [1421]551
[1422]552 [1423]553 [1424]554 [1425]555 [1426]556 [1427]557
[1428]558 [1429]559 [1430]560 [1431]561 [1432]562 [1433]563
[1434]564 [1435]565 [1436]566 [1437]567 [1438]568 [1439]569
[1440]570 [1441]571 [1442]572 [1443]573 [1444]574 [1445]575
[1446]576 [1447]577 [1448]578 [1449]579 [1450]580 [1451]581
[1452]582 [1453]583 [1454]584 [1455]585 [1456]586 [1457]587
[1458]588 [1459]589 [1460]590 [1461]591 [1462]592 [1463]593
[1464]594 [1465]595 [1466]596 [1467]597 [1468]598 [1469]599
[1470]600 [1471]601 [1472]602 [1473]603 [1474]604 [1475]605
[1476]606 [1477]607 [1478]608 [1479]609 [1480]610 [1481]611
[1482]612 [1483]613 [1484]614 [1485]615 [1486]616 [1487]617
[1488]618 [1489]619 [1490]620 [1491]621 [1492]622 [1493]623
[1494]624 [1495]625 [1496]626 [1497]627 [1498]628 [1499]629
[1500]630 [1501]631 [1502]632 [1503]633 [1504]634 [1505]635
[1506]636 [1507]637 [1508]638 [1509]639 [1510]640 [1511]641
[1512]642 [1513]643 [1514]644 [1515]645 [1516]646 [1517]647
[1518]648 [1519]649 [1520]650 [1521]651 [1522]652 [1523]653
[1524]654 [1525]655 [1526]656 [1527]657 [1528]658 [1529]659
[1530]660 [1531]661 [1532]662 [1533]663 [1534]664 [1535]665
[1536]666 [1537]667 [1538]668 * Benedict: [1539]1 [1540]2 [1541]3 [1542]4 [1543]5 [1544]6 [1545]7
[1546]8 [1547]9 [1548]10 [1549]11 [1550]12 [1551]13 [1552]14
[1553]15 [1554]16 [1555]17 [1556]18 [1557]19 [1558]20 [1559]21
[1560]22 [1561]23 [1562]24 [1563]25 [1564]26 [1565]27 [1566]28
[1567]29 [1568]30 [1569]31 [1570]32 [1571]33 [1572]34 [1573]35
[1574]36 [1575]37 [1576]38 [1577]39 [1578]40 [1579]41 [1580]42
[1581]43 [1582]44 [1583]45 [1584]46 [1585]47 [1586]48 [1587]49
[1588]50 [1589]51 [1590]52 [1591]53 [1592]54 [1593]55 [1594]56
[1595]57 [1596]58 [1597]59 [1598]60 [1599]61 [1600]62 [1601]63
[1602]64 [1603]65 [1604]66 [1605]67 [1606]68 [1607]69 [1608]70
[1609]71 [1610]72 [1611]73 [1612]74 [1613]75 [1614]76 [1615]77
[1616]78 [1617]79 [1618]80 [1619]81 [1620]82 [1621]83 [1622]84
[1623]85 [1624]86 [1625]87 [1626]88 [1627]89 [1628]90 [1629]91
[1630]92 [1631]93 [1632]94 [1633]95 [1634]96 * Benedict of Nursia: [1635]1 * CONSTANTINE: [1636]1 * Chrysostom: [1637]1 [1638]2 [1639]3 [1640]4 [1641]5 [1642]6 [1643]7
[1644]8 [1645]9 [1646]10 [1647]11 [1648]12 [1649]13 [1650]14
[1651]15 [1652]16 [1653]17 [1654]18 [1655]19 [1656]20 [1657]21
[1658]22 [1659]23 [1660]24 [1661]25 [1662]26 [1663]27 [1664]28
[1665]29 [1666]30 [1667]31 [1668]32 [1669]33 [1670]34 [1671]35
[1672]36 [1673]37 [1674]38 [1675]39 [1676]40 [1677]41 [1678]42
[1679]43 [1680]44 [1681]45 [1682]46 [1683]47 [1684]48 [1685]49
[1686]50 [1687]51 [1688]52 [1689]53 [1690]54 [1691]55 [1692]56
[1693]57 [1694]58 [1695]59 [1696]60 [1697]61 [1698]62 [1699]63
[1700]64 [1701]65 [1702]66 [1703]67 [1704]68 [1705]69 [1706]70
[1707]71 [1708]72 [1709]73 [1710]74 [1711]75 [1712]76 [1713]77
[1714]78 [1715]79 [1716]80 [1717]81 [1718]82 [1719]83 [1720]84
[1721]85 [1722]86 [1723]87 [1724]88 [1725]89 [1726]90 [1727]91
[1728]92 [1729]93 [1730]94 [1731]95 [1732]96 [1733]97 [1734]98
[1735]99 [1736]100 [1737]101 [1738]102 [1739]103 [1740]104
[1741]105 [1742]106 [1743]107 [1744]108 [1745]109 [1746]110
[1747]111 [1748]112 [1749]113 [1750]114 [1751]115 [1752]116
[1753]117 [1754]118 [1755]119 [1756]120 [1757]121 [1758]122
[1759]123 [1760]124 [1761]125 [1762]126 [1763]127 [1764]128
[1765]129 [1766]130 [1767]131 [1768]132 [1769]133 [1770]134
[1771]135 [1772]136 [1773]137 [1774]138 [1775]139 [1776]140
[1777]141 [1778]142 [1779]143 [1780]144 [1781]145 [1782]146
[1783]147 [1784]148 [1785]149 [1786]150 [1787]151 [1788]152
[1789]153 [1790]154 [1791]155 [1792]156 [1793]157 [1794]158
[1795]159 [1796]160 [1797]161 [1798]162 [1799]163 [1800]164
[1801]165 [1802]166 [1803]167 [1804]168 [1805]169 [1806]170
[1807]171 [1808]172 [1809]173 [1810]174 [1811]175 [1812]176
[1813]177 [1814]178 [1815]179 [1816]180 [1817]181 [1818]182
[1819]183 [1820]184 [1821]185 [1822]186 [1823]187 [1824]188
[1825]189 [1826]190 [1827]191 [1828]192 [1829]193 [1830]194
[1831]195 [1832]196 [1833]197 [1834]198 [1835]199 [1836]200
[1837]201 [1838]202 [1839]203 [1840]204 [1841]205 [1842]206
[1843]207 [1844]208 [1845]209 [1846]210 [1847]211 [1848]212
[1849]213 [1850]214 [1851]215 [1852]216 [1853]217 [1854]218
[1855]219 [1856]220 [1857]221 [1858]222 [1859]223 [1860]224
[1861]225 [1862]226 [1863]227 [1864]228 [1865]229 [1866]230
[1867]231 [1868]232 [1869]233 [1870]234 * Constantine: [1871]1 [1872]2 [1873]3 [1874]4 [1875]5 [1876]6
[1877]7 [1878]8 [1879]9 [1880]10 [1881]11 [1882]12 [1883]13
[1884]14 [1885]15 [1886]16 [1887]17 [1888]18 [1889]19 [1890]20
[1891]21 [1892]22 [1893]23 [1894]24 [1895]25 [1896]26 [1897]27
[1898]28 [1899]29 [1900]30 [1901]31 [1902]32 [1903]33 [1904]34
[1905]35 [1906]36 [1907]37 [1908]38 [1909]39 [1910]40 [1911]41
[1912]42 [1913]43 [1914]44 [1915]45 [1916]46 [1917]47 [1918]48
[1919]49 [1920]50 [1921]51 [1922]52 [1923]53 [1924]54 [1925]55
[1926]56 [1927]57 [1928]58 [1929]59 [1930]60 [1931]61 [1932]62
[1933]63 [1934]64 [1935]65 [1936]66 [1937]67 [1938]68 [1939]69
[1940]70 [1941]71 [1942]72 [1943]73 [1944]74 [1945]75 [1946]76
[1947]77 [1948]78 [1949]79 [1950]80 [1951]81 [1952]82 [1953]83
[1954]84 [1955]85 [1956]86 [1957]87 [1958]88 [1959]89 [1960]90
[1961]91 [1962]92 [1963]93 [1964]94 [1965]95 [1966]96 [1967]97
[1968]98 [1969]99 [1970]100 [1971]101 [1972]102 [1973]103 [1974]104
[1975]105 [1976]106 [1977]107 [1978]108 [1979]109 [1980]110
[1981]111 [1982]112 [1983]113 [1984]114 [1985]115 [1986]116
[1987]117 [1988]118 [1989]119 [1990]120 [1991]121 [1992]122
[1993]123 [1994]124 [1995]125 [1996]126 [1997]127 [1998]128
[1999]129 [2000]130 [2001]131 [2002]132 [2003]133 [2004]134
[2005]135 [2006]136 [2007]137 [2008]138 [2009]139 [2010]140
[2011]141 [2012]142 [2013]143 [2014]144 [2015]145 [2016]146
[2017]147 [2018]148 [2019]149 [2020]150 [2021]151 [2022]152
[2023]153 [2024]154 [2025]155 [2026]156 [2027]157 [2028]158
[2029]159 [2030]160 [2031]161 [2032]162 [2033]163 [2034]164
[2035]165 [2036]166 [2037]167 [2038]168 [2039]169 [2040]170
[2041]171 [2042]172 [2043]173 [2044]174 [2045]175 [2046]176
[2047]177 [2048]178 [2049]179 [2050]180 [2051]181 [2052]182
[2053]183 [2054]184 [2055]185 [2056]186 [2057]187 [2058]188
[2059]189 [2060]190 [2061]191 [2062]192 [2063]193 [2064]194
[2065]195 [2066]196 [2067]197 [2068]198 [2069]199 [2070]200
[2071]201 [2072]202 [2073]203 [2074]204 [2075]205 [2076]206
[2077]207 [2078]208 [2079]209 [2080]210 [2081]211 [2082]212
[2083]213 [2084]214 [2085]215 [2086]216 [2087]217 [2088]218
[2089]219 [2090]220 [2091]221 [2092]222 [2093]223 [2094]224
[2095]225 [2096]226 [2097]227 [2098]228 [2099]229 [2100]230
[2101]231 [2102]232 [2103]233 [2104]234 [2105]235 [2106]236
[2107]237 [2108]238 [2109]239 [2110]240 [2111]241 [2112]242
[2113]243 [2114]244 [2115]245 [2116]246 [2117]247 [2118]248
[2119]249 [2120]250 [2121]251 [2122]252 [2123]253 [2124]254
[2125]255 [2126]256 [2127]257 [2128]258 [2129]259 [2130]260
[2131]261 [2132]262 [2133]263 [2134]264 [2135]265 [2136]266
[2137]267 [2138]268 [2139]269 [2140]270 [2141]271 * Constantine The Great: [2142]1 * Cyril of Jerusalem: [2143]1 * Damasus: [2144]1 * Eustathius: [2145]1 * Facundus: [2146]1 * Felix II.: [2147]1 * Gaudentius: [2148]1 * Gelasius I.: [2149]1 * Gregory I: [2150]1 * Gregory I.: [2151]1 * Gregory Nazianzen: [2152]1 [2153]2 [2154]3 * Helvidius: [2155]1 [2156]2 [2157]3 [2158]4 [2159]5 [2160]6 [2161]7
[2162]8 [2163]9 [2164]10 [2165]11 [2166]12 [2167]13 [2168]14
[2169]15 [2170]16 * Hilarion: [2171]1 * Hilary: [2172]1 [2173]2 [2174]3 [2175]4 [2176]5 [2177]6 [2178]7
[2179]8 [2180]9 [2181]10 [2182]11 [2183]12 [2184]13 [2185]14
[2186]15 [2187]16 [2188]17 [2189]18 [2190]19 [2191]20 [2192]21
[2193]22 [2194]23 [2195]24 [2196]25 [2197]26 [2198]27 [2199]28
[2200]29 [2201]30 [2202]31 [2203]32 [2204]33 [2205]34 [2206]35
[2207]36 [2208]37 [2209]38 [2210]39 [2211]40 [2212]41 [2213]42
[2214]43 [2215]44 [2216]45 [2217]46 [2218]47 [2219]48 [2220]49
[2221]50 [2222]51 [2223]52 [2224]53 [2225]54 [2226]55 [2227]56
[2228]57 [2229]58 [2230]59 [2231]60 [2232]61 [2233]62 [2234]63
[2235]64 [2236]65 [2237]66 [2238]67 [2239]68 [2240]69 [2241]70
[2242]71 [2243]72 [2244]73 * Hormisdas: [2245]1 * Jerome: [2246]1 [2247]2 [2248]3 [2249]4 [2250]5 [2251]6 [2252]7
[2253]8 [2254]9 [2255]10 [2256]11 [2257]12 [2258]13 [2259]14
[2260]15 [2261]16 [2262]17 [2263]18 [2264]19 [2265]20 [2266]21
[2267]22 [2268]23 [2269]24 [2270]25 [2271]26 [2272]27 [2273]28
[2274]29 [2275]30 [2276]31 [2277]32 [2278]33 [2279]34 [2280]35
[2281]36 [2282]37 [2283]38 [2284]39 [2285]40 [2286]41 [2287]42
[2288]43 [2289]44 [2290]45 [2291]46 [2292]47 [2293]48 [2294]49
[2295]50 [2296]51 [2297]52 [2298]53 [2299]54 [2300]55 [2301]56
[2302]57 [2303]58 [2304]59 [2305]60 [2306]61 [2307]62 [2308]63
[2309]64 [2310]65 [2311]66 [2312]67 [2313]68 [2314]69 [2315]70
[2316]71 [2317]72 [2318]73 [2319]74 [2320]75 [2321]76 [2322]77
[2323]78 [2324]79 [2325]80 [2326]81 [2327]82 [2328]83 [2329]84
[2330]85 [2331]86 [2332]87 [2333]88 [2334]89 [2335]90 [2336]91
[2337]92 [2338]93 [2339]94 [2340]95 [2341]96 [2342]97 [2343]98
[2344]99 [2345]100 [2346]101 [2347]102 [2348]103 [2349]104
[2350]105 [2351]106 [2352]107 [2353]108 [2354]109 [2355]110
[2356]111 [2357]112 [2358]113 [2359]114 [2360]115 [2361]116
[2362]117 [2363]118 [2364]119 [2365]120 [2366]121 [2367]122
[2368]123 [2369]124 [2370]125 [2371]126 [2372]127 [2373]128
[2374]129 [2375]130 [2376]131 [2377]132 [2378]133 [2379]134
[2380]135 [2381]136 [2382]137 [2383]138 [2384]139 [2385]140
[2386]141 [2387]142 [2388]143 [2389]144 [2390]145 [2391]146
[2392]147 [2393]148 [2394]149 [2395]150 [2396]151 [2397]152
[2398]153 [2399]154 [2400]155 [2401]156 [2402]157 [2403]158
[2404]159 [2405]160 [2406]161 [2407]162 [2408]163 [2409]164
[2410]165 [2411]166 [2412]167 [2413]168 [2414]169 [2415]170
[2416]171 [2417]172 [2418]173 [2419]174 [2420]175 [2421]176
[2422]177 [2423]178 [2424]179 [2425]180 [2426]181 [2427]182
[2428]183 [2429]184 [2430]185 [2431]186 [2432]187 [2433]188
[2434]189 [2435]190 [2436]191 [2437]192 [2438]193 [2439]194
[2440]195 [2441]196 [2442]197 [2443]198 [2444]199 [2445]200
[2446]201 [2447]202 [2448]203 [2449]204 [2450]205 [2451]206
[2452]207 [2453]208 [2454]209 [2455]210 [2456]211 [2457]212
[2458]213 [2459]214 [2460]215 [2461]216 [2462]217 [2463]218
[2464]219 [2465]220 [2466]221 [2467]222 [2468]223 [2469]224
[2470]225 [2471]226 [2472]227 [2473]228 [2474]229 [2475]230
[2476]231 [2477]232 [2478]233 [2479]234 [2480]235 [2481]236
[2482]237 [2483]238 [2484]239 [2485]240 [2486]241 [2487]242
[2488]243 [2489]244 [2490]245 [2491]246 [2492]247 [2493]248
[2494]249 [2495]250 [2496]251 [2497]252 [2498]253 [2499]254
[2500]255 [2501]256 [2502]257 [2503]258 [2504]259 [2505]260
[2506]261 [2507]262 [2508]263 [2509]264 [2510]265 [2511]266
[2512]267 [2513]268 [2514]269 [2515]270 [2516]271 [2517]272
[2518]273 [2519]274 [2520]275 [2521]276 [2522]277 [2523]278
[2524]279 [2525]280 [2526]281 [2527]282 [2528]283 [2529]284
[2530]285 [2531]286 [2532]287 [2533]288 [2534]289 [2535]290
[2536]291 [2537]292 [2538]293 [2539]294 [2540]295 [2541]296
[2542]297 [2543]298 [2544]299 [2545]300 [2546]301 [2547]302
[2548]303 [2549]304 [2550]305 [2551]306 [2552]307 [2553]308
[2554]309 [2555]310 [2556]311 [2557]312 [2558]313 [2559]314
[2560]315 [2561]316 [2562]317 [2563]318 [2564]319 [2565]320
[2566]321 [2567]322 [2568]323 [2569]324 [2570]325 [2571]326
[2572]327 [2573]328 [2574]329 * John Cassian: [2575]1 * Jovinian: [2576]1 [2577]2 [2578]3 [2579]4 [2580]5 [2581]6 [2582]7
[2583]8 [2584]9 [2585]10 [2586]11 [2587]12 [2588]13 [2589]14
[2590]15 [2591]16 [2592]17 [2593]18 [2594]19 [2595]20 [2596]21
[2597]22 [2598]23 [2599]24 [2600]25 [2601]26 [2602]27 [2603]28 * Julian: [2604]1 [2605]2 [2606]3 [2607]4 [2608]5 [2609]6 [2610]7
[2611]8 [2612]9 [2613]10 [2614]11 [2615]12 [2616]13 [2617]14
[2618]15 [2619]16 [2620]17 [2621]18 [2622]19 [2623]20 [2624]21
[2625]22 [2626]23 [2627]24 [2628]25 [2629]26 [2630]27 [2631]28
[2632]29 [2633]30 [2634]31 [2635]32 [2636]33 [2637]34 [2638]35
[2639]36 [2640]37 [2641]38 [2642]39 [2643]40 [2644]41 [2645]42
[2646]43 [2647]44 [2648]45 [2649]46 [2650]47 [2651]48 [2652]49
[2653]50 [2654]51 [2655]52 [2656]53 [2657]54 [2658]55 [2659]56
[2660]57 [2661]58 [2662]59 [2663]60 [2664]61 [2665]62 [2666]63
[2667]64 [2668]65 [2669]66 [2670]67 [2671]68 [2672]69 [2673]70
[2674]71 [2675]72 [2676]73 [2677]74 [2678]75 [2679]76 [2680]77
[2681]78 [2682]79 [2683]80 [2684]81 [2685]82 [2686]83 [2687]84
[2688]85 [2689]86 [2690]87 [2691]88 [2692]89 [2693]90 [2694]91
[2695]92 [2696]93 [2697]94 [2698]95 [2699]96 [2700]97 [2701]98
[2702]99 [2703]100 [2704]101 [2705]102 [2706]103 [2707]104
[2708]105 [2709]106 [2710]107 [2711]108 [2712]109 [2713]110
[2714]111 [2715]112 [2716]113 [2717]114 [2718]115 [2719]116
[2720]117 [2721]118 [2722]119 [2723]120 [2724]121 [2725]122
[2726]123 [2727]124 [2728]125 [2729]126 [2730]127 [2731]128
[2732]129 [2733]130 [2734]131 [2735]132 [2736]133 [2737]134
[2738]135 [2739]136 [2740]137 [2741]138 [2742]139 [2743]140
[2744]141 [2745]142 [2746]143 [2747]144 [2748]145 [2749]146
[2750]147 [2751]148 [2752]149 [2753]150 [2754]151 [2755]152
[2756]153 [2757]154 [2758]155 [2759]156 [2760]157 [2761]158
[2762]159 [2763]160 [2764]161 [2765]162 [2766]163 [2767]164
[2768]165 [2769]166 [2770]167 [2771]168 [2772]169 [2773]170
[2774]171 [2775]172 [2776]173 [2777]174 [2778]175 [2779]176
[2780]177 [2781]178 [2782]179 [2783]180 [2784]181 [2785]182
[2786]183 [2787]184 [2788]185 [2789]186 [2790]187 [2791]188
[2792]189 [2793]190 [2794]191 [2795]192 [2796]193 [2797]194
[2798]195 [2799]196 [2800]197 [2801]198 [2802]199 [2803]200 * Lardner: [2804]1 * Leo I.: [2805]1 * Leo the Great: [2806]1 * Macarius the Elder: [2807]1 * Martin of Tours: [2808]1 * Optatus: [2809]1 * Orosius: [2810]1 [2811]2 [2812]3 [2813]4 [2814]5 [2815]6 [2816]7
[2817]8 [2818]9 [2819]10 [2820]11 [2821]12 [2822]13 [2823]14
[2824]15 [2825]16 * Pachomius: [2826]1 * Paul of Thebes: [2827]1 * Pelagius I.: [2828]1 * Pope Leo I: [2829]1 * Salvianus: [2830]1 [2831]2 [2832]3 [2833]4 [2834]5 [2835]6 [2836]7
[2837]8 * Simplicius: [2838]1 * St. Ambrose: [2839]1 * St. Anthony of Egypt: [2840]1 * St. Basil: [2841]1 * St. Benedict: [2842]1 * St. Francis of Assisi: [2843]1 * St. Paula: [2844]1 * St. Symeon the Stylite: [2845]1 * Tertullian: [2846]1 [2847]2 [2848]3 [2849]4 [2850]5 [2851]6 [2852]7
[2853]8 [2854]9 [2855]10 [2856]11 [2857]12 [2858]13 [2859]14
[2860]15 [2861]16 [2862]17 [2863]18 [2864]19 [2865]20 [2866]21
[2867]22 [2868]23 [2869]24 [2870]25 [2871]26 [2872]27 [2873]28
[2874]29 [2875]30 [2876]31 [2877]32 [2878]33 [2879]34 [2880]35
[2881]36 [2882]37 [2883]38 [2884]39 [2885]40 [2886]41 [2887]42
[2888]43 [2889]44 [2890]45 [2891]46 [2892]47 [2893]48 [2894]49
[2895]50 [2896]51 [2897]52 [2898]53 [2899]54 [2900]55 [2901]56
[2902]57 [2903]58 * Theodoret: [2904]1 [2905]2 * Theodoric: [2906]1 * Thomas Aquinas: [2907]1 * Thomas a Kempis: [2908]1 * Udo: [2909]1 * Ursicinus: [2910]1 * Ursinus: [2911]1 * Vigilantius: [2912]1 [2913]2 [2914]3 [2915]4 [2916]5 [2917]6
[2918]7 [2919]8 [2920]9 [2921]10 [2922]11 [2923]12 [2924]13
[2925]14 [2926]15 [2927]16 [2928]17 [2929]18 * Vigilius: [2930]1 * benedict: [2931]1 [2932]2 [2933]3 [2934]4 [2935]5 [2936]6 [2937]7
[2938]8 [2939]9 [2940]10 [2941]11 [2942]12 [2943]13 [2944]14
[2945]15 __________________________________________________________________

Index of Greek Words and Phrases

* Athropiskos euteles: [2946]1
* `dia touto kai ta paidia baptizomen, kaitoi hamaptemata ouk
echonta: [2947]1
* 'te sebousin, oute atimazousi: [2948]1
* Hoblasphemetheis parautoukurios Ies. Christos oHurisediates
parouses hagiotates sunodou: [2949]1
* episkopon kai prebuteron kai diakonon: [2950]1
* agennetos: [2951]1
* agathoi koinonoi phrontidon, deeseos sunergoi,
presbeutaidunatotatoi: [2952]1
* agaposi se: [2953]1
* agaposin auton: [2954]1
* adelphen gunaika periagein: [2955]1
* adelphotheos: [2956]1
* adelphoi: [2957]1
* adiaretos, achoristos: [2958]1
* atheletos: [2959]1
* akephaloi: [2960]1
* akataleptos: [2961]1
* akataleptos. apeiros ,: [2962]1
* aleitourgesia: [2963]1
* alla prosechoresamen te basilidi Rome: [2964]1
* ammas: [2965]1
* anakrasis: [2966]1
* analepsis tes hagias Theotokou: [2967]1
* anaxios: [2968]1
* anastasis nekron: [2969]1
* anastasis tes sarkos: [2970]1
* anabaino: [2971]1
* anagnosmata, anagnoseis, perikopai: [2972]1 [2973]2
* anagnostika, euangelistaria, eklogadia.: [2974]1
* anapeisas: [2975]1
* anachoreo: [2976]1
* anachoretes: [2977]1
* anepsioi: [2978]1
* anthropotheos: [2979]1
* anti ton doron eucharistikon: [2980]1
* antidosis: [2981]1
* antidosis , antimetastasis, koinonia idiomaton: [2982]1
* antidora: [2983]1
* antipascha: [2984]1
* antenkuklion: [2985]1
* antilegomena: [2986]1
* antimethistasis: [2987]1
* antimetastasis ton onomaton: [2988]1
* anupostatos: [2989]1 [2990]2 [2991]3
* anupostasia: [2992]1
* apator, ametop, aneu genealogias: [2993]1
* apo tou patros: [2994]1
* apokrupha: [2995]1 [2996]2
* aponoia: [2997]1
* apaugasma: [2998]1
* apechomenon, kai ton episkopon, ei kai boulointo, ou men ananke
nomou touto poiounton. Polloi gar auton en to kairo tes episkopes
kai paidas ek tes nomimes gametes pepoiekasin: [2999]1
* apotheosis anthropou: [3000]1
* apoluesthe en eirene: [3001]1
* apologia huper Diodorou kai Theodorou: [3002]1
* apostolike: [3003]1 [3004]2
* apotage: [3005]1
* archen hodon autou eis erga autou; pro tou aionos ethemeliosen me,
k.t.l.: [3006]1
* archiepiskopos: [3007]1
* asteres tes oikoumenes, anthe ton ekklesion, humas ouch he ge
katekrupsen, all ouranos hupedexato: [3008]1
* atreptos .: [3009]1
* achoristos: [3010]1
* hagia: [3011]1
* hamartemata: [3012]1
* agion Pneuma, Triada homoousion kai achoriston: [3013]1
* atheos: [3014]1
* alogos: [3015]1
* ametros: [3016]1
* anthropos: [3017]1
* archon basileus: [3018]1
* hagio nklethesetai huios Theou: [3019]1
* hagion sabbaton: [3020]1
* Abouletos: [3021]1
* Agenetos, ou poietheis: [3022]1
* Agennetos: [3023]1
* Agennesia: [3024]1
* Agnoetai: [3025]1
* Adelphoi makroi: [3026]1
* Adiairetos: [3027]1
* Akephaloi: [3028]1
* Akolouthia tes times: [3029]1
* Aktistetai: [3030]1
* Amen: [3031]1
* Amphithura, kinklides: [3032]1
* Anegnon, egnon, kategnon: [3033]1
* Anegnos, all auk egnos , ei gar egnos ouk an kategnos: [3034]1
* Anomoioi: [3035]1
* Anomoios kata ousian: [3036]1
* Anomoios kata panta.: [3037]1
* Analloiotos, atreptos ho huios.: [3038]1
* Anamarteton: [3039]1
* Anamartetous phulachthenai hemas.: [3040]1
* Apollinarios: [3041]1
* Apostolikos bios , ho ton angelon bios: [3042]1
* Apotassomai soi, Satana, kai pase te pompe sou kai pase te latreia
sou.: [3043]1
* Archen echei: [3044]1
* Archiepiskopon pases tes oikoumenes: [3045]1
* Asunchutos, atreptos: [3046]1
* Asebeis, dussebeis, atheoi: [3047]1
* Asunchutos: [3048]1
* Aphthartodoketai: [3049]1
* Allon parakleton,: [3050]1
* Ambon: [3051]1
* Ano schomen ton noun kai tas kardias: [3052]1
* Ano ton noun: [3053]1
* Axion kai dikaion: [3054]1 [3055]2
* Axios: [3056]1
* Aplastos: [3057]1
* Ara Theos ek patros kai huiou to pneuma.: [3058]1
* Areios: [3059]1
* Archontes: [3060]1
* Hagios ho Theos , agios ischuros , hagios athanatos , ho
staurotheis di hemas , eleeson hemas: [3061]1
* eginoske: [3062]1
* enkainiois: [3063]1
* ethemeliose: [3064]1
* ek: [3065]1 [3066]2
* ek duo phusesin: [3067]1
* ek duo phuseon: [3068]1 [3069]2 [3070]3
* ek logion philosophia: [3071]1
* ekboeseis demotikai: [3072]1
* ekporeuetai: [3073]1
* ekporeuetai ek tou huiou.: [3074]1
* eleutheria: [3075]1
* empexaitous odontas te sarkikaisumplakenai: [3076]1
* emphusan: [3077]1
* en: [3078]1 [3079]2 [3080]3
* en anthropois eudokia: [3081]1
* en aute te tou Theou logou hupostasei hupostasa: [3082]1
* en duo phusesi: [3083]1
* en duo phusesin: [3084]1 [3085]2
* en duo phusesin adiairetois gnorizesthai ton Theon: [3086]1
* en oHu: [3087]1
* energeia drastike: [3088]1
* energeiatouhagioupneumatos: [3089]1
* enuparxis: [3090]1
* enanthropesis: [3091]1
* enanthropesis Theou: [3092]1
* enoikesis: [3093]1
* ensarkosis: [3094]1 [3095]2
* enupostasia: [3096]1
* ex amphoteron he ekklesia sunesteke.: [3097]1
* ex ouk onton: [3098]1
* exomologeseis: [3099]1
* epi touto hoti: [3100]1
* epi touto oHuste: [3101]1
* epibasis theorias: [3102]1
* epiklesis Pneumatos hagiou: [3103]1
* episkopoi: [3104]1
* episkopoi ton homoron agron: [3105]1
* episkopoi ton eiso tes ekklesias: [3106]1
* episkopos: [3107]1
* eperoa: [3108]1
* epilambanesthai: [3109]1
* episkopon sunodo, psepho klerikon, aitesei laon: [3110]1
* epiphania, Christ phania: [3111]1
* epourania: [3112]1
* epomis: [3113]1
* eremia: [3114]1
* eremites: [3115]1
* eph hois: [3116]1
* eph oHu: [3117]1 [3118]2
* heautous esphaxan machaira: [3119]1
* hebdomas megale: [3120]1
* henoseos ennoian: [3121]1
* heorte tes analepseos.: [3122]1
* heorte ton baion: [3123]1
* heorteanastasimos, kuriakemegale: [3124]1
* heteroupostatos: [3125]1
* ekpempsis: [3126]1
* ektise: [3127]1
* enosis: [3128]1
* enosis eis mian phusin,: [3129]1
* exarchos: [3130]1 [3131]2
* epe: [3132]1 [3133]2
* ergon: [3134]1 [3135]2
* ergon tou leo: [3136]1
* ergon.: [3137]1
* henosis hupostatike: [3138]1
* henosis .: [3139]1
* henosis kath hupostasin,: [3140]1
* henosis ton phuseon: [3141]1
* henosis phusike: [3142]1 [3143]2 [3144]3 [3145]4
* heos: [3146]1
* Enkomioneis tous hagious pantas tous enholo to kosmo marturesantes:
[3147]1
* Enkuklion: [3148]1
* Ego en to patri, kai ho pater en emoi.: [3149]1
* Ek duo phuseon: [3150]1
* Ekboeseis demotikai.: [3151]1
* Ekklesian poieson sou ten oikian kai gar kai epeuthunos ei kai tes
ton paidion kai tes oiketon soterias .: [3152]1
* Ektupomata.: [3153]1
* Ektupoun ton stauron en to metopo: [3154]1
* Elthontes gar: [3155]1
* Emoi ethos esti diokesthai kai me diokein: [3156]1
* En duo phusesin: [3157]1
* En tupo artou: [3158]1
* En time esto Maria, ho de Pater ... proskuneistho, ten Marian
medeis proskuneito.: [3159]1
* Enanthropesis Theou, ensarkosis: [3160]1
* Enoikesis,: [3161]1
* Entautha esti ti pleon, hoion he homonoia kai he sumphonia kai tes
agapes ho sundesmos kai hai ton hiereon euchai.: [3162]1
* Exaposteilon eph hemas kai epi ta prokeimena dora tauta to Pneuma
sou to panagion,: [3163]1
* Epiklesis Pneumatos hagiou: [3164]1
* Epilusis ton dodeka kephalaion: [3165]1
* Episkopos e presbuteros e diakonos kosmikas phrontidas me
analambaneto; ei de me, kathaireistho.: [3166]1
* Episkopos e presbuteros e diakonos ten heautou gun'aika me
ekballeto prophasei eulabeias? ean de ekbale, aphorixestho,
epimenon de kathaireistho: [3167]1
* Episkopos ton ektos: [3168]1
* Epigonation,: [3169]1
* Epieikos ebia zeto: [3170]1
* Epitheseis aute tas cheiras, parestotos tou presbuteriou kai ton
diakonon kai ton diakonisson: [3171]1
* Epimanikia,: [3172]1
* Epitaphios eis ton patera, parontos Basileiou: [3173]1
* Epitrachelion: [3174]1
* Eranistes: [3175]1
* Esarkosis: [3176]1
* Eph oHu: [3177]1
* Ephraim: [3178]1
* Heterotes tes ousias,: [3179]1
* Heteroousios to patri.: [3180]1
* Edoxetopneumatihagio kaihemin: [3181]1
* Egeire ho katheudon,: [3182]1
* Ekthesis pisteos: [3183]1
* En thusiasterion, hos heis episkopos: [3184]1
* EnthahoChristos keitaitethumenos: [3185]1
* Esto de paradeigma anthropinon to pur kai to ex autou apaugasma:
[3186]1
* Echomen pros ton Kurion: [3187]1
* Henosis kath hupostasin.: [3188]1
* Henosis kat energeian: [3189]1
* Henosis kat axian, kath huiothesian.: [3190]1
* Henosis kata charin,: [3191]1
* Henosis schetike,: [3192]1
* he ekklesia tois theiois peithomene logois,: [3193]1
* he ops: [3194]1
* he graphe legei: [3195]1
* he kuriake ton hagion panton,: [3196]1
* hemera genethlios, genethlia tou Christou: [3197]1
* hemegalepempte: [3198]1
* hetoimasas: [3199]1
* hepsato ton oston Helisaie, kai ezese kai este epi tous podas:
[3200]1
* en pote hote ouk en.: [3201]1
* hen: [3202]1
* He hagia kai oikoumenike sunodos: [3203]1
* He ekklesia ou teuchos kai orophos , alla pistis kai bios .:
[3204]1
* He doule kuriou: [3205]1
* He kata theon: [3206]1
* He mathesis ouk allo ti e anamnesis .: [3207]1
* He meter tou kuriou: [3208]1
* He meter tou kuriou mou: [3209]1 [3210]2
* He pege, he aitia, he rhiza tes theotetos: [3211]1
* Hegoumenos, archemandrites , abbas: [3212]1
* Hemiareioi: [3213]1
* idiotes: [3214]1
* idiotes ,: [3215]1
* idiotes: [3216]1
* idiotes, aphron: [3217]1
* idioperioristos: [3218]1
* idiosustatos: [3219]1
* idioupostatos: [3220]1
* isotheos: [3221]1
* hiera: [3222]1
* hiereis: [3223]1
* hina ten korpian ekeinen idosi kai theasamenoi kataphilesosi ten
gen.: [3224]1
* ina me kateutelixetai to tou episkopou onoma kai he authentia:
[3225]1
* ina mete to philosophon akoinoneton he, mete to praktikon
aphilosophon: [3226]1
* idion.: [3227]1
* idios: [3228]1 [3229]2
* isos: [3230]1
* IEsous: [3231]1
* Idiomata.: [3232]1
* Idikon.: [3233]1
* Ioulio to episkopo Rhomes: [3234]1
* Hiera stole, homophorion: [3235]1
* Hieron..: [3236]1
* Himan'tia kecharismena to Theo..: [3237]1
* Idion patros men he agennesia, huiou de he gennesis , pneumatos de
he ekpempsis .: [3238]1
* Idomen ... ten tes arches paradosin kai didaskalian kai pistin tes
katholikes ekklesias hen ho men kurios edoken, hoi de apostoloi
ekeruxan, kai hoi pateres ephulaxan.: [3239]1
* HiIna ... : [3240]1
* Hina auta hagiase kai teleiose ... kai poiese ton men arton soma:
[3241]1
* Hina ... hagiase kai poiese ton men arton touton soma hagion tou
Christou sou, k. t. l.: [3242]1
* onomazetai: [3243]1
* ho hagiotatos kai makariotatos archiepiskopos tes megales kai
presbuteras Rhomes: [3244]1
* ho Theos: [3245]1 [3246]2 [3247]3
* ho theiotatos; kaieusebestatos hemondespotes: [3248]1
* ho laos: [3249]1
* ho megas: [3250]1
* ho philos: [3251]1
* ho chrestos Ioannes: [3252]1
* homologoumena: [3253]1
* homoousia Theo: [3254]1
* homoousia panta astra: [3255]1
* homoousion: [3256]1 [3257]2 [3258]3
* homoousion to. Theo: [3259]1
* homoousios: [3260]1 [3261]2 [3262]3 [3263]4
* homos: [3264]1
* hopoious an heurosin hemas: [3265]1
* honar eide to tou staurou semeion selagizon: [3266]1
* hoti: [3267]1
* Ho anthropos: [3268]1
* Ho hiereus; Ano schomen tas kardias.: [3269]1
* Ho hiereus; Eucharistesomen to Kurio.: [3270]1
* Ho Theos: [3271]1
* Ho Logos enanthropesen, ina hemeis theopoiethomen: [3272]1
* Ho blasphemetheis toinun par autou kurios ;hemon Iesous Christos
oHurise dia tes parouses hagiotates sunodou, allotrion einai ton
auton Nestorion tou episkopikou axiomatos kai pantos sullogou
hieratikou: [3273]1
* Ho de pater ho en emoi menon, autos poiei ta erga?: [3274]1
* Ho despotes theos logos anthropon eilephe teleion: [3275]1
* Ho dusi gamois sumplakeis meta to baptisma: [3276]1
* Ho logos sarx egeneto: [3277]1
* Ho logos sarx egeneto.: [3278]1
* Ho monogenes huios , ho on: [3279]1
* Ho parakletos;, hon ego pempso humin para patros ,: [3280]1
* Ho parakletos, hon ego pempso humin para tou patros ,: [3281]1
* Ho pater meizon mou estin.: [3282]1
* Ho choros ; Axion kai dikaion esti proskunein Patera: [3283]1
* Ho choros ; Echomen pro ton Kurion.: [3284]1
* Homendetauteipon Romaia glotte: [3285]1
* Homoiousiastoi: [3286]1
* Homologesis: [3287]1
* Homologo ek duo phuseon gegennesthai ton kurionhemon pro tes
heneseos ; meta de ten henosin mian phusin homologo.: [3288]1
* Homoousioi.: [3289]1
* Homoousion: [3290]1
* Homoousion to patri kata ten theoteta, kai homoousion hemin kata
ten anthropoteta: [3291]1
* Homoousios: [3292]1
* Hotanides tonKuriontethumenonkaikeimenon,
kaitonhiereaephestotatothumati, kaiepeuchomenon, k. t. l: [3293]1
* Hoti kai kurion auton kai Christon epoiesen ho theos.: [3294]1
* Hoti ... patera idion elege ton Theon, ison heauton poion to Theo:
[3295]1
* upostasis: [3296]1
* utokephaloi: [3297]1
* hulikos: [3298]1
* hupante: [3299]1
* hupantesis tou Kuriou: [3300]1
* huper ton hagion sou topon, ohus edoxasas te theophaneia tou
Christou sou, k.t.l.: [3301]1
* hupelabon, hoi de ktisma, hoi de Theon.: [3302]1
* hupostasis: [3303]1 [3304]2 [3305]3 [3306]4 [3307]5 [3308]6 [3309]7
* hupapante: [3310]1
* hupogonation': [3311]1
* hupokato tou thusiasteriou: [3312]1
* hupokeimenon,: [3313]1
* hupostasei: [3314]1
* hupostaseos: [3315]1
* hupostasis: [3316]1
* huphermeneuontos heterou, paredidoutonlogontois tes
sunodouproedrois.: [3317]1
* umnos heothinos ,: [3318]1
* hudor rantismou: [3319]1
* humnos hesperinos: [3320]1
* humnos tou soteros Christou: [3321]1
* huparchoi: [3322]1
* Humeis: [3323]1
* Huper tes endoxou Sion, tes metros pason ton ekklesion; kai huper
tes kata pasan ten oikoumenen hagias sou katholikes kai apostolikes
ekklesias .: [3324]1
* Hupostasis: [3325]1
* Hupostaseis: [3326]1
* Hupotage taxeos kai axiomatos: [3327]1
* HuOsteapopoleos eis
polinmemetabaineinmeteepiskoponmetepresbuteronmetediakonon: [3328]1
* Hu 'Ena kai auton huion ton kurion hemon I. Christon ton auton en
theoteti kai teleion ton auton en anthropoteti, theon alethos kai
athropon alethos ton auton, ek psuches logikes: [3329]1
* HuUmnos esperinos: [3330]1
* HuUmnos heothinos: [3331]1
* HuOste duo men heinai patera kai huion, monada de theotetos
adiaireton kai aschiston ... mia arche theotetos kai ou duo archai,
hothen kurios kai monarchia estin.: [3332]1
* onomasekaitenekpraktikes kaiphusikes kaitheologikes
sunestosandidaskalian, dihes trephetaipsuchekaipros
tonontontheorianparaskeuazetai. Kaitoutoestitoektourhetouisos
deloumenon: [3333]1
* orarion: [3334]1
* hora: [3335]1
* hos anthropos: [3336]1
* hos theoi tupon echon en anthropois to panton archein anthropon,
hiereon, basileon, archonton: [3337]1
* Odeion: [3338]1
* Omophorion: [3339]1
* Horarion: [3340]1
* Hos ho muthos poiei tous gigantas: [3341]1
* Hos gar ouk estin he pege potamos , oude ho potamos pege, amphotera
de hen kai tauton estin hudor to ek tes peges metecheuomenon,
houtos he ek tou patros eis ton huion theotes arrheustos kai
adiairetos tunchanei, k.t.l.: [3342]1
* O choros hagios, o suntagma hieron, o sunapismos arhrhages, o
koinoi phulakes tou genous ton anthropon: [3343]1
* a timiotera lithon polutelon kai dokimotera huper chrusion osta
autou: [3344]1
* rhiza: [3345]1
* ; Ta pneumatika tes ponerias en tois epouraniois: [3346]1
* ; Ton en anatole panton gnome: [3347]1
* Hairetikes kakomuthias epitome,: [3348]1
* Ailouros: [3349]1
* Haima Christou, poterion zoes: [3350]1
* Haima timion tou Kuriou kai Theou kaiSoteros hemon: [3351]1
* Aute de he phone kai to tou Sabelliou kakon epanorthoutai; anairei
gar ten tautoteta tes hupostaseos kai eisagei taleian ton prosopon
ten ennoian: [3352]1
* Agie Ephraim, baetheimoi: [3353]1
* Ankurotos: [3354]1
* All huion heauton alethinon einai legon tou panton kratountos
Theou, tacha pou kai diesphalleto.: [3355]1
* Anakephalaiosis: [3356]1
* Bios theoretikos ,: [3357]1
* Bema: [3358]1
* Babai, hoiai para christianois gunaikes eisi: [3359]1
* Biblia anaginoskomena: [3360]1
* Genetos: [3361]1
* Gennetos: [3362]1
* Gregorio hetairo: [3363]1
* Doxa en hupsistois Theo: [3364]1
* Doxa to Theo panton heneken,: [3365]1
* Duo gar phuseon henosis;gegone: [3366]1
* Duo men to einai: [3367]1
* Duo phusikas theleseis etoi thelemata en auto kai duo phusikas
energeias adiairetos, atreptos , ameristos, asunchutos: [3368]1
* Deuterontou etous sunodos genestho ton episkopon: [3369]1
* Di hes pasa pnoe pisteuousa sozetai: [3370]1
* Dia touto aei pater kai ouk epigegone: [3371]1
* Ei gar orthos elechgomen arti, kai to onti theois men achreston
pseudos anthropois de chresimon, hos en pharmakou eidei, delon hoti
to ge toiouton hiatrois doteon, idiotais de ouch hapteon. Delon,
ephe. Tois archousi de tes poleos , eiper tisin allois, prosekei
pseudesthai e polemion e politon heneka, ep opheleiates poleos;
tois de allois pasin ouch hapteon tou toioutou: [3372]1
* Eike thusia kathemerine, eike parestekamen to thusiasterio, oudeis
ho metechon: [3373]1
* Eis hen prosopon kai mian hupostasin: [3374]1
* Eis Nikaian: [3375]1 [3376]2
* Eis parthenona: [3377]1
* Eisedexato.: [3378]1
* Ei tioutheotokon ten Marian hupolambanei, choris esti tes theotetos
.: [3379]1
* Eige homoousioi hoi ton zoon psuchai hemeterais: [3380]1
* Eulogemene en gunaixin: [3381]1
* Eulogemene su en gunaixi, kai eulogemenos ho karpos tes koilias
sou: [3382]1
* Eulogemenesu en gunaixin: [3383]1
* Eusebios: [3384]1
* Euchitai-i, -i: [3385]1
* Eucharistesomen to Kurio: [3386]1
* Ek Marias tes parthenon, tes theotokou: [3387]1
* Ekporeusis: [3388]1
* Ekphrasis naou tes Sophias: [3389]1
* Exaemeron,: [3390]1
* Eskandalise pathos.: [3391]1
* Zetesis, psephisma, psegos: [3392]1
* Zone: [3393]1
* Emera aspasmou,: [3394]1
* Tholos.: [3395]1
* Theanthropos.: [3396]1
* Theianentolen,: [3397]1
* Theon teleion kai anthropon teleion ek psuches logikes: [3398]1
* Theos estaurothe di hemas: [3399]1
* Theos hen ho logos: [3400]1
* Theos: [3401]1 [3402]2 [3403]3 [3404]4
* Theos, logos , sophia: [3405]1
* Theopaschitai.: [3406]1
* Theotokos: [3407]1
* Thronos: [3408]1
* Thusia proserche phriktekaiagia? esphagmenos prokeitaihoChristos.:
[3409]1
* Kurios ektisen me: [3410]1
* Kai: [3411]1 [3412]2
* Kai anasta ek ton nekron;: [3413]1
* Kai epiphausei soi ho Christos.: [3414]1
* Kai aineso to onoma sou eis ton aiona: [3415]1
* Kai eis hena Kurion Iesoun Christon, ton huion tou Theou;
gennethenta ek tou Patros monogene; tout estin ek tes ousias tou
Patros, Theon ek Theou kai phos ek photos, Theon alethinon ek Theou
alethinou; gennethenta, ou poiethenta, homoousion to Patri, k.t.l.:
[3416]1
* Kai eis to hagion pneuma pisteuomen, to lalesan en nomo, kai
keruxan en tois prophetais kai kataban epi ton Iordanen, laloun en
apostolois , oikoun en hagiois; houtos de pisteuomen en auto, hoti
esti pneuma hagion, pneuma Theou, pneuma teleion, pneuma
parakleton, aktiston, ek tou patros ekporeuomenon, kai ek tou huiou
lambanomenon kai pisteuomenon: [3417]1
* Kai eis ton aiona tou aionos.: [3418]1
* Kai tas men theoprepeis kata ten theoteta tou Christou, tas de
tapeinas kata ten anthropoteta autou paradidontas.: [3419]1
* Kai te time proegeisthai auton: [3420]1
* Kath hekasten hemeran eulogeso se,: [3421]1
* Kathos gegraptai; ha ophthalmos ouk heide, kai ous ouk ekouse, kai
epi kardian anthropou ouk anebe, ha hetoimasen ho Theos tois
agaposin auton: [3422]1
* Kathemerinon: [3423]1
* Kanon.: [3424]1
* Kata ton anthropinon charaktera.: [3425]1
* Kata ton Nestoriou dusphemion pentabiblos antirrhetos: [3426]1
* Kata tauten ten tes asunchutou: [3427]1
* Kataxioson, kurie, kai ten hemeran tauten: [3428]1
* Katecheseis mustagogikai: [3429]1
* Katecheseis photizomenon: [3430]1
* Kephaleia: [3431]1
* Kecharitomene: [3432]1
* Koinobion: [3433]1
* Kolombethra: [3434]1
* Kopiatai: [3435]1
* Krene: [3436]1
* Krotos: [3437]1
* Kreitton genomenos ton angelon: [3438]1
* Kruptai: [3439]1
* Ktistolatrai: [3440]1
* Laboron: [3441]1
* Logos kata Hellenon: [3442]1
* Logos katechetikos ho megas: [3443]1
* Leitourgia,: [3444]1
* Ma ton Iesoun: [3445]1
* Mega: [3446]1
* Me ek bouleseos: [3447]1
* Mian phusin proskunein, kai tauten Theou sarkothentos kai
enanthropesantos: [3448]1
* Mongos: [3449]1
* Makedonianoi: [3450]1
* Metropolites: [3451]1
* Monophusitai: [3452]1
* Nomous palaitethnekotas: [3453]1
* Naos: [3454]1
* Naus: [3455]1
* Nenikeka se Solomon: [3456]1
* Nenikekas Galilaie: [3457]1
* Nous, pneuma: [3458]1
* O pater tes orthodoxias .: [3459]1
* Oikonomoi: [3460]1
* Hoi ex ouk onton: [3461]1
* Hoi de, dia, ponerian, [eis ten tou klerou katalegontai taxin', kai
hina me, parophthentes , megala ergasontai kaka: [3462]1
* Hoi peri Eusebion: [3463]1
* Hoiapostoloikaioipresbuteroikaioiadelphoitois ... adelphois.
k.t.l.: [3464]1
* Hoia Theou tis ouranios ; angelos.: [3465]1
* Hoion kakon he Rhomaion trephei: [3466]1
* Ou gar hoimai oiketen echein ton philochriston, eidota ten charin
ten pantas eleutherosasan: [3467]1
* Ou dei idiotikous psalmous legesthai en te ekklesia.: [3468]1
* Ou dunaton pausasthei apo sou, ean me plerophoreses epithumian sou:
[3469]1
* Oude gar thaumatourgon en thaumastos monon, alla kai phainomenos
haplos polles egeme charitos; kai touto ho prophetes: [3470]1
* Oude gar tote touto hen, all eleutherous isos epetrepon ginesthai:
[3471]1
* Ousia: [3472]1
* Houtos estinalethos anoigonmetranmetros: [3473]1
* Palin Herodias mainetai, palin tarassetai, palin orcheitai, palin
epi pinaki ten kephalen tou Ioannou zetei labein.: [3474]1
* Panta hosa echei ho huios kai to pneuma, ek tou patros echei, kai
auto to einai.: [3475]1
* Pantes hoi theoi ton ethnon daimonia: [3476]1
* Paulos: [3477]1
* Panarion: [3478]1
* Parakalomen autas, axiomen genesthai prostatidas hemon? pollen gar
echousin parrhesian ouchi zosai monon, alla kai teleutesasai; kai
pollo mallon teleutesasai.: [3479]1
* Paredidou tonlogon tois tes sunodou proedrois: [3480]1
* Pater, huios, monogenes huios: [3481]1
* Patriarches: [3482]1
* Pelagios.: [3483]1
* Pempso auton pros humas: [3484]1
* Pentaglottos: [3485]1
* Pentekoste: [3486]1
* Peri hierosunes: [3487]1 [3488]2
* Peri metron kai stathmon: [3489]1
* Peri stephanon: [3490]1
* Peri tes enanthropeseos tou log'ou: [3491]1
* Peri ton dodeka lithon: [3492]1
* Peri ton topikon onomaton ton en te theia graphe: [3493]1
* Peri tou biou tes makarias Makrines.: [3494]1
* Peri psuches kai anastaseos meta tes idias adelphes Makrines
dialogo?s: [3495]1
* Piston onta to poiesanti auton.: [3496]1
* Pleres kai teleios estin ho pater, kai pleroma theotetos estin ho
Huios .: [3497]1
* Pneumatomachoi: [3498]1
* Poiema, ktisma ex ouk onton.: [3499]1
* Polumorphos: [3500]1
* Pollakis haimaton rhuseis ex eikonon gegonasi.: [3501]1
* Polles suzeteseos genomenes: [3502]1
* Pro chronon kai aionon: [3503]1
* Pros areskeian tou Theou: [3504]1
* Pros ten drun,: [3505]1
* Pros tous legontas phusei kai ou gnome ptaiein tous anthropous
logoi pente: [3506]1
* Prothesis.: [3507]1
* Proslepsis: [3508]1
* Prosopa,: [3509]1
* Proskunesis.: [3510]1
* Proskuneitaihos ekeinaontahaperpisteuetai.: [3511]1
* Prospheromen soi ten lophiken tauten kai anaimakton latreian:
[3512]1
* Prospheromen soi, Despota, ten phoberan tauten kai anaimakton
thusian: [3513]1
* Purgos: [3514]1
* Rabdos,: [3515]1
* Sakkos,: [3516]1
* Su de hemas epopteusis anothen hileos, kai ton hemeteron diexagois
logon kai bion, k. t.l.: [3517]1
* Su hei Petros, kai epi taute te petra: [3518]1
* Sunodos edemousa: [3519]1
* Sunodos lestrike: [3520]1
* Suntagmakanonon: [3521]1
* Sussomos kaisunaimos autou.: [3522]1
* Soma: [3523]1
* Soma hagion: [3524]1
* Soma Christou: [3525]1
* Saras apo: [3526]1
* Skeuophulaktion, diakonikon: [3527]1
* Stoai basilikai: [3528]1
* Stoicharion, sticharion: [3529]1
* Sunapheia: [3530]1
* Ta hagia ton hagion, ta aduta, hierateion,: [3531]1
* Ta hagia tois hagiois: [3532]1
* Ta enkainia: [3533]1
* Ta presbeia tes times: [3534]1
* Tamustikasumbola... meneiepites proteras ousias kaitouschematos
kaitoueidous, kaihorataestikaihapta, oiakaiproteronhen.: [3535]1
* Tas phaulas autou kai bebelous kainophonias .: [3536]1
* Teleion anthropon eilephe: [3537]1
* Ten hagian kai homoousion Triada, ton alethinon Theon hemon, oHu
prepei pasa doxa eis tous ; aionos ton aionon.: [3538]1
* Ten parthenon Marian hiketeuousa boethenai: [3539]1
* Ti emoi kai soi, gunai: [3540]1
* Ti gar allo to en kolpois semainei, he ten gnesian ek tou patros
tou huiou gennesin?: [3541]1
* Ti peri tou neo phusousi, tou par autois, triton anatrapentos ,
egeiromenou de oude nun: [3542]1
* To gunaion.: [3543]1
* To gennommenon [ek sou: [3544]1
* To kuriotaton: [3545]1
* To mega thauma tes oikoumenes: [3546]1
* To pneuma to hagion, ho pempsei ho pater en to onomati mou.:
[3547]1
* To poiema exothen tou poiountos estin ... ho de huios idion tes
ousias gennema esti; dio kai to men poiema ouk ananke aei einai,
hote gar bouletai ho demiourgos ergazetai, to de gennema ou
boulesei hupokeitai, alla te's ousias estin idiotes .: [3548]1
* Ton mentoi Kostantinoupoleos episkopon echein ta presbeia tes
times, meta ton tes Rhomes episkopon, dia to einai auten nean
Rhomen: [3549]1
* Toteedoxetois apostolois kaitois presbuterois sunhole te ekklesia:
[3550]1
* Tes hagias kaiphrikodestates prokeimenes thusias: [3551]1
* Tes deuteras endoxou kai phoberas autou parousias: [3552]1
* Tes theotokou: [3553]1
* Tautes de tes aristes philosophias erxato, oHus tines legousin,
Helias ho prophetes kai Ioannes ho baptistes: [3554]1
* Tachugraphoi: [3555]1
* Tines: [3556]1
* Touto to soteriodei: [3557]1
* Touto gar poieite phesin, eis ten emen anamnesin. Ouk allen
thusian, kathaper ho archiereus tote, alla ten auten aei poioumen?
mallon de anamnesin ergazometha thusias: [3558]1
* Touto ou mikron momon Kurillo, kai te ton Alexandreon ekklesia
eirgasato: [3559]1
* Touton men gar huion onta tou Theou proskunoumen; tous de marturas
, hos mathetas kai mimetas tou kuriou agapomen axios , k. t. l:
[3560]1
* Tria kephalaia: [3561]1
* Tria sungegrapse biblia kata ton hagion euangelion kai kata tes
euagous ton Christianon threskeias: [3562]1
* Tropoi huparxeos: [3563]1
* Trogomengarautoutensarkakaipinomenautoutohaima,
koinonoiginomenoidiates enanthropeseos kaites aisthetes zoes
toulogoukaites sophias.
Sarkagarkaihaimapasanautoutenmustikenepidemian: [3564]1
* Treis hupostaseis: [3565]1
* Treptos phusei hos ta krismata: [3566]1
* Tropikoi: [3567]1
* Huion: [3568]1
* Phusei.: [3569]1
* Phos hilaron hagias doxes: [3570]1
* Phallobateis: [3571]1
* Pheugei pantachou to legein, ten enosin, all onomazei ten
sunapheian, oHusper estin ho exothen: [3572]1
* Phelonion, phailonion: [3573]1
* Phthartolatrai: [3574]1
* Philodakru: [3575]1
* Phusiologein emauto ouk epitrepo: [3576]1
* Photisteria,: [3577]1
* Photistes: [3578]1
* Chaire, kecharitomene;hokurios metasou, eulogemenesuengunaixin:
[3579]1
* Charitismou, euangelismou, ensarkoseos: [3580]1
* Cheirotonia, kathiersis: [3581]1
* Choros, bema,: [3582]1
* Chrisma: [3583]1
* Christon philosophia, he hupsele philos: [3584]1
* Christou basileias edoxen an tis phantasiousthai eikona, onar t
einai all ouch huper to ginomenon: [3585]1
* Christou basileias edoxenantis phantasiousthaieikona, onartheinai
all' ouch hupar to ginomenon: [3586]1
* Chronikon kanonon pantodape historia: [3587]1
* Chorepiskopoi: [3588]1
* Psephismati koino homou panton klerou te phemi kai laou: [3589]1
* Psuche alogos: [3590]1
* Psuche, enthumesis, pneuma: [3591]1
* a: [3592]1
* aig: [3593]1
* aiguptos: [3594]1
* authentia: [3595]1
* autotheos: [3596]1 [3597]2
* autotheos ,: [3598]1
* autos: [3599]1
* autokineton: [3600]1
* haute he pistis ton pateron, haute he pistis ton apostolon, pan'tes
houto pisteuomen, hoi orthodoxoi houto pisteuousin, anathema to me
houto pisteuonti, k.t.l.: [3601]1
* adelphai: [3602]1
* bios praktikos: [3603]1
* baptizomenon: [3604]1
* basileus kai hiereus eimi: [3605]1
* basileus: [3606]1
* boethesai: [3607]1
* boskoi: [3608]1
* gegraptai: [3609]1
* gunai: [3610]1
* ge: [3611]1
* genethlia: [3612]1 [3613]2
* genethlion: [3614]1
* gennetheis: [3615]1
* gennesia, gennesis,: [3616]1
* gennetos: [3617]1
* giase kai poiese ton men arton touton soma agion tou Christou sou.:
[3618]1
* gnapheus: [3619]1
* gnorizomen: [3620]1
* gnorizomenon: [3621]1
* gnoristikai iphiotetes,: [3622]1
* gonuklinontes: [3623]1
* gumnastikos: [3624]1 [3625]2
* dechesthai: [3626]1
* delosis kai aletheia: [3627]1
* diptuchos: [3628]1
* doxa theou: [3629]1
* duo phuseis: [3630]1
* daimonia: [3631]1
* deuteros Theos: [3632]1
* delon elegen; horaios kallei para tous huious ton anthropon.:
[3633]1
* deloi me einai auton ktisma, alla gennema tou patros ; xenon gar
epi tes theotetos autou to legesthai ktisma. Ta gar panta
ektisthesan hupo tou patros dia tou huiou, ho de huios monos ek tou
patros aidios egennethe; dio prototokos esti pases ktiseos ho Theos
logos ;, atreptos ex atreptou.: [3634]1
* dia theon kai threskeian hen epenesen: [3635]1
* dia to heinai auten: [3636]1
* diakonos: [3637]1
* dio legei: [3638]1
* diairesis: [3639]1
* diptucha nekron: [3640]1
* dogmatikos: [3641]1
* dogmatikos.: [3642]1
* douleia: [3643]1
* ei me tis eietai tous kollous kai tous tuphlous iasasthai, kai
daimonontas ephorkizein en Bethseida kai en Bethania tais komais
ton megiston ergon einai: [3644]1
* eikon: [3645]1
* eikonostasis: [3646]1
* eileo: [3647]1
* eis: [3648]1 [3649]2
* eis heauton kai peri episkopon: [3650]1
* eis erga autou: [3651]1
* eis ten polin: [3652]1
* eis ten polin.: [3653]1
* eis ton Orthron: [3654]1
* eileton,: [3655]1
* eipomen monogamous kathistasthai: [3656]1
* eita klinas ton auchena legei;: [3657]1
* heis estin ek pneumatos kai phuches kai somatos ,: [3658]1
* eudokias: [3659]1
* eulogeson: [3660]1
* euche-i,-i: [3661]1
* earai diataxeis: [3662]1
* zone: [3663]1
* theanthropos: [3664]1 [3665]2
* theianboulesin: [3666]1
* theothenempneustheisa: [3667]1
* theodochos: [3668]1
* theopator: [3669]1
* theotokos: [3670]1 [3671]2 [3672]3 [3673]4
* theophoros,: [3674]1
* theophania: [3675]1
* theria.: [3676]1
* thesauros atimetos: [3677]1
* thusiasterion, hagia trapeza: [3678]1
* itoumenos hemin hamartematon aphesin, aioniou te basileias
apolausin.: [3679]1
* kenosis: [3680]1
* kidaris: [3681]1
* konche: [3682]1
* kai: [3683]1
* kai horasthai, hen de to ex autou kai adiaireton einai to apaugasma
autou: [3684]1
* kai somatos: [3685]1
* kai somatos, homoiousion to Patri kata ten theoteta, kai omoousion
ton auton emin kataten anthropoteta, kata panta homoion emin choris
hamartias.: [3686]1
* kai: [3687]1
* katholike: [3688]1
* kaine kuriake: [3689]1
* kanonizomena: [3690]1
* kanonika biblia tes kaines kai palaias diathekes .: [3691]1
* kanonika: [3692]1
* kat antiphrasin: [3693]1
* kat eudokian: [3694]1
* kata ten anthropoteta: [3695]1
* kata ten theoteta: [3696]1
* keimeliarchai: [3697]1
* keruttomen.: [3698]1
* kiborion: [3699]1
* klerikoi marturion,: [3700]1
* koimesis,: [3701]1
* koine ekdosis: [3702]1
* koinos bios: [3703]1
* krotos: [3704]1
* krupsis: [3705]1
* krasis, sunchusis ,: [3706]1
* krouo: [3707]1
* ktisis: [3708]1
* ktesis: [3709]1
* ktiston: [3710]1
* kuriake ton hagion panton marturesanton: [3711]1
* kuriaketes orthodoxias: [3712]1
* labouron: [3713]1
* latres: [3714]1
* laphuron: [3715]1
* legei: [3716]1
* legei ten psuchen sundemiourgeisthaito somati: [3717]1
* logoi theologikoi: [3718]1
* logoisteliteutikoi: [3719]1
* logos: [3720]1 [3721]2 [3722]3
* laos: [3723]1
* laurai: [3724]1
* laura: [3725]1
* labein: [3726]1
* leipsana: [3727]1
* leos: [3728]1
* leitos: [3729]1
* leitourgia: [3730]1 [3731]2
* leitourgiai: [3732]1
* leitourgiatonkatechoumenon: [3733]1
* leitourgiatonpiston: [3734]1
* leitourgein: [3735]1
* leitourgoi Theou.: [3736]1
* leitourgoi.: [3737]1
* litaneiai: [3738]1
* logike latreia: [3739]1
* logopater: [3740]1 [3741]2
* ma ton Dia: [3742]1
* mandra: [3743]1
* men ton eiso tes ekklesias, ego de ton ektos hupo theou
kathestamenos episkopos han eien: [3744]1
* me exeinai de autois meta cheirotonian agamois housin eti epi gamon
erchesthai: [3745]1
* me tis ton katechoumenon, me tis ton akroomenon, me tis ton
apiston, me tis ton heterodoxon: [3746]1
* men: [3747]1
* meter Iesou: [3748]1
* meter tou kuriou: [3749]1
* mia sesarkomene phusis tou logou. Ho Oeos logos, henotheis sarki
kath hupostasin, egen'eto anthropos;, sunephthe anthropo. Mia ede
noeitai phusis meta ten henosin, he autou tou logou sesarkomene. He
tou kuriou sarx estin idia tou Theou logou, ouch heterou tinos par
auton.: [3750]1
* mia phusis: [3751]1
* mia phusis tou Theou logou sesarkomene: [3752]1
* mia phusis tou Theoulogou sesarkomene: [3753]1
* mias phuseos kai ousias ,: [3754]1
* mia, phusis: [3755]1
* mone: [3756]1
* monon: [3757]1
* monos: [3758]1
* muesis: [3759]1
* mallon douleue: [3760]1
* mallon chresai: [3761]1
* meter: [3762]1
* min de to mega pragma kai onoma, Christianous kai einai kai
onomazesthai.: [3763]1
* mathein grammata: [3764]1
* makarios: [3765]1
* manteon te tois aristois chromenos, autos te on oudamon en te
techne deuteros: [3766]1
* marturia: [3767]1
* marturia,: [3768]1
* memerismenas kath heautas: [3769]1
* memnemenoi.: [3770]1
* menounge: [3771]1
* metousiosis: [3772]1
* mede `aner, all anthropiskos euteles .: [3773]1
* menaia: [3774]1
* menologia: [3775]1
* miseo: [3776]1
* monada en triadi, kai triada en monadi proskunoumenen.: [3777]1
* monazein: [3778]1
* monasterion: [3779]1
* monachos: [3780]1
* monogenes: [3781]1
* morphe Theou: [3782]1
* musterion: [3783]1
* moria: [3784]1
* nean Rhomen: [3785]1
* nika?: [3786]1
* notha: [3787]1
* nomos nearos: [3788]1
* naos: [3789]1
* naos: [3790]1
* naus: [3791]1
* xenones: [3792]1
* xenodocheia: [3793]1
* xresis: [3794]1
* oikodomeso mou ten ekklesian, kai pulai hadou ou katischusousin
autes: [3795]1
* oikomenikos patriarches: [3796]1 [3797]2
* oikoumene: [3798]1
* hoi apo tes Galaton choras erchomenoi: [3799]1
* hoi ektos: [3800]1 [3801]2
* hoi echthroi: [3802]1
* hoi eiso: [3803]1 [3804]2
* hoia tis koinos episkopos ek theou dakestamenos , sunodous ton tou
theou leitourgon sunekrotei: [3805]1
* ou gar auto ti estin heauto homoousion, all heteron hetero: [3806]1
* ou gar depou angelon epilambanetai, alla spermatos Habraam
epilambanetai: [3807]1
* ou gar pros anatolas to thusiasterion, alla pros dusin hora:
[3808]1
* ou dunatai einai episkopos e presbuteros e diakonos e holos tou
katalogou tou hieratikou: [3809]1
* ou dokein, all einai chrestos: [3810]1
* ouden akoes axion: [3811]1
* ouk ap anthropou, oude di anthropou,: [3812]1
* ouk en prin gennethe, etoi ktisthe: [3813]1
* ouranothen kata ton theion apostolon: [3814]1
* ousia: [3815]1 [3816]2 [3817]3 [3818]4 [3819]5
* ousiai: [3820]1 [3821]2
* ousian: [3822]1
* oute anthropos holos , oute theos, alla theou kai anthropou mixis:
[3823]1
* pandektai: [3824]1
* pantes: [3825]1 [3826]2
* papas: [3827]1
* papas,: [3828]1
* pappas: [3829]1
* pempso: [3830]1
* pente menes: [3831]1
* pecheon: [3832]1
* po tou nun makariousi me pasai hai geneai: [3833]1
* pogon: [3834]1
* panarion, eit oun kibotion iatrikon kai theriodektikon: [3835]1
* pannuchides.: [3836]1
* parakletos: [3837]1
* paraballein ten zoen: [3838]1
* paraplesion men, all ouch homoousion to Theo: [3839]1
* paraskeue, pascha staurosimon, hemera tou staurou.: [3840]1
* partheno kinduneuouse: [3841]1
* parthenoi suneisaktoi: [3842]1
* parthenia: [3843]1
* patera te kai patriarchen Kelestinon ton tes megalopoleos Romes:
[3844]1
* pentaglottos: [3845]1
* pentekonta kai diakosion arithmon: [3846]1
* pentekoste, hemera tou Pneumatos: [3847]1
* peri heautou: [3848]1
* peri hierosunes: [3849]1
* peri hupotages: [3850]1
* peri tes enanthropeseos tou logou: [3851]1
* peri tes sarkoseos tou Theou logou: [3852]1
* peri ton heteron: [3853]1
* peristerion: [3854]1
* perichoresis: [3855]1 [3856]2 [3857]3 [3858]4 [3859]5
* perichoreo: [3860]1
* perichorein: [3861]1 [3862]2
* pege: [3863]1
* pistos ho logos: [3864]1
* pneumata: [3865]1
* pneumatika: [3866]1
* poieson: [3867]1
* poietos: [3868]1
* ponerias: [3869]1
* pro tes tessarakostes: [3870]1
* pros;: [3871]1
* proslepsis: [3872]1
* prosopon: [3873]1 [3874]2
* procheiron ton nomon: [3875]1
* praxis: [3876]1
* pragmaton: [3877]1 [3878]2
* presbuteros: [3879]1
* proslambano: [3880]1
* protoktistos: [3881]1
* protoplastos: [3882]1
* prototokon eipon: [3883]1
* prototokos: [3884]1 [3885]2 [3886]3
* prototokos pases ktiseos: [3887]1 [3888]2
* prototokos ,: [3889]1
* ptochotropheia, nosokomeia, orphanotropheia, gerokomeia: [3890]1
* sarkosis: [3891]1
* sarx: [3892]1 [3893]2
* sarx egeneto: [3894]1
* sun: [3895]1
* sunkrasis: [3896]1 [3897]2
* sunchusis ton phuseon: [3898]1
* sunodoi endemousai: [3899]1
* sunodos endemousa: [3900]1
* sunodos oikoumenike: [3901]1
* sunodos penthekte: [3902]1
* sema: [3903]1
* soma: [3904]1
* soma anthropinon: [3905]1
* soma anthropou: [3906]1
* semeio, to alethino elencho tos andrias , ten polin humon apo zugou
tou turannou diasotheisan eleutherosa, k. t. l.: [3907]1
* sophia: [3908]1 [3909]2
* speudein hapantachothen tous episkopous ;grammasi timetikois
prokaloumenos: [3910]1
* stichoi: [3911]1
* stichoi --: [3912]1
* staurophaneia: [3913]1
* stoa basileios ,: [3914]1
* sungeneis: [3915]1
* sun episkopois: [3916]1
* sunapheia: [3917]1
* sunegoros: [3918]1
* suneisaktos: [3919]1
* sunupostatos: [3920]1
* schesis: [3921]1
* schetike henosis: [3922]1
* ta ektos: [3923]1
* ta eiso: [3924]1
* teleios anthropos: [3925]1
* to on, to hupokeimenon: [3926]1
* to gunaion: [3927]1 [3928]2
* to heinai isa Theo: [3929]1
* to heinai ison Theo: [3930]1
* to thuein hiereia--ekoluthe para toin adelphoin, all ou to
lianoton: [3931]1
* to kurion kai zoopoion, to sunthronon soi to Theo kai Patri, kai to
monogenei sou Uio, to sumbasileuon, to homoousion te kai sunaidion:
[3932]1
* to pneuma hagion: [3933]1
* ton k'olpon tou patros: [3934]1
* toparchoi: [3935]1
* tes ekklesias: [3936]1
* tes oikoumenikes ekklesias episkopou: [3937]1
* tom eiso: [3938]1
* ton hagion kai marturon: [3939]1
* ton ektos tes ekklesias: [3940]1
* ton kath hemas sophon hoi men energeian touto: [3941]1
* ton kata ten oikoumenen ekklesion ten hegemonian: [3942]1
* ton palaion tinas logious kai epiphaneis epistopous kai
sungrapheis: [3943]1
* to humetero suntheraponti: [3944]1
* to Theo to pater, hina me kai treptos einai nomisthe. Ei gar kalon
to einai auton patera, ouk aei de en pater, ouk aei ara to kalon en
auto: [3945]1
* to semeio: [3946]1
* taphenta: [3947]1
* tzanzalon: [3948]1
* tous archomenous hapantas epeskopei: [3949]1
* tous presbuterou; houtos ekalese; tote gar teos ekoinonoun tois
onomasi: [3950]1
* touto: [3951]1
* tois ergois: [3952]1
* tou hupokeimenou.: [3953]1
* tou Pamphilou: [3954]1
* tou laou: [3955]1
* tou somatos: [3956]1
* toioutoi kai autoi ginontai: [3957]1
* tropos huparxeos .: [3958]1
* tropos;apokalupseos: [3959]1
* trias: [3960]1
* triakosia muriada epon,: [3961]1
* trischilious pholeis: [3962]1
* huios: [3963]1
* huioites adelphes: [3964]1
* huiopater: [3965]1
* pharmakon athanasias, antidotos tou me apothanein, alla zen en
Christo dia pantos': [3966]1
* phuseos: [3967]1
* phusin anthropou eilephe,: [3968]1
* phusis: [3969]1 [3970]2 [3971]3 [3972]4
* phusis,ousia: [3973]1
* phthartos: [3974]1
* phobera: [3975]1
* phusike henosis: [3976]1 [3977]2
* charis: [3978]1
* chaire: [3979]1
* cheirothesia: [3980]1 [3981]2
* choros: [3982]1
* psuche logike: [3983]1
* psuche: [3984]1
__________________________________________________________________

Index of Hebrew Words and Phrases

* : [3985]1
* : [3986]1
* 'vtst: [3987]1
* 't: [3988]1
* 'vh: [3989]1 [3990]2
* hs?: [3991]1
* yltslm : [3992]1
* n: [3993]1 [3994]2
* qnny: [3995]1
* rvv': [3996]1
* tntk: [3997]1
* tphntsm: [3998]1
* tvyshrp: [3999]1
* ?rz: [4000]1
* shch: [4001]1
* sh'r kphyshy: [4002]1
* , chiton,: [4003]1
__________________________________________________________________

Index of German Words and Phrases

* Chorrock: [4004]1 * Das Geistesleben der Chinesen, Japaner, und Indier: [4005]1 * Das eben ist der Fluch der bösen That,: [4006]1 * Das heilige Osterfest ist das christliche Fest schlechthin. Es ist nicht blos Hauptfest, sondern das Fest, das einmal im Jahre vollstandig auftritt, aber in allen andern Festen von irgend einer Seite wiederkehrt, und eben dadurch diese zu Festen macht. Nannte man doch jeden Festtag, ja sogar jeden Sonntag aus diesem Grunde dies paschalis: [4007]1 * Dass sie, fortzeugend, immer Böses muss gebären: [4008]1 * Die Lehre des Athanasius: [4009]1 * Die Philosophie der Kirchenväter: [4010]1 * Die Stätte, die ein guter Mensch betrat,: [4011]1 * Die Zeit Constantins des Gr: [4012]1 * Die angeblichen Schriften des Areop. Dionysius übersetzt und erklärt: [4013]1 * Die christliche Kirche vom vierten bis zum sechsten Jahrhundert:
[4014]1 * Die jüdischen Heiligthümer: [4015]1 * Dies cinerum, caput jejunii: [4016]1 * Entwurf einer vollständigen Historie der Ketzereien, etc., his auf die Zeiten der Reformation: [4017]1 * Feria quinta paschae, dies natalis eucharistiae, dies viridium:
[4018]1 * Fleisch: [4019]1 * Geschichte der Kirche: [4020]1 * Geschichte der Lehre von der Dreieinigkeit: [4021]1 * Geschichte der bildenden Künsten bei der christlichen Völkern, i. p. 61 sqq., and Ferd. von Quast: Die Basilika der Alten: [4022]1 * Geschichte der christl. Philosophie: [4023]1 * Hefele, Conciliengeschichte, ii. 26; Mattes, Ueber die Ketzertaufe, in the Tübingen Quartalschrift: [4024]1 * Im Kreis das All am Finger laufen liesse: [4025]1 * Ist eingeweiht; nach hundert Jahren klingt: [4026]1 * Kanzel: [4027]1 * Leben Jesu nach den Apocryphen: [4028]1 * Pabst: [4029]1 * Papst: [4030]1 * Rössler's Bibliothek der Kirchenväter: [4031]1 * Schicksale der augustinischen Anthropologie von der Verdammung des Semipelagianismus auf den Synoden zu Orange und Valence, 529, bis zur Reaction des Mönchs Gottschalk für den Augustinimus, in Niedner's "Zeitschrift für Hist. Theologie: [4032]1 * Sein Wort und seine That dem Enkel wieder: [4033]1 * Seine ganze persönliche Erscheinung, der Mangel an innerer Haltung in seinem Benehmen gegen Heiden und Christen, die stete Unruhe und schwärmerische Aufregung, in welcher er sich befand, wenn er von Tempel zu Tempel eilte, auf allen Altären opferte und nichts unversucht liess, um den heidnischen Cultus, dessen höchstes Vorbild er selbst als Pontifex maximum sein wollte, in seinem vollen Glanz und Gepränge, mit alten seinen Ceremonien und Mysterien wieder herzustellen, macht einen Eindruck, der es kaum verkennen lässt, wie wenig er sich selbst das Unnatürliche und Erfolglose eines solchen Strebens verbergen konnte: [4034]1 * Ueber das Verhältniss der heidnischen und christlichen Ethik auf Grund einer Vergleichung des ciceronianischen Buches De officiis:
[4035]1 * Unde traditionem apostolicam permansisse, ut in die vigiliarum Paschae ante noctis dimidium populos dimittere non liceat, expectantes adventum Christi: [4036]1 * Vermischte Schriften: [4037]1 * Vorlesungen über Dogmengeschichte: [4038]1 * Vorlesungen über die Dogmengeschichte: [4039]1 * Was wär' ein Gott der nur von aussen stiesse,: [4040]1 * Weibsbild: [4041]1 * maunds: [4042]1 * quadragesimae: [4043]1 __________________________________________________________________

Index of French Words and Phrases

* (L'église et l'empire romain au IV: [4044]1 * A.: [4045]1 * De Broglie: [4046]1 * Histoire de la civilisation: [4047]1 * Histoire générale de la civilization en Europe (Deuxième leçon, p. 45 sq. ed. Bruxelles, 1850): "S'il n'eût pas été une église, je ne sais ce qui en serait avenu au milieu de la chute de l'empire romain .... Si le christianisme n'eût été comme dans les premiers temps, qu'une croyance, un sentiment, une conviction individuelle, on peut croire qu'il aurait succombé au milieu de la dissolution de l'empire et de l'invasion des barbares. Il a succombé plus tard, en Asie et dans tous le nord de l'Afrique, sous une invasion de méme nature, sous l'invasion des barbares musulmans; il a succombé alors, quoiqu'il fût à l'état d'institution, d'église constituée. A bien plus forte raison le même fait aurait pu arriver au moment de la chute de l'empire romain. Il n'y avait alors aucun des moyens par lesquels aujourd'hui les influences morales s'établissent ou' résistent indépendamment des institutions, aucun des moyens par lesquels une pure vérité, une pure idée acquiert un grand empire sur les esprits, gouverne les actions, détermine des événemens. Rien de semblable n'existait au IV: [4048]1 * Je ne crois pas, qu'excepté saint Paul, aucun homme ait contribué davantage, par sa parole comme par ses écrits, à organiser, à interpréter, a répandre le christianisme; et, après saint Paul, nul apparemment, non pas même le glorieux, l'invincible Athanase, n'a travaillé d'une manière aussi puissante à fonder l'unité catholique: [4049]1 * La philosophie de saint Augustin: [4050]1 * Le maître de la prose chrétienne pour tous lea siècles suivants:
[4051]1 * On ne saurait le méconnaître, de l'Augustinianisme corrompu, mais enfin de l'Augustinianisme procède le Protestantisme. Car, sans parler de Wiclef et de Huss, qui, nourris de saint Augustin, soutiennent, avec le réalisme platonicien, la doctrine de la prédestination; Luther et Calvin ne font guére autre chose, dans leurs Principaux ouvages, que cultiver des semences d'Augustinianisme: [4052]1 * Quaestiones Hieronymianae: [4053]1 * Si la philosophie est la recherche de la verité, jamais sans doute il ne s'est rencontré une âme plus philosophe que celle de saint Augustin. Car jamais âme n'a supporté avec plus d'impatience les anxiétés du doute et n'a fait plus d'efforts pour dissiper les fantômes de l'erreur: [4054]1 * Si une critique toujours respectueuse, mais d'une inviolable sincérité, est une des formes les plus hautes de l'admiration, j'estime, au contraire, n'avoir fait qu'exalter ce grand coeur, ce psychologue consolant et ému, ce métaphysicien subtil et sublime, en un mot, cet attachant et poétique génie, dont la place reste marquée, au premier rang, parmi le maîtres de la pensée humaine, à côté de Platon et de Descartes, d'Aristote et de saint Thomas, de Leibniz et de Bossuet: [4055]1 * Souvenirs d'un Voyage dans la Tartarie, le Thibet, et la Chine, pendant les années: [4056]1 * cet ouvrage unique, souvent imité, toujours parodié, où il s'accuse se condamne et s'humilie, prière ardente, récit entraînant, métaphysique incomparable, histoire de tout un monde qui se reflète dans l'histoire d'une âme: [4057]1 * e: [4058]1 [4059]2 [4060]3 [4061]4 * et au commencement du V: [4062]1 * mendier: [4063]1 * que Muce avait egalé par son obeissance celle d'Abraham: [4064]1 * siècle, c'est l'église chrétienne qui a sauvé le christianisme; c'est l'église avec ses institutions, ses magistrats, son pouvoir, qui s'est défendue vigoureusement contre la dissolution intérieure de l'empire, contre la barbarie, qui a conquis les barbares, qui est devenue le lien, le moyen, le principe de civilisation entre le monde romain et le monde barbare.: [4065]1 * siècle, pour donner aux idées, aux sentiments personels, une pareille autorité. Il est clair qu'il fallait une société fortement organisée, fortement gouvernée, pour lutter contre un pareil désastre, pour sortir victorieuse d'un tel ouragan. Je no crois pas trop dire en affirmant qu'à la fin du IV: [4066]1 * siècle, vol. ii. p. 25) finds the principal quality of the mind of Athanasius in "un rare mélange de droiture de sens et de subtilité de raisonnement. Dans la discussion la plus compliquée rien ne lui échappait, mais rien no l'ébranlait. Il démêlait toutes les nuances de la pensée de son adversaire, en pénétrait tous les détours; mais il ne perdait jamais de vue le point principal et le but du débat .... Unissant lea qualités des deux écoles, il discutait comme un Grec et concluait nettement comme un Latin. Cette combinaison originale, relevée par une indomptable fermeté de caractère, fait encore aujourd'hui le seul mérite qu' à distance nous puissions pleinement apprécier dans sea écrits: [4067]1 * surplis: [4068]1 __________________________________________________________________

This document is from the Christian Classics Ethereal Library at Calvin College, http://www.ccel.org, generated on demand from ThML source.

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